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COURT  AND  TOWER  OF  THE  PALACE,  PALENQUE.    (After  Waldeck.) 


THE 

NOETH   AMEEICANS 

OF 

ANTIQUITY 


THEIR    ORIGIN,  MIGRATIONS,  AND    TYPE   OF 
CIVILIZATION   CONSIDERED 


BY   JOHN   T.- SHORT 


NEW    YORK 
HARPER     &    BROTHERS,    PUBLISHERS 

FRANKLIN    SQUARE 

1880 


" 


Copyright,  1879,  by  JOHN  T.  SHORT. 


U18 


PREFACE. 


ryiHE  growing  interest  in  the  origin,  migrations  and  life  of 
""-  the  races  of  American  Antiquity  has  led  me  to  believe  that 
the  subjects  considered  in  these  pages  would  meet  with  the  favor- 
able attention  of  the  public  and  of  the  specialist  in  this  field. 
With  such  a  conviction  I  present  this  volume,  realizing  the 
difficulties  which  attend  any  efforts  to  elucidate  such  dark 
problems.  Yet  I  cannot  conceal  my  satisfaction  that  the  age 
of  North  American  Antiquity  is  not  all  darkness,  but  on  the 
contrary  is  rapidly  growing  radiant  with  light,  while  a  host  of 
patient  searchers  for  its  truths  roll  up  the  obscuring  curtain. 
The  recent  discoveries  by  Geo.  Smith,  Cesnola,  and  Schliemann 
naturally  cause  us  to  turn  with  national  pride  to  the  rich  anti- 
quarian fields  in  our  own  land.  Very  satisfactory  results  have 
been  obtained  within  a  few  years  m  the  exploration  of  Mound- 
works  and  the  Cliff-dwellings  of  the  West.  A  just  view  of  the 
civilization  of  the  builders  of  these  remains,  however,  requires 
that  it  be  considered  in  connection  with  the  traditional  history 
and  civilization  of  the  ancient  races  of  Mexico  and  Central 
America,  so  marked  was  the  influence  of  the  ancient  peoples  of 
this  continent  upon  each  other. 


viii  PREFACE. 


Kegarding  this  to  be  important,  I  have  endeavored  to  present 
a  comprehensive  view  of  the  civilization  of  the  Mound-builders, 
Cliff-dwellers,  and  Pueblos,  and  to  bring  to  the  attention  of  the 
reader  the  traditional  history  and  architectural  remains  of  the 
Mayas  of  Yucatan  and  the  Nahuas  of  Mexico.  Only  the  proba- 
ble origin  and  the  most  remote  period  of  the  growth  of  these 
latter  peoples  could  receive  attention  within  the  limits  prescribed 
for  this  work,  since  it  is  my  design  that  this  volume  shall  serve 
as  a  manual  of  information  relating  to  the  earliest  period  of 
North- American  Antiquity,  and  as  an  introduction  to  Ancient 
American  History.  My  material  relating  to  the  Mound-builders 
has  been  drawn  almost  entirely  from  the  Smithsonian  Keports, 
the  Proceedings  of  scientific  societies,  and  private  memoirs.  Still 
it  is  but  justice  to  one  honored  co-laborer  in  the  same  field, 
Col.  J.  W.  Foster,  to  say  that  his  excellent  work,  The  Pre- 
Historic  Races  of  the  U.  #.,  has  been  of  great  service  in  our 
investigation  of  this  subject.  Although  his  sources  of  informa- 
tion have  been,  with  few  exceptions,  before  me,  my  appreciation 
of  his  work  is  attested  by  my  constant  reference  to  it.  Never- 
theless, the  wonderful  advances  which  have  been  made  in  Mound- 
exploration  since  the  issue  of  the  Pre-Historic  Races,  called  for 
a  fresh  treatment  of  the  subject. 

On  the  Mayas  and  Nahuas  the  following  manuscript  works 
in  the  possession  of  the  Congressional  Library  at  Washington 
were  consulted,  and  yielded  valuable  material : 

Las  Casas  :    Historia  Apologetica  de  las  Indias   occidental es, 

4  vols.  folio. 

Las  Casas  :  Historia  de  Indias,  4  vols.  folio. 
Panes  (D.  Diego):  Fragmentos  de  Historia  de  Nueba  Espana, 

folio. 


PREFACE.  jx 


Echevarria  y  Veitia  :  Historia  del  origen  de  gentes  que  poblaron 
la  America  Septentrional,  1755,  3  vols.  folio  (about  one- 
fourth  of  the  work  is  published  in  Kingsborough's  Mex. 
Antiq.,  vol.  viii). 

Escalante  in  Teniente  (Jose  Cortes):  Memoria  sobre  las  Pro- 
vincias  del  Norte  de  Nueva  Espana  1799,  folio. 

Duran  (Diego):  Historia  Antigua  de  la  Nueva  Espana  1585, 
3  vols.  folio  (part  of  the  work  has  been  published  in  Mexico). 

These,  together  with  the  large  number  of  printed  books  re- 
lating to  America  in  the  Congressional  Library  added  to  works 
in  my  possession,  afforded  an  ample  field  for  research. 

1  must  express  my  appreciation  of  the  courteous  attentions 
of  the  accomplished  Librarian  of  Congress,  the  Hon.  A.  K.  Spof- 
ford,  who  together  with  his  assistants  did  everything  possible 
to  facilitate  my  investigations.  To  the  uniform  and  friendly 
interest  which  Mr.  Spofford  has  manifested  in  my  work,  its  suc- 
cessful completion  is  largely  due.  The  substantial  assistance 
which  I  received  from  the  lamented  Professor  Joseph  Henry — 
the  record  of  whose  kindly  offices  to  his  fellowmen  can  never  be 
written — was  invaluable  to  me.  Besides  placing  the  latest  mate- 
rial at  my  disposal,  he  generously  furnished  most  of  the  engrav- 
ings in  this  work  relating  to  the  Mound-builders.  Dr.  Charles 
Bau,  also  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  has  placed  me  under 
obligations  for  valued  services.  To  Professor  F.  V.  Hayden  and 
to  the  painstaking  offices  of  Mr.  James  Stevenson  of  the  U.  S. 
Geological  and  Geographical  Survey  of  the  Territories,  I  am 
indebted  for  the  engravings  as  well  as  the  sources  of  information 
relating  to  the  Cliff-dwellers.  The  Hon.  J.  K.  Bartlett,  of  Provi- 
dence, E.  I.,  with  equal  generosity  has  conferred  like  favors. 
Prof.  F.  W.  Putnam,  of  the  Peabody  Museum  of  American 


PREFACE. 


Archaeology  and  Ethnology  at  Cambridge,  Mass.,  and  his  cour- 
teous assistants,  Mr.  Carr  and  Miss  Smith,  have  provided  me 
with  valuable  engravings  and  reports.  Robert  Clarke,  Esq.,  and 
Mr.  E.  Grest,  of  Cincinnati,  have  also  sent  me  engravings,  and 
the  former  in  particular  has  conferred  frequent  favors.  Professor 
Ph.  Valentini,  of  Albion,  N.  Y.,  with  rare  liberality,  contributed 
interesting  material  relating  to  the  Nahua  Calendar.  To  Mr. 
Stephen  Salisbury,  Jr.,  of  Worcester,  Mass.,  Dr.  R.  J.  Farqu- 
harson,  of  the  Davenport  Academy  of  Sciences,  tRev.  S.  D.  Peet, 
editor  of  the  American  Antiquarian,  Cleveland,  0.,  and  to 
A.  J.  Conant,  Esq.,  of  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  I  am  indebted  for  the 
interest  they  have  manifested,  and  for  the  material  which  they 
have  brought  to  my  attention. 

Senor  Orozco  y  Berra,  of  the  City  of  Mexico,  the  distin- 
guished author  of  the  Geografia  de  las  lenguas  Mexicanas,  has 
from  time  to  time  freely  made  important  suggestions  concerning 
some  of  the  problems  under  consideration.  To  my  friend  the 
Rev.  John  W.  Butler,  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  whose  intelligent 
efforts  in  my  behalf  have  been  unremitting,  I  have  special  reason 
to  be  thankful.  To  all  these  generous  friends  I  must  be  per- 
mitted here  to  express  my  deep  sense  of  gratitude  for  their  favors. 

However,  this  pleasant  task  would  be  but  half  performed 
were  I  to  omit  the  recognition  of  the  unselfish  friendship  of  the 
justly  eminent  author  of  the  Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States. 
Mr.  Hubert  Howe  Bancroft,  whose  rare  erudition  and  breadth 
of  thought  are  only  surpassed  by  his  magnanimity  of  nature  and 
manliness  of  spirit,  with  a  liberality  which  has  scarce  a  parallel 
in  authorship,  sent  me  the  majority  of  the  engravings  illustrative 
of  the  Maya  and  Nahua  architecture  and  sculpture,  used  in  the 
fourth  volume  of  the  Native  Races.  To  this  I  may  add  the  no 
less  valuable  encouragement  which  he  so  heartily  gave  during 


PREFACE. 


the  progress  of  my  work.  Although  some  of  my  investigations 
were  prosecuted  before  the  publication  of  the  Native  Races,  and 
though  all  of  Mr.  Bancroft's  sources  relating  to  subjects  which 
have  received  our  mutual  attention  were  before  me  and  under- 
went a  critical  examination  at  my  hands,  it  is  but  fair  to  state 
that  the  assistance  which  I  derived  from  the  Native  Races  has 
been  of  incalculable  service  in  the  preparation  of  this  volume. 
If  in  any  place  I  have  omitted  to  render  full  credit  to  Mr.  Ban- 
croft, and  to  that  imperishable  monument  of  learning  and  indus- 
try, his  great  work,  the  omission  has  been  due  to  inadvertence 
rather  than  intention.  My  obligations  to  Mr.  Bancroft  can 
never  be  discharged,  nor  can  the  kind  attentions  of  Mr.  Henry  L. 
Oak,  of  the  Bancroft  Library,  San  Francisco,  be  forgotten. 

Still  my  examination  of  the  sources  has  not  always  led  me 
to  the  same  conclusions  as  were  reached  by  the  author  of  the 
Native  Races.  This  may  be  owing  to  our  different  standpoints 
of  observation,  or  possibly  to  an  inappreciable  bias  in  my  own 
mind.  It  is,  however,  but  justice  to  myself  to  say  that  this 
work  has  been  prosecuted  to  its  completion  with  the  spirit  of 
inquiry  rather  than  of  advocacy,  and  is  the  embodiment  of  an 
honest  search  for  the  truth. 

THE  AUTHOR. 

COLUMBUS,  O.,  November,  1879. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

ANCIENT  INHABITANTS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

PAGE 

The  Aborigines— Antiquity  of  the  Red  Indian — The  Mound-builders — 
Geographical  Distribution  of  Mound- works — Frontier  Defences  of  the 
Mound-builders — Michigan  Mounds — Mounds  in  the  North-west — On 
the  Upper  Missouri — In  Dakota — Animal  Mounds  of  Wisconsin — Ele- 
phant Mound — Discoveries  at  Davenport,  Iowa — Davenport  Tablet — 
Heart  of  the  Mound-builder  Country — Cahokia— Resemblances  to 
Mexico — St.  Louis  and  Cincinnati  Works — Cincinnati  Tablet — Works 
in  Ohio — Fortified  Places — Fort  Ancient — Signal  Systems — Works 
at  Newark — The  Ohio  Valley — Explorations  in  Tennessee— Burial 
in  Stone  Coffins — Mound  Colonies  in  the  South-east — Mr.  Anderson's 
Calendar  Stone — Mounds  of  the  Lower  Mississippi  Valley — Seltzer- 
town  Mound — Alabama  and  Georgia  Mounds — Pyramid  of  Kolee- 
Mokee — Explorations  in  Missouri— San-dried  Bricks— Remains  in  the 
South-west — Direction  of  the  Migration — Architectural  Progress — 
Altar  Mounds — Mounds  of  Sepulture — Ancient  Copper  Mines — Astro- 
nomical Knowledge, 21 


CHAPTEE    II. 

ANTIQUITY  OF  MAN  ON  THE  WESTERN  CONTINENT. 

Antiquity  of  the  Mounds — No  Tradition  of  the  Mound-builders — Vege- 
tation Covering  the  Mounds — Age  of  Mound  Crania — Probable  Date  of 
the  Abandonment  of  the  Mounds — Ancient  Shell-heaps — Man's  Influ- 


xiv  CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

ence  on  Nature — Supposed  Testimony  of  Geology — Agassiz  011  the 
Floridian  Jaw-bone — Remains  on  Santos  River — The  Natchez  Bone — 
Remains  on  Petit  Anse  Island — Brazilian  Bone-caves — Dr.  Koch's  Pre- 
tended Discoveries — Ancient  Hearths — Age  of  the  Mississippi  Delta — 
Dr.  Dowler's  Discovery  at  New  Orleans — Dr.  Abbott's  Discoveries  in 
New  Jersey — Discoveries  in  California — Inter-Glacial  Relics  in  Ohio 
— Crania  from  Mounds  in  the  North-west — No  Evidences  as  yet  Dis- 
covered Proving  Man's  Great  Antiquity  in  America,  ....  101 


CHAPTEE    III. 

DlVEESITY  OF  OPINION  AS  TO  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  ANCIENT 

AMERICANS. 

Conflict  of  Discovery  and  Dogmatism — Arabic  Learning  in  the  VIHth  Cen- 
tury— Spirit  of  the  Early  Writers  on  America — Common  Opinion  as  to 
the  Origin  of  the  Americans — Father  Duran — Lost  Tribes  of  Israel — Gar- 
cia— Lascarbot — Villagutierre — Torquemada — Pineda,  etc. — Abbe  Do- 
menech — Modern  Views — Pre-Columbian  Colonization — Plato's  Atlan- 
tis— Kingsborough — The  "Book  of  Mormon" — Phoenicians — George 
Jones — Greek  and  Egyptian  Theories — The  Tartars — Japanese  and 
Chinese  Theories — Fusang — The  Mongol  Theory — Traces  of  Buddhism 
—White-Man's  Land— The  Northmen— The  Welsh  Claim,  .  .  .131 


CHAPTEE    IV. 

ORIGIN  or  THE  AMERICANS  AS  VIEWED  FROM  THE  STAND- 
POINT OF  SCIENCE. 

Origin  Theories — Indigenous  Origin — Separate  Creation  Theory— Dr.  Mor- 
ton's Theory — Agassiz's  Views — Dr.  Morton's  Cranial  Measurements — 
Dr.  Morton's  Theory  of  Ethnic  Unity  Groundless — Ethnic  Relation- 
ships— Typical  Mound-skull — Crania  from  the  River  Rouge — Dr.  Far- 
quharson's  Measurements  —  Crania  from  Kentucky  —  Researches  in 
Tennessee  by  Prof.  Jones— Measurements — Prof.  Putnam's  Collection 
of  Crania  from  Tennessee  Mounds — Low  Type  Crania  from  the  Mounds 
—Development  Observable  in  Mound  Crania — Head-Flattening  De- 
rived from  Asia — Diseases  of  the  Mound-builders — Physiognomy  of 
the  Ancient  Americans — Languages — Evolution  and  its  Bearing  on  the 


CONTENTS.  xy 


PAGE 

Origin  of  the  Americans — Darwin  and  Haeckel  on  the  Indigenous 
American — The  Autochthonic  Hypothesis  Groundless — Unity  of  the 
Human  Family — Accepted  Chronology  Faulty,  .  .  .  .135 


CHAPTER    V. 

TRADITIONAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  MAYA 
NATIONS. 

Ancient  Civilization  of  Tabasco  and  Chiapas — The  Tradition  of  Votan — The 
First  Immigrants  to  America— The  City  of  Nachan — The  Votanic  Doc- 
ument— Ordonez — Brasseur  and  Cabrera  on  the  Tzendal  Document — 
The  Empire  of  the  Chanes— The  Oldest  Civilization— The  Earliest 
Home  of  the  Mayas — The  Quiches — Their  Origin  Tradition— The 
Quiche  Cosmogony — The  Creation  of  Man — The  Quiche  Migration — 
Tulan — Mt.  Hacavitz— Human  Sacrifices  Instituted — Four  Tulans — 
Association  of  the  Mayas  and  Nahuas — Heroic  Period  of  the  Quiches — 
Xibalba  and  its  Downfall — Exploits  of  the  Quiche  Chieftains — War  of 
the  Sects — Xibalba  and  Palenque  the  Same — Mayas  of  Yucatan  and 
their  Traditions — Culture-heroes — Zamna  and  Cukulcan — Christ  Myth,  203 


CHAPTER    VL 

TRADITIONAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  NAHUA 
NATIONS. 

The  Early  Inhabitants  of  Mexico — Quinames — Miztecs  and  Zapotecs — Toto- 
nacs  and  Huastecs — Olmecs  and  Xicalancas — The  Nahuas — The  Cho- 
lula  Pyramid — Its  Origin  Explained  by  Duran  —  No  Relation  to  a 
Flood— Ixtlilxochitl's  Deluge  Tradition— The  first  Toltecs— The  Codex 
Chimalpopoca  Account — The  Discovery  of  Maize — Sahagun's  Origin  of 
the  Nahuas — They  came  from  Florida — Their  Settlement  in  Tamoan- 
chan — Their  Migrations — Hue  Hue  Tlapalan — Its  Location,  according 
to  the  Sources — Not  Identical  with  Tlapallan  de  Cortes— Not  in  Cen- 
tral America — Probably  in  the  Mississippi  Valley — Beginning  of  the 
Toltec  Annals— The  Chichimecs  not  Nahuas— The  Nahuatlacas— The 
Aztecs— Aztlan— As  Described  by  Early  Writers— Aztec  Migration- 
Aztec  Maps— Senor  Ramirez  on  Migration  Maps— The  Seven  Caves- 
Three  Claims  for  the  Location  of  Aztlan— The  Culture  Hero,  Quetzal- 
coatl,  .  .  .  -232 


Xvi  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTEK    VII. 
THE  ANCIENT  PUEBLOS  AND  CLIFF-DWELLERS. 

PAGE 

The  Casas  Grandes  of  Chihuahua — Ruins  in  the  Casas  Grandes  and  Janos 
Valleys— Casa  Grande  of  the  Rio  Gila— Ruins  in.the  Gila  Valley— Also 
in  the  Valley  of  the  Rio  Salado — Ruins  in  the  Canon  of  the  Colorado — 
In  the  Valley  of  the  Colorado  Chiquito — Pueblos  of  the  Zuni  River — 
Zuni  and  the  "  Seven  Cities  of  Cibola  " — "  El  Moro  " — Pueblos  of  the 
Chaco  Valley — Cliff-dwellers — Mr.  Jackson's  Discoveries  in  the  Valley 
of  the  Rio  San  Juan — Cliff-houses  of  the  Rio  Mancos — Cliff-dwellings 
on  the  McElmo — Traditional  Origin  and  Fate  of  the  Cliff-dwellers — 
Ancestors  of  the  Moquis — Remarkable  Discoveries  by  Mr.  Holmes — 
The  Seven  Moqui  Towns— The  Montezuma  Legend,  ....  275 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

ANCIENT  AMERICAN  CIVILIZATION  AND  SUPPOSED  OLD 
WORLD  ANALOGIES. — ARCHITECTURE,  SCULPTURE,  AND 
HIEROGLYPHICS. 

Analogies,  Real  and  Fancied — MAYA  ARCHITECTURE— The  American  Pyra- 
mid—The Palace  of  Palenque— The  French  Roof  at  Palenque— The 
Trefoil  Arch — Yucatanic  Architecture — Uxmal — The  Casa  de  Monjas— 
Kabah— Casa  Grande  of  Zayi— QUICHE  ARCHITECTURE — Copan — Cir- 
cus of  Copan — Description  by  Fuentes — Utatlan — NAHUA  ARCHITEC- 
TURE— Remains  in  Oajaca — Mitla — Grecques  at  Mitla — Remains  in  the 
State  of  Vera  Cruz — Cholula — Pyramid  of  Xochicalco — The  Temple  of 
Mexico — Teotihuacan — Los  Edificios  of  Quemada — Maya  and  Nahua 
Architecture  Compared — Old  World  Analogies— SCULPTURE— Of  the 
Mounds — At  Palenque — At  Uxmal — Of  the  Nahuas — Ancient  Ameri- 
can Art  and  its  Old  World  Analogies — Egyptian  Tau  at  Palenque — 
Serpent  Sculpture  —  Nahua  Symbolism  probably  Asiatic  —  HIERO- 
GLYPHICS— Maya  MSS.  and  Books — Landa's  Alphabet — Attempts  at 
the  Interpretation  of  Maya  MSS.  by  Bollaert,  Charencey,  and  Rosny — 
Rosny's  Classification  of  the  Hieroglyphics — Hopes  that  a  Key  has  been 
Discovered — The  Mexican  Picture-writing — Aztec  Migration  Maps, 

CHAPTEE    IX. 

CHRONOLOGY,  CALENDAR  SYSTEMS,  AND  RELIGIOUS 
ANALOGIES. 

No  Mound-builder  Chronology  Known — Maya  Calendar — Landa  on  the 
Calendar — Maya  Days — Maya  Months — The  Katun — The  Ahau  Katun 
or  Great  Cycle — The  Maya  System  Adjusted  to  our  Chronology — The 


CONTENTS. 


'  PAGE 

Adjustment  by  Perez — Intercalary  Days — The  Nahua  Calendar — The 
Sources — Divisions  of  the  Mexican  Calendar — The  Aztec  Year — The 
Nemontemi — Aztec  Months — Aztec  Days — Nahua  Ritual  Calendar — 
Mexican  Calendar  Stone — Sources  of  Interpretation — History  of  the 
Stone — Its  Interpretation — Date  of  the  Origin  of  the  Calendar  Stone — 
Date  of  the  Nahua  Migration — Analogies  with  the  Nahua  Calendar — 
RELIGIOUS  ANALOGIES— Jewish  Analogies — Deluge  Traditions — Sup- 
posed Parallels  in  Jewish  and  Mexican  History — Analogies  of  Doctrine 
— Analogies  of  Ceremonial  Law — Yucatanic  Trinity  Myth — Mexican 
and  Asiatic  Analogies — Buddhism  in  the  New  World — Scandinavian 
Analogies — Mexican  and  Greek  Analogies — Brasseur  de  Bourbourg's 
Comparisons, 435 


CHAPTER    X. 

LANGUAGE  AND  ITS  RELATION  TO  NORTH  AMERICAN 
MIGRATIONS. 

Diversity  of  Languages  in  America  —  Causes  of  Diversity  —  Richness  of 
American  Languages  —  Polysynthesis  —  Grimm's  Law  —  The  Maya- 
Quiche  Languages — Stability  of  the  Maya — Oldest  American  Language 
— The  Maya  compared  to  the  Greek,  the  Hebrew,  the  North  European, 
the  Basque,  West  African,  and  the  Quichua  Languages — Epitome  of 
Maya  Grammar — The  Mizteco-Zapotec  Languages — The  Nahua  or 
Aztec — The  Classic  Tongue — Ancient  and  Modern  Nahua — Epitome  of 
Aztec  Grammar — Geographical  Extension  of  the  Aztec — In  the  South 
— In  the  North-west — Buschmann's  Researches — The  Sonora  Family — 
Opata-Tarahumar-Pima  Family — Moqui  and  Aztec  Elements — Aztec 
in  the  Shoshone  and  in  the  Languages  of  Oregon  and  the  Columbian 
Region — Line  of  Aztec  Elements — The  Nahua  probably  the  Language 
of  the  Mound-builders — The  Otomi — Supposed  Chinese  Analogies — Jap- 
anese Analogies — Geographical  Names, 468 


CHAPTER    XL 

PROBABILITIES  THAT  AMERICA  WAS  PEOPLED  FROM  THE 
OLD  WORLD  CONSIDERED  GEOGRAPHICALLY  AND 
PHYSICALLY. 

Legends  of  Atlantis— Brasseur  de  Bourbourg's  Theory— The  Subject  Exam- 
ined in  the  Light  of  Science— Retzius'  View— Le  Plongeon's  Observa- 
tions— Identity  of  European  and  American  Plant  Types — Revelations 

2 


xviii  CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

of  the  Dolphin  and  Challenger  Expeditions— The  Atlantic  Floor — 
Challenger  and  Dolphin  Ridges — "  Challenger  Plateau  "  probably  once 
Dry  Land — Identity  of  European  and  South  American  Fauna — Eleva- 
tion and  Depression  of  Coast  Level— Of  Greenland,  the  United  States, 
and  South  America — The  Gulf  Stream  —  Equatorial  Current  —  The 
Trade- Winds  —  Accidental  Discovery  of  Brazil  —  America  Probably 
Reached  by  Ancient  Navigators — The  Caras — Atolls  of  the  Pacific 
Ocean — A  Pacific  Continent — Contiguity  of  the  Continents  at  the  North 
—  Aleutian  Islands — The  Kuro-Suvo — Behring's  Straits — Inviting  Ap- 
pearance of  the  American  Shore — Remoteness  of  the  Migration — Prof. 
Grote's  View — Prof.  Asa  Gray's  Observations — Conditions  Favorable 
to  a  Migration — Mr.  John  H.  Becker's  Observations,  ....  498 


CHAPTEE  XII. 
CONCLUSION, 515 

APPENDIX, .523 

INDEX,  533 


THE 


NORTH-AMERICANS 


OF 


ANTIQUITY. 


CHAPTER    I. 

ANCIENT  INHABITANTS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

The  Aborigines— Antiquity  of  the  Red  Indian — The  Mound-builders — Geo- 
graphical Distribution  of  Mound-works — Frontier  Defences  of  the  Mound- 
builders — Michigan  Mounds — Mounds  in  the  North-west — On  the  Upper 
Missouri — In  Dakota — Animal  Mounds  of  Wisconsin — Elephant  Mound — 
Discoveries  at  Davenport,  Iowa — Davenport  Tablet — Heart  of  the  Mound- 
builder  Country — Cahokia— Resemblances  to  Mexico — St.  Louis  and  Cin- 
cinnati Works — Cincinnati  Tablet — Works  in  Ohio — Fortified  Places — 
Fort  Ancient — Signal  Systems — Works  at  Newark — The  Ohio  Valley — 
Explorations  in  Tennessee— Burial  in  Stone  Coffins — Mound  Colonies-  in 
the  South-east — Mr.  Anderson's  Calendar  Stone — Mounds  of  the  Lower 
Mississippi  Valley — Seltzertown  Mound — Alabama  and  Georgia  Mounds — 
Pyramid  of  Kolee-Mokee — Explorations  in  Missouri— Sun-dried  Bricks- 
Remains  in  the  South-west — Direction  of  the  Migration — Architectural 
Progress — Altar  Mounds — Mounds  of  Sepulture — Ancient  Copper  Mines — 
Astronomical  Knowledge. 

ON  that  eventful  morning  nearly  four  centuries  ago,  when 
the  spell  of  uncertainty  and  mystery  which  enshrouded  the 
Atlantic  was  broken,  and  the  darkness  of  the  deep  vanished  with 
the  darkness  of  the  night,  the  illustrious  admiral  discovered  a 
world  populated  with  beings  like  himself.  They  were  male  and 
female,  with  all  the  physical  characteristics  common  to  the  rest 
of  mankind,  and  differed  from  the  Spaniards  only  in  that  their 
skin  was  of  a  copper  hue,  and  their  cheek  bones  more  prominent. 
They  were  tattooed  and  wore  their  straight  black  hair,  cut  short 
above  the  ears,  with  a  few  unshorn  locks  falling  upon  their 
shoulders.1  These  naked  uncivilized  men  and  women  were  the 

1  Las  Casas  :  Historia  de  Indias,  lib.  I,  cap.  40,  torn.  I,  MS.  Irving  :  Colum- 
bus, vol.  I,  p.  158  (N.  Y.,  1851  ed.).  Navarrete  :  Colecdon  de  los  viajes,  torn.  I, 
p.  176.  Grynaeus  :  Novus  Orbis,  p.  66,  Basil,  1555,  fol.  Herrera  :  Historia 
General,  Dec.  I,  lib.  I,  cap's  ii  et  vi,  Madrid,  1730. 


22  THE  RED  MAN  AND  HIS  ANTIQUITY. 

same  in  their  physical  type  with  those  discovered  subsequently 
on  the  islands  and  the  main  land  by  Carter,  Vespucius,  Verre- 
zano  and  the  Cabots.  To  rehearse  their  descriptions  of  the 
natives  whom  they  first  met  would  be  but  to  repeat  the  expe- 
rience and  observations  of  Columbus.  Nearly  five  centuries 
earlier  the  Norse  adventurer  Thorwald  Ericson  (1002  A.  D.) 
encountered  natives  on  the  New  England  coast,  corresponding 
in  appearance,  habits,  and  condition  to  those  who  occupied  the 
country  when  colonized  by  the  first  settlers.  To  these  natives 
they  gave  the  name  of  STcrellings]  from  slcraeltja,  a  name  which 
they  had  previously  applied  to  the  Eskimo,  meaning  to  cry 
out.1  Thorfin  Karlsefne,  who  also  reached  the  New  England 
coast  four  years  later  than  Thorwald,  describes  the  natives  as 
sallow-colored  and  ill-looking,  having  ugly  heads  of  hair,  large 
eyes  and  broad  cheeks.  They  came  in  canoes  to  his  ships  for 
the  purposes  of  trade,  and  though  peaceable  at  first,  soon  ex- 
hibited hostility  and  treachery.2  It  is  quite  certain  that  these 
Skrellings  were  the  North  American  Indians,  or  savages  known 
as  such  at  the  present  day.  How  long  the  red  man's  occupation 
of  the  country  antedated  its  discovery  by  the  Scandinavians  is 
uncertain.  His  traditions  are  worthless  on  that  subject.  His 
chronology  of  moons  and  cycles  is  an  incoherent  and  contradic- 
tory jumble.  Nor  does  he  know  any  more  certainly  from  whence 
he  came.  It  would  seem  that  his  race  came  by  installments,  if 
it  came  at  all,  and  that  he  was  just  as  far  advanced  in  the  arts 
of  hunting  and  war  and  domestic  life  on  the  day  in  which  he 
first  possessed  himself  of  the  soil,  as  on  that  in  which  he  was 
driven  from  it  by  the  European.  An  incapacity  for  progress  is 
characteristic  of  his  entire  career,  and  a  mental  inertia  which  no 
known  power  in  civilization  can  overcome,  marks  his  history,  with 
but  few  exceptions  as  far  as  we  are  familiar  with  it.  The  Indian, 

1  Rafn :   Antiquitates  Americana,  p.  45,  note.    Rafn:    Op.  cit.,  pp.  xxx- 
xxxiii. 

2  Rafn  :  Historic  TJwrfinni  Karlsefnii  (in  Ant.  Am.),  pp.  149,  181 ;  also, 
De  Costa  :  Pre-Coluiritrian  Discovery  of  America,  pp.  xxxii,  xxxiii,  21,  41,  57, 
58,  69,  70,  73,  74,  110 ;  Gravier  :  Decouverte  de  I'Amerique  par  les  Normands 
au  Xe  Siecle,  p.  83.    Paris,  1874,  4to. 


THE  RED  MAN  AND  HIS  ANTIQUITY. 


23 


ARROW  HEADS  IN  THE  NATIONAL  MUSEUM  (WASHINGTON). 

measured  by  his  low  condition  in  the  scale  of  progress  from  the 
extremest  barbarism  towards  semi-civilization,  belongs  to  what 
is  known  as  the  flint  age  (old-stone  or  Palaeolithic)  in  Europe, 
in  which  the  rudest  flint  implements  seem  to  have  been  the 
only  auxiliaries  which  he  possessed  with  which  to  supplement 
and  assist  his  hands  in  securing  a  livelihood  or  to  protect  his 
person  and  family  from  ferocious  beasts.  Perhaps  we  may  more 
properly  place  him  in  a  position  midway  between  the  flint  and 


24        THE  INDIAN'S  PLACE  IN  THE  SCALE  OF  PROGRESS. 

the  stone  ages  (new-stone  or  Neolithic),  for  he  no  doubt  was 
possessed  of  polished  stone  implements  of  a  limited  number  and 
variety.  Whether  made  by  his  own  hands  or  by  those  of  his 
predecessors  is  uncertain.1  In  thus  assigning  the  Indian  his 


METHODS  EMPLOYED  BY  INDIANS  OF  HAFTING  STONE  WEAPONS. 

place  in  the  scale  by  which  man's  state  of  barbarism  or  degree 
of  civilization  has  been  measured  by  scholars  in  Europe,  we  do 
not  pretend  to  claim  for  him  the  antiquity  of  the  man  of  the 
flint  age  in  any  other  part  of  the  globe.2 


1  Prof.  Jos.  Leidy,  in  Hayderis  Cth  Ann.  Report  of  the  V.  8.  Geological 
Survey  of  tJie  Territories  (1872),  pp.  652-3,  describes  the  stone  implements 
found  in  the  Bridger  basin  in  southern  Wyoming.  He  remarks,  "  The  ques- 
tion arises,  who  made  the  stone  implements  and  when,  and  why  should  they 
occur  in  such  great  numbers  in  the  particular  localities  indicated.  My  friend, 
Dr.  J.  Van  A.  Carter,  residing  at  Fort  Bridger,  and  well  acquainted  with  the 
language,  history,  manners,  and  customs  of  the  neighboring  tribes  of  Indians, 
informs  me  that  they  know  nothing  about  them.  He  reports  that  the  Shoshones 
look  upon  them  as  the  gift  of  God  to  their  ancestors.  They  were  no  doubt 
made  long  ago,  some  probably  at  a  comparatively  late  date,  that  is  to  say,  just 
prior  to  communication  of  the  Indians  with  the  whites,  but  others  probably 
date  centuries  back." 

-  It  would  he  foreign  to  the  object  of  this  work  to  enter  upon  a  discussion 
of  the  antiquity  of  man  in  Europe.  Were  we  to  follow  the  example  of  several 
writers  on  the  antiquities  of  America,  we  might  present  a  resume  of  the  splendid 


THE  INDIAN'S   PLACE   IN   THE   SCALE   OF   PROGRESS.         25 


INDIAN  AND  MOUND-BUILDER  SPEAR-HEADS. 


26         THE  INDIAN'S  PLACE  IN  THE  SCALE  OF  PROGRESS. 

Dr.  Abbott,  of  New  Jersey,  in  an  extended  treatment  of  the 
Stone  Age  in  his  own  State,  has  shown  many  evidences  of  the 
protracted  occupancy  of  the  Atlantic  States  by  a  people  whose 
weapons  resemble  those  of  ancient  man  in  Europe.  Col.  Charles 
Whittlesey  has  called  attention  to  the  discovery  of  Indian  remains 
in  the  "  Shelter  Cave,"  near  Elyria,  Ohio,  and  also  in  a  cave  near 
Louisville,  Kentucky,  where  the  conditions  seemed  to  point  to 
an  interment  as  long  ago  as  two  thousand  years,  but  the  evi- 
dences both  as  to  the  remains  having  been  those  of  the  red 
man  and  the  period  of  burial  are  too  uncertain  to  be  of  any 
service  in  the  construction  of  a  theory.1 

achievements  of  science  in  determining  the  approximate  age  of  man,  as  an 
inhabitant  of  different  portions  of  the  old  world,  but  such  condensed  accounts 
at  best  are  unsatisfactory  and  often  detrimental  to  science  because  of  their 
very  slenderness.  The  evidences  of  man's  antiquity  being  far  more  remote 
than  the  generally  accepted  historic  period,  antedating  its  beginning  by  several 
thousand  years,  no  doubt  exist.  The  discoveries  in  the  Liege  caverns,  in  the 
caves  of  Languedoc  and  in  the  cave  of  Engihoul  in  Belgium  ;  in  the  Neander- 
thal and  Engis  caves ;  at  Abbeville  and  Amians ;  the  valley  of  the  Somme ; 
the  basin  of  the  Seine  ;  of  the  Thames ;  and  of  the  lake  dwellers  of  Switzer- 
land, as  well  as  the  shell-heaps  of  Denmark,  point  to  an  antiquity  which  half 
a  century  ago  it  would  have  been  heresy  to  have  dreamed  of.  We  have  but  to 
refer  to  the  admirable  work  of  Sir  Charles  Lyell :  The  Antiquity  of  Man  (Phil., 
1863),  and  to  the  well-known  works  of  Lubbock,  Taylor,  Vogt  and  others.  A 
good  treatment  of  the  subject  in  brief  will  be  found  in  Foster :  Pre-Historic 
Races  of  the  II.  8.  (1873),  and  a  pointed  and  popular  reference  to  it  in  Bryant's 
History  of  the  V.  8.,  vol.  I.  N.  Y.,  187G. 

1  Evidences  of  the  Antiquity  of  Man  in  ike  U.  8.,  by  Col.  Charles  Whittlesey. 
A  memoir  of  20  pp.  Perhaps  the  chief  importance  of  the  above-cited  cave  dis- 
coveries is  derived  from  the  eminence  of  the  antiquarian  who  cites  them, 
rather  than  in  their  real  value  to  science.  In  the  case  of  the  Elyria  cave — 
examined  by  Dr.  E.  W.  Hubbard,  Prof.  J.  Brainerd,  and  the  author  of  the 
memoir — "the  grindstone  grit,"  resting  on  shale,  formed  a  grotto  of  consider- 
able size.  Four  feet  of  the  floor  of  the  cave,  consisting  of  charcoal,  ashes  and 
bones  of  the  wolf,  bear,  deer,  rabbit,  squirrels,  fishes,  snakes  and  birds  ("  all 
of  which  existed  in  this  region  when  it  became  known  to  the  whites  "),  was 
removed  and  three  human  skeletons  discovered.  The  author  states  that  the 
three  had  been  crushed  by  a  large  slab  of  the  over-hanging  sandstone  falling  on 
them,  but  fails  to  state  how  much  of  the  overlying  material  consisted  of  this 
sandstone  slab.  He  remarks :  "  Judging  from  the  appearance  of  the  bones, 
and  the  depth  of  the  accumulations  over  them,  two  thousand  years  may  have 
elapsed  since  the  human  skeletons  were  laid  on  the  floor  of  this  cave."  The 


THE  MOUND-BUILDERS.  27 

The  eras  or  ages  which  have  been  observed  to  mark  the  dif- 
ferent stages  of  the  development  of  pre-historic  man  in  Europe 
(in  the  manufacture  of  implements  and  the  construction  of  places 
of  abode),  are  apparently  reversed  in  America. 

The  Neolithic  and  Bronze  ages  preceded  the  Palaeolithic  at 
least  in  the  Mississippi  Basin — not  that  the  last  inhabitants 
deteriorated  and  lost  the  higher  arts  which  are  well  known  to 
have  been  cultivated  upon  the  same  soil  occupied  by  them,  but 
that  they  were  preceded  by  a  race  possessed  of  no  inferior  civili- 
zation, who  were  not  their  ancestors,  but  a  distinct  people  with 
a  capacity  for  progress,  for  the  exercise  of  government,  for  the 
erection  of  magnificent  architectural  monuments,  and  possessed 
of  a  respectable  knowledge  of  geometrical  principles.  The  re- 
mains of  this  mysterious  people  known  as  the  mound-builders 
are  spread  over  thousands  of  square  miles  of  the  United  States, 
and  it  is  a  question  whether  the  antiquarian  is  more  surprised 
at  the  greatness  of  their  number  than  in  many  instances  at  the 
immensity  of  their  proportions.  The  entire  valley  region  of  the 
Missouri,  Mississippi  and  Ohio  rivers  with  that  of  their  affluents 
was  occupied  by  this  remarkable  people — presenting  us  with  a 
parallel  to  the  ancient  civilization  which  flourished  in  the  earliest 
times  on  the  watercourses  of  the  old  world.  The  geographical 
distribution  of  these  mounds  may  be  described  in  general  terms 
with  a  view  to  the  territory  occupied  by  them  in  the  United 
States,  as  central,  western,  and  southern. 

The  publication  of  the  valuable  works  of  Squier  and  Davis, 

Louisville  cave  discovery  is  no  more  satisfactory  than  the  above.  It  is  scarcely 
necessary  to  remark  tliat  all  the  evidences  are  of  a  comparatively  recent  inter- 
ment, and  much  less  than  two  thousand  years  would  have  been  sufficient  to 
produce  the  conditions  described.  See  also  discoveries  at  High  Rock  Spring, 
Saratoga,  N.  Y.,  cited  by  Col.  Whittlesey,  p.  10,  and  more  fully  treated  by 
Dr.  McGuire  in  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  Boston  Soc.  of  Nat.  Hist.,"  vol.  xii, 
p.  398,  May,  1839,  in  which  the  latter  claims  to  find  traces  of  the  Red  man  54TO 
years  ago.  It  is  not  probable  that  Dr.  McGuire's  traces  are  those  of  the  Indians, 
nor  is  it  certain  that  they  were  left  by  human  beings  at  all,  since  the  pine  tree 
(found  at  a  considerable  depth  and  worn  as  he  supposes  by  the  feet  of  Indians) 
was  as  liable  to  have  been  worn  by  the  feet  of  animals  as  of  men.  See  also 
Dr.  Abbott,  The  Stone  Age  in  New  Jersey,  Smithsonian  Report,  1874,  p.  246 
et  sen. 


28        NO  MOUND  REMAINS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND. 

of  Dr.  Lapham  and  those  of  Mr.  Squier  alone,  in  which  the 
remains  of  these  regions  are  described,  was  like  a  revelation 
which  brought  to  light  the  wonders  of  an  entombed  civilization.1 
In  treating  of  the  mounds  geographically,  we  find  no  evidences 
of  this  people  having  reached  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  unless  we 
except  the  great  shell-heaps  found  in  various  localities  on  the 
coast,  and  of  which  we  will  speak  further  on.  It  is  true  that  in 
South  Carolina  a  few  vestiges  of  their  residence  are  found  on  the 
Wateree  Eiver  near  Camden,  and  in  the  mountainous  regions  of 
North  Carolina,2  where  they  wrought  mica  mines  for  the  mineral 
which  they  prized  as  precious,  and  which  so  often  accompanies 
the  remains  of  their  dead.  No  authentic  remains  of  the  Mound- 
Builders  are  found  in  the  New  England  States,  nor  even  in  the 
State  of  New  York.  In  the  former,  we  have  an  isolated  mound 
in  the  valley  of  the  Kennebec  in  Maine,  and  dim  outlines  of 
enclosures  near  Sanborn  and  Concord  in  New  Hampshire,  but 
there  is  no  certainty  of  their  being  the  work  of  this  people.3  In 
the  latter,  it  was  at  first  supposed  that  the  remains  found  in  the 
western  portion  of  the  State  were  uniform  in  their  plan  of  con- 
struction with  the  works  of  the  Ohio  valley ;  but  Mr.  Squier 
pronounces  them  to  be  purely  the  work  of  Ked  Indians.  This 
conclusion  is  probably  untenable,  since  the  Indian  had  no  more 
knowledge  of  who  constructed  the  fort-like  enclosures  of  Western 

1  Squier  and  Dams :  Ancient  Monuments  of  the  Mississippi  Valley,  Wash- 
ington, 1848,  4to,  1st  vol.  of  Smithsonian  Contributions  ;  Dr.  J.  A.  LapJiam : 
Antiquities  of  Wisconsin,  Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knowledge,  1855.     More 
recently — TJie  Upper  Mississippi,  by  George  Gale,  Chicago,  1868 ;   The  Missis- 
sippi Valley,  by  Dr.  J.  TF,  Foster,  Chicago,  1869,  8vo,  and  his  Pre-Historic 
Races  of  the  U.  8.,  Chicago,  1873,  8vo.     We  might  add  a  list  of  names  scarcely 
less  eminent,  of  authors  who  have  written  upon  special  fields  and  examined 
particular  works.     A  reliable  bibliography  of  literature  on  the  Mound-builders 
is  a  desideratum  which  we  trust  some  enterprising  Americanist  may  soon 
supply. 

2  Described  by  Dr.  Wm.  Blanding  in  a  letter  to  Dr.  Morton,  of  Philadelphia. 
Foster  :  Pre-Historic  Races  of  the  U.  8.,  p.  148,  and  Ancient  Monuments  of  the 
Mississippi  Valley,  p.  105.    Foster  :  p.  151. 

3  Squier :  Antiquities  of  Western  New  York,  vol.  ii,  Smithsonian  Contribu- 
tions, 1851.     See  an  interesting  account  of  the  Antiquities  of  Orleans  County, 
New  York,  by  F.  H.  Gushing,  in  Smithsonian  Report  for  1874,  p.  375. 


MICHIGAN  MOUNDS.  29 


New  York,  and  common  upon  the  rivers  discharging  themselves 
into  Lakes  Erie  and  Ontario  from  the  South,  than  of  the  builders 
of  the  mounds  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi.  Col.  Whittlesey 
would  assign  these  fort-like  structures,  differing  from  the  more 
southern  enclosures  in  that  they  were  surrounded  by  trenches  on 
their  outside,  while  the  latter  uniformly  have  the  trench  on  the 
inside  of  the  enclosure,  to  a  people  anterior  to  the  Eed  Indian 
and  perhaps  contemporaneous  with  the  Mound-builders,  but 
distinct  from  either.1  The  more  reasonable  view  is  that  of 
Dr.  Foster,  that  they  are  the  frontier  works  of  the  Mound- 
builders,  adapted  to  the  purposes  of  defence  against  the  sudden 
irruptions  of  hostile  tribes.  He  remarks,  "  If  our  country  were 
to  become  a  desolation,  the  future  antiquary  would  find  the  sea- 
coast  studded  with  fortifications  of  a  complex  form,  and  as  he 
penetrated  to  the  interior  they  would  disappear  altogether." 2 
It  is  probable  that  these  defences  belong  to  the  last  period  of 
the  Mound-builders'  residence  on  the  lakes,  and  were  erected 
when  the  more  warlike  peoples  of  the  North  who  drove  them 
from  their  cities  first  made  their  appearance.  Passing  along  the 
boundary  of  the  Mound-builders'  territory  towards  the  west,  we 
find  the  great  lakes  in  all  cases  to  have  served  as  its  limit  on  the 
north.  Mr.  Henry  Gillman  has  described  in  several  publications 3 
his  exploration  of  mounds  in  Michigan  and  the  lakes.  One  of 
the  richest  mounds  in  relics  and  human  remains  is  known  as 
"  the  Great  Mound  of  the  Kiver  Rouge,"  situated  on  the  stream 
from  which  it  takes  its  name,  near  the  Detroit  River  and  about 
four  and  a  half  miles  from  the  centre  of  the  city  of  Detroit.  The 
mound  now  measures  twenty  feet  in  height,  and  must  originally 
have  measured  300  feet  in  length  by  200  in  width,  though  the 
removal  of  large  quantities  of  sand  from  it  has  greatly  reduced 
its  proportions  and  destroyed  many  valuable  relics.  Many  other 

1  Antiquity  of  Man  in  V.  8.,  p.  12  ;  also,  Ancient  Earth  Forts  of  the  Cuya- 
hoga  Valley,  Ohio,  by  Col.  Charles  Whittlesey,  Cleveland,  O.,  1871,  pp.  40  and 
plates. 

2  Pre-Historic  Races  of  the  U.  8.,  p.  145. 

3  Smithsonian  Report  for  1873,  p.  364  et  seq.,  from  which  we  draw  the  above. 
The  Proceedings  of  the  National  Ass.  for  the  Adv.  of  Science  for  1875. 


30  WORKS  OF  THE  NORTH-WEST. 

mounds  surrounding  it  have  also  been  removed.  The  most 
remarkable  result  of  the  exploration  was  the  discovery  of  tibiee 
flattened  to  an  extreme  degree,  such  as  is  peculiar  to  platycnemic 
man.  A  circular  mound  in  the  vicinity  yielded  even  more 
remarkable  specimens  of  this  singular  flattening  or  compression. 
Two  specimens  presented  unprecedented  proportions  ;  the  trans- 
verse diameter  of  one  shaft  being  0.42  and  the  other  0.40  of  the 
centero-posterior  diameter.  The  circular  mound  yielded  eleven 
skeletons  besides  a  large  number  of  burial  vases  and  stone  im- 
plements of  all  descriptions  peculiar  to  the  mounds.  Of  the 
crania  from  this  mound  we  shall  speak  in  Chapter  IV.  In  1872, 
Mr.  Gillman  examined  a  remarkable  group  of  tumuli  situated  at 
the  head  of  St.  Glair  Kiver.  These  mostly  stand  on  the  shores 
of  Lake  Huron.  The  relics,  besides  human  remains,  consisted  of 
pieces  of  mica,  and  necklaces  of  beads  of  the  teeth  of  the  moose 
alternating  with  well- wrought  beads  of  copper.  The  same  pecu- 
liarity of  flattened  tibia  was  markedly  prominent  in  the  remains.1 
The  same  investigator  has  examined  mounds  at  Ottawa  Point, 
Michigan,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Oqueoc  Kiver,  at  Point  La 
Barbe  in  the  Straits  of  Mackinac,  and  at  Beaver  Harbor  on 
Beaver  Island  in  Lake  Michigan.  Excepting  ancient  copper 
mines,  no  known  works  extend  as  far  north  as  Lake  Superior 
anywhere  in  the  central  region.  Farther  to  the  North-west, 
however,  the  works  of  the  same  people  are  comparatively  numer- 
ous. Dr.  Foster  quotes  a  British  Columbia  newspaper,  without 
giving  either  name  or  date,  as  authority  for  the  discovery  of  a 
large  number  of  mounds,  seemingly  the  works  of  the  same 
people  who  built  farther  east  and  south.2  On  the  Butte  Prairies 

1  See  Mr.  Gillman's  in  Sixth  Annual  Report  of  the  Trustees  of  the  Peabody 
Museum  of  Archeology  and  Ethnology,  p.  12  et  seq.,  Cambridge,  1873,  and  Am. 
Jour,  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  3d  ser.,  vol.  vii,  pp.  1-9,  Jan.,  1874. 

2  Foster's  Pre-Historic  Races,  p.  151.     "  There  is  a  large  mound,  three  hun- 
dred feet  high  and  three  hundred  yards  in  diameter  at  the  base,  at  the  southern 
end  of  the  prairie,  about  twenty-five  miles  from  Olympia  ;  and  scattered  over 
the  prairie  for  a  distance  of  fifteen  miles  are  many  smaller  mounds,  not  more 
than  four  feet  high  and  twenty  or  thirty  in  diameter.    *    *    *    A  few  days  ago 
one  of  the  engineers  of  the  Northern  Pacific  Railroad  opened  one  of  them  and 
found  the  remains  of  pottery  ;  and  a  more  thorough  examination  of  others 


LEWIS  AND  CLARKE'S  DISCOVERIES.  31 

of  Oregon  Wilkes  and  his  exploring  expedition  discovered 
thousands  of  similar  mounds.1 

Lewis  and  Clarke,  in  the  Journal  of  their  expedition  up  the 
Missouri  River,  describe  the  remains  of  fortifications  on  Bon- 
homme  Islands  at  as  early  a  date  as  1S04-5-6,  but  until  recently 
their  statements  have  been  received  with  a  degree  of  doubt.2 
This  doubt  has,  however,  been  fully  set  at  rest  by  the  members 
of  the  United  States  Geological  Surveying  Expedition  of  1872. 
Not  only  has  it  been  shown  that  works  exist  at  Bonhomme's 
Island,  but  all  the  way  up  through  the  Yellowstone  region  and 
on  the  upper  tributaries  of  the  Missouri  mounds  are  found  in 
profusion.3  Dr.  C.  Thomas,  of  the  above-named  expedition, 

revealed  other  curious  relics,  evidently  the  work  of  human  hands  ;  in  fact,  in 
every  mound  that  has  yet  been  opened  there  is  some  relic  of  a  long- forgotten 
race  discovered."  In  quoting  the  above,  Dr.  Foster  remarks  that  the  great 
mound  was  no  doubt  a  natural  eminence  artificially  rounded  off. 

1  Narrative  of  the  If.  8.  Exploring  Expedition  during  the  Tears  1838-42. 
Phila.,  1844.      Tom.  IV,  p.  334.     "  We  soon  reached  the  Butte  prairies  (on 
Columbia  River)  which  were  extensive,  and  covered  with  tumuli  or  small 
mounds,  at  regular  distances  asunder.    As  far  as  I  could  learn  there  is  no 
tradition  among  the  natives  relative  to  them.     They  are  conical  mounds  thirty 
feet  in  diameter,  about  six  to  seven  feet  high  above  the  level,  and  many 
thousands  in  number.     Being  anxious  to  ascertain  if  they  contained  any  relics, 
I  subsequently  visited  these  prairies,  and  opened  three  of  the  mounds,  but 
found  nothing  in  them  but  a  pavement  of  round  stones." 

2  Baldwin  (Ancient  America,  pp.  31-2)  remarks:    "Lewis  and  Clark  re- 
ported seeing  them  on  the  Missouri  River  a  thousand  miles  above  its  junc- 
tion with  the  Mississippi  River ;  but  this  report  has  not  been  satisfactorily 
verified/* 

3  See  Mr.  A.  Barrandt  in  Smithsonian  Report,  1870,  for  an  account  of  dis- 
coveries on  Clark's  Creek  in  Dakota;  on  the  Bighorn  River;  on  the  Yellow- 
stone ;  on  the  Morean  and  the  banks  of  the  Great  Cheyenne.     See  Foster's 
Pre-Historic  Races,  pp.  153-4.     The  proof  is  conclusive  that  the  head- waters 
of  the  Missouri  was  one  of  their  ancient  seats.     The  same  gentleman  (Mr.  Bar- 
randt) describes  a  remarkable  mound  in  Lincoln   County,  Dakota,  situated 
eighty-five  miles  north-west  of  Sioux  City,  on  the  west  fork  of  the  Little  Sioux 
of  Dakota  or  Turkey  Creek.     The  mound  is  known  as  the  "Hay  Stack."     Its 
dimensions  are  327  feet  in  length  at  the  base  on  the  north-west  side,  and  290 
on  the  south-east  side,  and  120  feet  wide.     It  slopes  at  an  angle  of  about  50°, 
is  from  thirty- four  to  forty  feet  in  height,  the  north-east  end  being  the  higher. 
To  the  summit,  which  is  from  twenty-eight  to  thirty-three  feet  wide,  there  is  a 
well-beaten  path.     The  remarkable  feature  of  the  mound  is  the  fact  that  part 


32  JAMES  RIVER  MOUNDS. 

made  interesting  discoveries  in  Dakota  Territory,  near  the  North- 
ern Pacific  Kailroad  crossing  of  the  James  River.  Mounds  were 
examined  giving  evidence  of  perhaps  greater  antiquity  than 
those  common  in  the  interior  of  the  country,  if  their  contents  be 
depended  upon  as  furnishing  a  means  of  test.1  The  Missouri 

of  the  north-east  side  is  walled  up  with  soft  sandstone  and  limestone,  brought 
a  distance  of  at  least  three  miles  from  an  ancient  quarry.  The  remainder  of 
the  surface  is  pronounced  to  be  of  calcined  clay.  The  mound  contained  a  large 
interior  circular  chamber,  in  which  the  bones  of  animals,  thirty-six  pieces  of 
pottery,  and  a  mass  of  charcoal  and  ashes  were  found. — Smithsonian  Report 
for  1872,  pp.  413  et  seq. 

1  Since  this  is  a  contested  point,  both  as  to  the  presence  of  the  works  of  the 
Mound-builders  in  the  North-west  and  as  to  their  great  antiquity,  I  subjoin  a 
portion  of  a  report  on  these  mounds  made  by  Gen.  H.  W.  Thomas,  U.  S.  A.,  to 
Dr.  Thomas  of  the  Surveying  Expedition,  in  the  Sixth  Annual  Report  of  the 
U.  8.  Geological  Survey  under  Dr.  Hayden  in  1872,  pp.  656-7  : 

" '  Lewis  and  Clarke  reported  seeing  Indian  mounds  1000  miles  above  the 
confluence  of  the  Mississippi  and  Missouri,  but  this  report  is  not  verified.'  So 
says  Mr.  John  D.  Baldwin,  A.  M.,  in  his  work  entitled  '  Ancient  America.' 

"  I  now  and  here  propose  to  contribute  my  mite  toward  the  verification  of 
the  statement  of  Lewis  and  Clarke. 

"The  few  men  whom  duty  or  wild  inclination  have  from  time  to  time 
brought  into  this,  for  the  most  part,  uninhabited  region  of  treeless  prairie,  have 
all  known  of  the  existence  of  thousands  of  artificial  mounds.  What  was  in 
them  they  knew  not,  and  but  two  or  three,  to  my  knowledge,  have  ever  been 
opened.  On  August  16,  1872,  I  opened  one  on  the  high  table-lands  that  spread 
out  on  both  sides  of  a  little  stream  called  the  James.  The  point  is  about  47° 
north  latitude,  and  98°  38'  longitude  west  from  Greenwich.  It  is  within  three 
miles  of  the  line  of  the  North  Pacific  Railroad.  The  mound  is  circular  in  form, 
30^  feet  in  its  shorter,  and  35T%  feet  in  its  longer  diameter,  and  five  feet  high. 
I  opened  four  trenches,  three  feet  wide,  from  the  outer  edge,  meeting  in  the 
centre,  forming  a  cross  when  finished.  I  then  excavated  the  entire  mound 
from  the  centre  outward,  iintil  there  was  nothing  more  to  find.  For  results  I 
had  several  two-bushel  bags  full  of  bones,  eight  skulls,  many  pieces  of  skulls 
too  small  to  be  of  value  (there  must  have  been  at  least  twenty-five  bodies  buried 
there),  a  rough-hewn  stone  ten  inches  high  and  five  and  a  half  inches  in  diam- 
eter, in  shape  resembling  closely  a  conical  shell,  a  cutting  half  an  inch  deep 
around  the  centre.  (This  was  evidently  tied  with  thongs  to  a  stout  handle, 
and  used  in  pulverizing  their  maize.)  A  portion  of  a  shell  necklace,  two  flints, 
two  heads  of  beaver,  and  some  bones  of  animals  unknown,  and  a  large  quantity 
of  bivalves,  much  like  the  clam  (Mya  oUongata]  of  .our  Atlantic  coast,  but 
thicker,  and  the  interior  surface  much  more  pearly. 

"  The  mounds  and  their  contents  are  apparently  of  great  antiquity.  They 
are,  in  every  case,  on  the  very  highest  point  in  their  immediate  neighborhood, 


ANIMAL   MOUNDS  IN   WISCONSIN.  33 

valley  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  most  populous  branches  of 
the  wide-spread  Mound-builder  country.  The  valleys  of  its 
affluents,  the  Platte  and  Kansas  rivers,  also  furnish  evidence  that 
these  streams  served  as  the  channels  into  which  flowed  a  part  of 
the  tide  of  population  which  either  descended  or  ascended  the 
Missouri.  The  Mississippi  and  Ohio  river  valleys,  however, 
formed  the  great  central  arteries  of  the  Mound-builder  domain. 
In  Wisconsin  we  find  the  northern  central  limit  of  their  works  ; 
occasionally  on  the  western  shores  of  Lake  Michigan,  but  in  great 
numbers  in  the  southern  counties  of  the  State,  and  especially  on 
the  lower  Wisconsin  River.  The  peculiar  and  fantastic  forms 
of  most  of  these  mounds  have  led  some  writers  to  suppose  that 
they  belonged  to  a  different  race  from  that  which  occupied  the 
valleys  to  the  south.  Instead  of  the  usual  type  of  the  pyramid 
and  circle,  these  remains  mostly  represent  animals,  or  birds,  or 
men.  Still  Dr.  Lapham,  who  has  described  them  fully  in  his 
admirable  work1  on  the  Antiquities  of  Wisconsin,  concluded 
that  sufficient  resemblances  between  these  remains  and  those  of 
the  south  exist  to  ascribe  to  them  a  common  origin.  A  few 
instances  of  the  circle  and  square  are  found  in  association  with 
the  animal  mounds,  while  in  Ohio,  on  Brush  Creek  in  Adams 

and  perfectly  drained.  The  climate  is  excessively  dry  ;  so  dry  that  the  James 
River  is  entirely  dry  at  a  point  about  500  feet  above  the  contemplated  railroad- 
bridge  across  the  river.  Notwithstanding  this,  many  of  the  bones  crumbled  into 
white  dust  on  being  brought  to  the  air,  like  those  found  in  Herculaneum  and 
Pompeii,  and  it  was  absolutely  impossible  to  get  out  a  single  one  in  anything 
like  perfection.  Around  and  over  these  bodies  stones  and  sticks  were  placed, 
doubtless  to  preserve  the  remains  from  the  coyote  and  the  fox.  The  wood 
could  be  rubbed  into  fine  yellow-brown  dust  between  the  thumb  and  forefinger. 
Any  trace  of  excavation  around  the  mound  for  dirt  to  heap  it  with  had  been 
entirely  obliterated.  The  upright  position  of  the  skulls  also  indicated  that  the 
bodies  were  buried  in  a  sitting  posture.  The  leg-bones,  however,  lay  lower 
and  horizontal. 

"  The  number  of  mounds  indicates  a  denser  population  than  ever  has  been 
known  here,  or  than  the  natural  resources  of  this  region  can  now  support  by 
the  chase.  At  the  same  time  the  number  of  dry  lakes  scattered  all  over  would 
indicate  that  at  some  remote  period  the  country  may  have  been  a  better  one 
than  now,  and  supported  a  larger  population." 

1  "Antiquities  of  Wisconsin"  Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knowledge,  vol.  vii, 
1855. 

3 


34 


THE  "GREAT  SERPENT"  AND  THE  "ALLIGATOR.3 


GREAT  SERPENT,  ADAMS  Co.,  O. 


no  effigy  mounds  were  believed 


County,  the  "Great  Ser- 
pent," and  the  "Alligator" 
in  Licking  County  furnish 
proof  that  either  the  same 
people  built  them  or  at  least 
the  same  impulses,  religious 
or  otherwise,  actuated  the 
people  of  both  districts.  The 
former  of  the  above  figures 
is  well  described  by  its  name, 
"  with  its  head  conforming 
to  the  crest  of  a  hill,  and 
its  body  Avinding  back  for 
700  feet  in  graceful  undu- 
lations, terminating  in  a 
triple  coil  at  the  tail."  The 
length  of  the  latter  "from 
the  point  of  the  nose  follow- 
ing the  curves  of  the  tail  to 
the  tip,  is  about  250  feet, 
the  breadth  of  the  body 
forty  feet  and  the  length  of 
the  legs  or  paws  each  thirty- 
six  feet."1  Until  recently 
to  exist  further  south  than 


1  Squier  and  Davis  :  Ancient  Monuments,  pp.  97-99.  Recent  and  possibly 
more  exact  surveys  of  the  Alligator  give  the  figures  as  somewhat  less  than  the 
above.  Isaac  Smucker,  a  very  reliable  antiquarian  of  Licking  Co.,  Ohio,  in  an 
address  before  the  Ohio  State  Archaeological  Convention,  held  at  Mansfield  in 
September,  1875,  corrects  the  figures  in  the  following  statement :  <;  The  Alliga- 
tor mound  is  upon  the  summit  of  a  hill  or  spur,  which  is  nearly  200  feet  high, 
six  miles  west  of  Newark,  and  near  the  village  of  Granville.  The  outlines  of 
the  Alligator  (or  Crocodile)  are  clearly  defined.  His  entire  length  is  205  feet. 
The  breadth  of  the  body  at  the  widest  part,  twenty  feet,  and  the  length  of  the 
body  between  the  fore-legs  and  hind-legs  is  fifty  feet.  The  legs  are  each  about 
twenty  feet  long.  The  head,  fore-shoulders  and  rump  have  an  elevation  vary- 
ing from  three  to  six  feet,  while'  the  remainder  of  the  body  averages  a  foot  or 
two  less." 


ELEPHANT  MOUND.  35 


Ohio  ;  however,  Mr.  C.  C.  Jones,  Jr.,  in  the  Smithsonian 
Report  for  1877  has  shown  this  to  be  a  mistake.  Mr.  Jones 
describes  an  eagle-shaped  stone  mound  north  of  Eatonton,  in 
Putnam  Co.,  Georgia,  of  the  following  dimensions :  Height  of 
tumulus  at  the  breast  of  the  bird,  seven  or  eight  feet ;  length 
from  the  top  of  the  head  to  the  extremity  of  the  tail,  102  feet ; 
distance  from  tip  to  tip  of  the  wings,  120  feet ;  greatest  expanse 
of  tail,  38  feet.  A  careful  regard  to  the  proportions  of  the  bird 
are  shown.  A  similar  stone  mound,  of  nearly  the  same  propor- 
tions, was  found  near  Lawrence  Ferry  on  the  Oconee  Kiver  in 
Putnam  County.  In  this  instance  a  circle  of  stones  encloses  the 
effigy.  At  Trenton,  Wisconsin,  and  in  many  other  places  ex- 
amined by  Dr.  Lapham,  cruciform  works  were  found,  some  of 
which  were  constructed  with  the  arms  extending  toward  the 
cardinal  points.1  Instances  of  extinct  or  unknown  animal  forms 
occur  occasionally :  one  instance  is  that  of  an  animal  somewhat 
resembling  a  monkey,  having  a  body  of  about  1GO  feet  in  length, 
while  the  tail  describes  a  semicircle  and  measures  alone  320  feet.2 
The  most  remarkable  instance  of  the  kind,  however,  is  that  of 
the  big  elephant  mound  found  a  few  miles  below  the  mouth  of 
the  Wisconsin  River,  so  perfect  in  its  proportions  and  complete 
in  its  representations  of  an  elephant  that  its  builders  must  have 
been  well  acquainted  with  all  the  physical  characteristics  of  the 
animal  which  they  delineated.3  This  fact  suggests  the  inquiry 
whether  these  people  were  Asiatic  in  origin  and  penetrated  to 
the  interior  of  the  country  before  their  recollections  of  the  ele- 
phant were  forgotten,  or  whether  they  were  contemporaneous  with 

1  Lapham's  Antiquities  of  Wisconstn,  pp.  18,  20,  86,  37,  89,  52,  54,  55,  56,  57, 
G2,  69. 

2  W.  H.  Canfield's  Sketches  of  Sauk  County,  Wisconsin ;  Foster's  Pre-His- 
toric  Races,  p.  101.     On  the  copper  remains  of  the  Mound-builders,  see  Pre- 
Hisioric  Wisconsin,  by  Prof.  James  D.  Butler,  LL.D.,  annual  address  before 
the  State  Historical  Society  of  Wisconsin,  Feb.  18,  1876.    Wisconsin  Hist.  Col., 
vol.  vii.     Privately  printed. 

3  Smithsonian  Report  for  1872,  figured  and  described  on  p.  416  by  Jared 
Warner  of  Patch  Grove,  Wis.  (Oct.  1872).     A  further  description  of  mounds  in 
the  same  locality,  by  Moses  Strong,  M.  E.,  will  be  found  in  Smithsonian  Report 
for  1876,  p.  424. 


36 


ELEPHANT  MOUND. 


051  20  30  40  50  CO  70  80  Feet 

Scale  34  feet  to  the  inch. . 

ELEPHANT  MOUND,  WISCONSIN. 

the  mastodon  of  North  America  ?  In  the  remarkable  works  at 
Aztalan,  Dr.  Lapham  finds  not  only  resemblances  to  the  Ohio 
antiquities,  but  striking  analogies  with  those  of  Mexico.1 

1  Antiquities  of  Wisconsin,  pp.  43-5 :  "  The  main  features  of  these  remains  is 
tlie  enclosure  or  ridge  of  earth  (not  brick,  a?  lias  been  erroneously  stated),  ex- 
tending around  three  sides  of  an  irregular  parallelogram  ;  the  west  branch  of 
Rock  River  forming  the  fourth  side  on  the  east.  The  space  thus  enclosed  is 
seventeen  acres  and  two-thirds.  The  corners  are  not  rectangular,  and  the  em- 
bankment or  ridge  is  not  straight.  The  earth  of  which  the  ridge  is  made  was 
evidently  taken  from  the  nearest  ground,  where  there  are  numerous  excava- 
tions of  very  irregular  form  and  depth  ;  precisely  such  as  may  be  seen  along 
our  modern  railroad  and  canal  embankments.  These  excavations  are  not  to  be 
confounded  with  the  hiding-places  (caches)  of  the  Indians,  being  larger  and  more 
irregular  in  outline.  Much  of  the  material  of  the  embankment  was  doubtless 
taken  from  the  surface  without  penetrating  a  sufficient  depth  to  leave  a  traco 
at  the  present  time.  If  we  allow  for  difference  of  exposure  of  earth  thrown  up 
into  a  ridge  and  that  lying  on  the  original  flat  surface,  we  can  perceive  no  differ- 
ence between  the  soil  composing  the  ridge  and  that  found  along  its  sides.  Both 
consist  of  a  light  yellowish  sandy  loam.  The  ridge  forming  the  enclosure  is 
631  feet  long  at  the  north  end,  1419  feet  long  on  the  west  side,  and  700  feet  on 
the  south  side  ;  making  a  total  length  of  wall  2750  feet.  The  ridge  or  wall  is 
about  twenty-two  feet  wide,  and  from  one  foot  to  five  in  height."  *  *  *  After 


DISCOVERIES  AT  DAVENPORT,   IOWA.  37 

Across  the  Mississippi  in  Minnesota  and  Iowa,  the  predomi- 
nant type  of  circular  tumuli  prevail,  extending  throughout  the 
latter  State  to  the  Missouri.  There  are  evidences  that  the 
Upper  Missouri  region  was  connected  with  that  of  the  Upper 
Mississippi  by  settlements  occupying  the  intervening  country. 
Mounds  are  found  even  in  the  valley  of  the  Ked  Kiver  of  the 
North.1 

Eastern  Iowa,  especially  in  the  neighborhood  of  Davenport, 
has  furnished  some  of  the  most  interesting  mounds  that  have 
yet  been  examined.  Several  gentlemen— especially  Kev.  Mr. 
Gass — of  the  Davenport  Academy  of  Sciences  have  within  a 
couple  of  years  recovered  a  number  of  fine  specimens  of  copper 
axes,  nearly  all  wrapped  in  Mound-builder's  cloth.  This  cloth 
had  been  "  preserved  by  the  antiseptic  action  of  the  salts  of 
copper,  in  all  probability  of  the  carbonates.  In  all  specimens 
one  thread  of  the  warp  is  double  or  twisted,  and  there  are  about 
four  to  the  one-fourth  of  an  inch." 2  Stone  pipes  of  excellent 
workmanship  carved  to  represent  various  animals  were  found. 
Pottery,  copper  beads  in  considerable  numbers,  mica  and  sea- 
shells  (Pyrula  and  Cassis),  one  which  had  an  internal  capacity 
of  152  cubic  inches,  or  five  and  one-half  pints,  were  among  the 
relics  recovered.  Most  of  the  human  remains  were  much  de- 
cayed ;  although  some,  among  them  a  skull,  were  preserved.  The 
character  of  the  Altar  mound  in  this  group  is  rather  unusual. 
Within  the  mound  hewn  rectangular  stones  were  laid  upon  one 
another  with  perfect  regularity,  so  as  to  break  joints,  forming 
something  resembling  the  exterior  appearance  of  a  chimney. 

describing  one  of  the  mounds  of  tins  enclosure,  he  remarks :  "  The  analogy 
between  these  elevations  and  the  '  temple  mounds '  of  Ohio  and  the  Southern 
States,  will  at  once  strike  the  reader  who  has  seen  the  plans  and  descriptions. 
They  have  the  same  square  or  regular  form,  sloping  or  graded  ascent,  the 
terraced  or  step-like  structure,  and  the  same  position  in  the  interior  of  the 
enclosure.  This  kind  of  formation  is  known  to  increase  in  numbers  and  im- 
portance as  we  proceed  to  the  south  and  south-west,  until  they  are  represented 
by  the  great  structures  of  the  same  general  character  on  the  plains  of  Mexico." 

1  D.  Gunn  in  Smithsonian  Report  for  1867. 

2  Dr.  Farquharson  in  Proceedings  of  Am.  Ass.  for  the  Adv.  of  Science, 
vol.  xxiv,  p.  305. 


38  THE  DAVENPORT   TABLET. 

We  are  not  aware  of  any  similarly  shaped  altar  ever  having'  been 
discovered  in  the  mounds.  The  most  remarkable  discovery  of 
all,  however,  was  made  January  10,  1877^  by  Kev.  Mr.  Grass 
and  his  assistants  in  one  of  the  mounds  which  previously  had 
been  examined  in  part.  Two  tablets  of  coal  slate  covered 
with  a  variety  of  figures  and  hieroglyphics  were  found.1  One 

1  Through  the  courtesy  of  Dr.  R.  J.  Farquharson  I  am  enabled  to  append 
the  original  report  made  by  Mr.  Gass  to  the  Davenport  Academy,  Jan.  23,  1877. 
It  is  as  follows  : 

"  We  broke  the  surface  on  the  north-east  slope  of  the  mound  about  ten  or 
twelve  feet  from  the  opening  on  the  west  side  made  in  1874.  The  earth  was 
frozen  to  a  depth  of  about  three  and  a  half  feet.  Five  or  six  inches  below  the 
surface  we  came  upon  a  layer  of  shells  one  or  two  inches  in  thickness,  which 
sloped  downward  toward  the  south-east,  reaching  a  depth  of  two  feet  or  rather 
more  below  the  surface,  and  extending  for  a  distance  of  ten  or  twelve  feet. 
Between  the  surface  and  this  first  layer  of  shells  a  number  of  small  fragments 
of  human  bones  were  found  scattered  through  the  soil.  Under  this  shell  layer 
was  a  stratum  of  earth  of  from  t\velve  to  fifteen  inches  in  thickness,  resting  on 
a  second  layer  of  shells,  from  three  to  four  inches  in  thickness.  Both  shell 
layers  sloped  downward  nearly  parallel  with  each  other. 

"  Below  the  second  shell  layer  the  earth  was  of  the  nature  of  a  light  mould, 
darker  in  color  than  the  earth  above  and  thickly  interspersed  with  fragments 
of  human  bones.  These  circumstances  arrested  my  attention  and  caused  me  to 
proceed  from  this  time  on  with  the  greatest  caution.  At  a  depth  of  about 
fifteen  inches  under  the  lowest  part  of  the  shell  layer  exposed  in  this  excava- 
tion— the  shell  stratum  at  this  point  being  five  or  six  inches  thick — the  inscribed 
slates  were  found.  The  slate  is  the  same  as  that  usually  found  overlying  coal 
beds  in  this  vicinity,  and  is  such  as  is  frequently  soen  cropping  out  from  the 
hill-sides  or  in  isolated  slabs  in  the  beds  of  streams.  Both  plates  lay  close 
together  on  the  hard  undisturbed  clay  bottom  of  the  mound. 

"  The  engraved  side  of  the  smaller  tablet  was  upward,  and  also  that  side  of 
the  larger  one  presenting  the  heavenly  bodies,  hieroglyphics,  etc.  The  larger 
plats  being  partially  divided  by  natural  cleavage,  its  upper  layer  was  unfor- 
tunately broken  in  two  by  a  slight  stroke  of  the  spade.  The  two  plates  were 
closely  encircled  by  a  single  row  of  weathered  limestones.  These  stones  are 
irregular  in  shape,  but  almost  of  the  same  size,  their  dimensions  being  about  three 
by  three  by  seven  or  eight  inches,  and  the  diameter  of  the  circle  about  two  feet. 

"In  the  immediate  vicinity  were  found  a  number  of  fragments  of  human 
bones,  one  being  a  portion  of  a  skull  saturated  with  carbonate  of  copper.  A 
small  piece  of  copper  was  found ;  also  many  fragments  of  slate  and  a  piece  of 
bone  artificially  wrought. " 

Also  see  Proceedings  of  the  Davsnpyrt  Academy  of  Natural  Sciences  for 
Account  of  the  Discovery  of  Inscribed  Tablets,  by  Rev.  J.  Gass,  with  A  Descrip- 
tion by  Dr.  R.  J.  Farquharsou.  Davenport,  Iowa,  July,  1877.  Cut3  an.i  views. 


THE   DAVENPORT   TABLET. 


39 


of  these,  the  larger,  is  of  a  most  interesting  character.  On 
one  side,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  accompanying  cut,  a  number  of 
persons  with  hands  joined  have  formed  a  semicircle  around  a 
mound,  upon  which  a  fire  has  been  kindled,  probably  for  the 
purpose  of  sacrifice,  or  for  converting  into  a  hardened  and  water- 


THE  DAVENPORT  TABLET. 


proof  covering  the  layer  of  clay  which  may  have  been  spread 
over  the  remains  of  some  distinguished  personage  beneath.  The 
presence  of  a  layer  of  baked  clay  above  human  remains  in  so 
many  Ohio  mounds  leads  to  this  conjecture.  The  three  pros- 
trate human  figures  may  be  those  of  wives  or  servants  of  the 
deceased,  to  be  sacrificed  upon  his  grave,  as  has  been  the  custom 
from  the  remotest  times  in  India  and  among  many  savage  tribes. 
The  conspicuousness  of  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars,  suggest  even 


40  CAHOKIA  MOUND. 


a  sadder  thought,  that  perhaps  it  may  be  purely  a  religious 
ceremony  in  which  human  victims  are  being  offered  to  the 
heavenly  bodies.  Sabine  worship,  which  spread  throughout  the 
entire  length  of  the  continent,  is  known  to  have  been  accompanied 
with  the  most  horrid  rites.  Above  the  arch  of  the  firmament 
are  hieroglyphics  which  if  deciphered  no  doubt  would  tell  of  the 
nature  of  this  and  other  similar  scenes.  On  the  reverse  side  of 
the  tablet  is  a  rude  representation  of  a  hunting  scene  in  which 
various  animals,  such  as  the  buffalo  cow,  deer,  bear,  etc.,  etc.,  are 
figured.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  a  large  animal  in  the  upper 
left-hand  corner  may  be  a  mammoth,  but  there  is  little  ground 
for  the  supposition.  The  scene  is  probably  a  representation  of 
the  exploits  of  the  person  buried  in  the  mound.  The  smaller 
tablet  is  evidently  a  calendar  stone  with  signs  of  the  zodiac 
regularly  marked  upon  it ;  of  this  calendar  we  shall  speak  in  a 
future  chapter.  The  above  conjectures  as  to  the  significance  of 
the  representations  on  these  tablets  are  based  upon  the  suppo- 
sition that  they  are  genuine  and  not  the  work  of  an  impostor,  of 
which  we  cannot  refrain  from  expressing  a  slight  suspicion.  That 
,Kev.  Mr.  Gass  has  given  a  true  account  of  his  discovery  there 
cannot  be  the  slightest  doubt — that  he  and  his  co-laborers  in  the 
work  of  excavation  believe  them  to  be  genuine  is  equally  certain. 
Descending  to  the  interior,  we  find  the  heart  of  the  Mound- 
builder  country  in  Illinois,  Indiana  and  Ohio.  It  is  uncertain 
whether  its  vital  centre  was  in  Southern  Illinois  or  in  Ohio— 
probably  the  former  because  of  its  geographical  situation  with 
reference  to  the  mouths  of  the  Missouri  and  Ohio  Elvers.  To 
enter  upon  a  detailed  description  of  the  antiquities  of  this  remark- 
able region  would  alone  more  than  occupy  the  entire  limits  which 
we  have  prescribed  for  this  work.  This  undertaking  has  already 
been  well  performed  by  Atwater,  Squier  and  Davis,  Foster, 
Baldwin,  and  many  others.  We  shall  therefore  confine  our 
remarks  to  notices  of  the  most  conspicuous  remains  and  the 
general  peculiarities  of  Mound-builder  architecture.  This  people 
possessed  a  due  appreciation  of  the  physical  advantages  of  certain 
localities  for  their  cities.  The  site  of  St.  Louis  was  formerly 
covered  with  mounds,  one  of  which  was  thirty-five  feet  high, 


ANALOGIES  WITH  MEXICO. 


41 


DRILLED  CEREMONIAL  WEAPONS.     (Nat.  Mus.) 

while  in  the  American  bottom  on  the  Illinois  side  of  the  river 
their  number  approximates  two  hundred.  In  a  group  of  sixty 
or  more,  lying  between  Alton  and  East  St.  Louis,  stands  the 
most  magnificent  of  all  the  Mound-builders'  works,  the  great 
Mound  of  Cahokia,  which  once  rose  to  a  height  of  ninety  feet 
and  extended  its  huge  mass  in  the  form  of  a  parallelogram,  with 
sides  measuring  700  and  500  feet  respectively.  On  the  south- 


42        RECENT  EXPLORATIONS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  BOTTOM. 

west  there  was  a  terrace  160  by  300  feet,  reached  by  means  of  a 
graded  way.  The  summit  of  the  pyramid  is  truncated,  afford- 
ing a  platform  of  200  by  450  feet.  Upon  this  platform  stands  a 
conical  mound  ten  feet  high.  Dr.  Foster  remarks  :  "  It  is  prob- 
able that  upon  this  platform  was  reared  a  capacious  temple, 
within  whose  walls  the  high-priests  gathered  from  different 
quarters  at  stated  seasons,  celebrating  their  mystic  rites,  whilst 
the  swarming  multitude  below  looked  up  with  mute  adoration." 1 
When  we  consider  the  analogy  between  the  general  features  of 
this  pyramid  and  that  on  which  the  temple  of  Mexico  was 
situated,  it  is  not  unnatural  to  reflect  that  Cahokia  may  have 
served  as  the  prototype  of  the  more  magnificent  structure  which 
was  so  often  deluged  with  the  blood  of  its  thousands  of  human 
victims.  The  temple  of  Mexico  and  many  others  of  its  type  may 
have  been  the  embodiment  of  the  same  principles  of  architecture 
employed  at  Cahokia,  but  carried  to  greater  perfection  under  the 
more  favorable  conditions  afforded  in  the  valley  of  Anahuac,  or 
precisely  the  reverse  may  be  true.  Such  speculations  are,  how- 
ever, more  easily  set  forth  than  sustained.  Dr.  Foster,  through 
a  mistake,  states  that  the  monster  mound  has  been  removed. 
This,  we  are  happy  to  say,  is  not  the  case.2 

Numerous  interesting  explorations  have  been  conducted  re- 


1  Pre-Historic  Races  of  the  U.  S.,  p.  107. 

2  In  a  paper,  A  Deposit  of  Agricultural  Flint  Implements  Found  in  Southern 
Illinois,  Smithsonian  Report,  1888,  Dr.  Chas.  Rau  treats  the  subject  of  Aboriginal 
Agriculture  at  considerable  length.     In  the  Smithsonian  Report  for  1873,  p.  413 
et  seq.,  Dr.  A.  Patton  describes  the  exploration  of  several  remarkable  mounds  in 
Lawrence  Co.,   Illinois.    In  the  Smithsonian  Report  for  1874,  p.  351,  Taylor 
McWhorter  describes  a  number  of  mounds  in  Mercer  Co.,  Illinois.     He  estimates 
the  number  in  the  county  at  one  thousand,  mostly  on  the  Mississippi  River  bank. 
The  Antiquities  of  Whiteside  County,  111.,  by  W.  H.  Pratt,  of  Davenport,  Iowa, 
printed  in  the  same  Report,  p.  854  ct  seq.,  is  a  most  valuable  contribution  to  our 
knowledge  of  the  mounds.     The  first  mound  examined  yielded  eight  skulls,  two 
of  which  were  preserved.     The  third  mound  opened  yielded  the  skeletons  of 
four  adults  and  several  articles  of  interest,  such  as  pieces  of  mica,  a  lump  of 
galena  and  a  dove-colored  arrow-head.     From  the  fifth  mound  opened,  a  remark- 
ably well-pres2rved  skeleton  was  recovered.     Dr.  Farquharson,  of  the  Daven- 
port Academy  of  Sciences,  has  contributed  one  of  the  most  valuable  tables  of 
mound-cranial  measurements  ever  published. 


THE  ROCKFORD   TABLET.  43 

cently  in  Illinois  with  rich  results.  Among  the  most  notable  of 
these  are  the  discoveries  of  Mr.  Henry  B.  Howland,  reported  in 
a  paper  read  before  the  Buffalo  Society  of  Natural  Sciences, 
March,  1877  (Bulletin  of  the  Buffalo  Soc.  of  Nat.  Sc.,  vol.  iii., 
p.  204  ct  scq.).  In  January,  1876,  Mr.  Howland  witnessed  the 
removal  of  a  mound  near  Mitchell  Station  in  the  American 
Bottom.  In  a  stratum  four  or  five  feet  from  the  base,  composed 
chiefly  of  human  bones,  a  large  quantity  of  matting  and  a  num- 
ber of  copper  relics  were  disclosed  to  view.  The  matting  was  a 
coarse  vegetable  cane-like  fibre  simply  woven,  without  twisting. 
Among  the  articles  wrapped  in  the  matting  were  several  minia- 
ture tortoise  shells  formed  of  copper.  They  were  of  beaten  copper 
of  one  sixty-fourth  of  an  inch  in  thickness,  the  largest  being  but 
two  and  one-eighth  inches  in  length.  "  A  narrow  flange  or  rim, 
about  five  thirty-seeondths  of  an  inch  in  width,  is  neatly  turned  at 
the  base,  and  over  the  entire  outer  surface  the  curious  markings 
peculiar  to  the  tortoise  shell  are  carefully  produced  by  indenta- 
tion— the  entire  workmanship  evincing  a  delicate  skill  of  which 
we  have  never  before  found  traces  in  any  discovered  remains  of 
the  arts  of  the  Mound-builders."  These  shells  were  covered 
with  several  wrappings,  the  first  and  nearest  to  the  shell  proving 
to  be  of  vegetable  fibre,  the  second  of  a  dark-brown  color  ;  when 
placed  under  the  microscope  and  examined  by  Dr.  G.  J.  Engle- 
man  and  Sir  Joseph  Hooker,  proved  to  be  a  very  fine  cloth  woven 
from  animal  hair — of  the  rabbit  and  possibly  of  the  deer.  The 
third  envelope  was  made  from  the  intestine  of  some  animal.  The 
lower  jaws  of  deer  were  discovered  in  which  the  forward  part 
containing  the  teeth  were  encased  in  thin  copper  and  wrapped 
in  the  fine  hair-cloth  just  described.  From  holes  bored  in  the 
back  of  each  jaw,  it  is  inferred  that  the  articles  were  suspended 
from  the  neck  as  totems  or  badges  of  authority.  Three  wooden 
spool-like  objects  were  found  in  the  same  place,  partially  plated 
with  thin  copper.  Copper  rods  or  needles  from  fourteen  to 
eighteen  inches  in  length,  a  beautiful  shell  necklace,  and  a  spear 
head  of  chert  a  foot  long,  were  also  discovered.  Among  the  rest 
were  several  sea-shells  (Busy con  Perversum),  evidently  brought 
from  the  Gulf  a  thousand  miles  distant.  In  the  summer  of  1874, 


44  CINCINNATI   TABLET. 


Mr.  H.  K.  Enoch,  of  Eockford,  111.,  discovered  a  tablet  in  a 
mound  situated  on  the  bank  of  Eock  River,  five  miles  south  of 
Eockford.  The  "Eockford  Tablet"  created  quite  a  sensation 
at  first  because  it  was  thought  to  bear  upon  its  face  several  sym- 
bols found  upon  the  Mexican  Calendar  stone.  However,  a 
thorough  investigation  of  its  claims  prove  it  to  be  a  fraud,  no 
doubt  placed  in  the  mound  where  discovered  for  the  purpose  of 
deception.  Mr.  J.  Moody  of  Mendota,  111.,  in  referring  to  the 
twelve  symbols  of  the  tablet  said  to  be  Mexican,  remarks  :  "  Six 
are  nearly  exact  counterparts  of  that  number  of  Lybian  charac- 
ters which  I  find  represented  in  Priest's  American  Antiquities. 
*  *  *  From  a  comparison  of  the  Eockford  Tablet  with  the 
plates  in  the  work  referred  to  above,  the  inference  is  almost 
irresistible  that  the  engraver  had  a  copy  of  Priest's  American 
Antiquities  before  him  while  doing  his  work."  (See  Congres 
International  des  Amiricanistcs,  Luxembourg,  1877.  Tome  ii, 
p.  160.) 

The  same  sagacity  which  chose  the  neighborhood  of  St.  Louis 
for  these  works,  covered  the  site  of  Cincinnati  with  an  extensive 
system  of  circumvallations  and  mounds.  Almost  the  entire 
space  now  occupied  by  the  city  was  utilized  by  the  mysterious 
builders  in  the  construction  of  embankments  and  tumuli  built 
upon  the  most  accurate  geometrical  principles,  and  evincing 
keen  military  foresight.1  Dr.  Daniel  Drake  described  these 
works  in  1815,  and  many  others  subsequently.2  The  most  im- 
portant discovery  made  among  these  remains  was  that  of  the 
"Cincinnati  Tablet"  in  1841.  This  singular  relic  was  taken 
from  a  large  mound  formerly  thirty-five  feet  high,  removed  at 
the  above  date  from  the  extension  of  Mound  Street  across  Fifth 

1  The  best  and  most  exhaustive  treatment  of  the  above  is  by  Mr.  Robert 
Clarke  :  The  Pre- Historic  Remains  which  were  Pound  on  the  Site  of  Cincinnati, 
Ohio,  with  a  Vindication  of  the  Cincinnati  Tablet.    Cincinnati,  1876.    8vo,  34  pp. 
It  is  to  be  regretted  that  this  valuable  discussion  of  the  genuineness  of  one  of 
the  most  important  Mound-builder  relics  is  only  "privately  circulated."     Mr. 
Clarke  has  fully  accomplished  the  design  for  which  he  wrote. 

2  Dr.  Daniel  Drake's  Picture  of  Cincinnati,  Cincinnati,  1815.     Squier  and 
Davis  in  Ancient  Monuments.    Gen.  Harrison  :  Ohio  Hist,  and  Phil.  Society 
Trans.,  vol.  i,  and  others. 


THE   CINCINNATI  TABLET. 


45 


CINCINNATI  TABLET.    (Front.) 

Street.  When  found,  it  was  lying  on  a  level  with  the  original 
surface  under  the  skull  of  a  much  decayed  skeleton,  with  two 
polished,  pointed  bones  about  seven  inches  long,  and  a  bed  of 
charcoal  and  ashes.  This  stone  in  all  probability  served  the 
double  purpose  of  a  record  of  the  calendar  and  a  scale  for 


46 


THE  CINCINNATI   TABLET. 


CINCINNATI  TABLET.    (Back.) 
measurement.1     Mr.  E.  Gest?  the  courteous  owner  of  the  tablet, 

1  Dr.  Daniel  Wilson's  P re-Historic  Man,  3d  ed.,  1876,  vol.  i,  pp.  274^5.  The 
following  description  is  given  in  Squier  and  Davis's  Ancient  Monuments  of  the 
Mississippi  Valley :  "  The  material  is  fine-grained,  compact  sandstone  of  a  light- 
brown  color.  It  measures  five  inches  in  length,  three  in  breadth  at  the  ends, 


MOUND-WORKS   IN   OHIO.  47 

provided  the  accompanying  cuts  expressly  for  this  work,  regarding 
them  as  the  first  correct  representations  of  the  stone. 

The  vast  number  as  well  as  the  magnitude  of  the  works  found 


DAGGER  y2  SIZE.     (Nat.  Mus.) 


in  the  State  of  Ohio,  have  surprised  the  most  careless  and  indif- 
ferent observers.  It  is  estimated  by  the  most  conservative,  and 
Messrs.  Squicr  and  Davis  among  them,  that  the  number  of  tumuli 

and  two  and  six-tenths  at  the  middle,  and  is  about  half  an  inch  in  thickness. 
The  sculptured  face  varies  very  slightly  from  a  perfect  plane.  The  figures  are 
cut  in  low  relief  (the  lines  being  not  more  than  one-twentieth  of  an  inch  in 
depth),  and  occupy  a  rectangular  space  four  inches  and  two-tenths  long  by  two 
and  one-tenth  wide.  The  sides  of  the  stone,  it  will  be  observed,  are  slightly 
concave.  Right  lines  are  drawn  across  the  face  near  the  ends,  at  right  angles, 
and  exterior  to  these  are  notches,  twenty-five  at  one  end  and  twenty-four  at  the 
other.  The  back  of  the  stone  has  three  deep  longitudinal  grooves,  and  several 
depressions,  evidently  caused  by  rubbing  —  probably  produced  by  sharpening 
the  instrument  used  in  the  sculpture."  [Mr.  Gest,  however,  does  not  regard 
these  as  tool  marks,  but  thinks  they  are  of  peculiar  significance.]  "  Without 
discussing  the  singular  resemblance  which  the  relic  bears  to  the  Egyptian 
Cartoucli,  it,  will  be  sufficient  to  direct  attention  to  the  reduplication  of  the 
figures,  those  upon  one  side  corresponding  with  those  upon  the  other,  and  tlie 
two  central  ones  being  also  alike.  It  will  be  observed  that  there  are  but  three 
scrolls  or  figures  —  four  of  one  and  two  of  each  of  the  others.  Probably  no 
serious  discussion  of  the  question  whether  or  not  these  figures  are  hierogiyphical 
is  needed.  They  more  resemble  the  stalk  and  flowers  of  a  plant  than  anything 
else  in  nature.  What  significance,  if  any,  may  attach  to  the  peculiar  markings 
or  graduations  at  the  end,  it  is  not  undertaken  to  say.  The  sum  of  the  pro- 
ducts of  the  longer  and  shorter  lines  (24  x  7+  25  x  8)  is  368,  three  more  than  the 
number  of  days  in  the  year  ;  from  which  circumstance  the  suggestion  has  been 
advanced  that  the  tablet  had  an  astronomical  origin,  and  constituted  some  sort 
of  a  calendar."  We  may  here  add  that  Col.  Chas.  Whittlesey  published  at 
Cleveland,  Ohio,  in  Historical  and  Archaeological  Tract  No.  9  (Feb.  1872)  of  the 
Western  Reserve  Historical  Society,  a  statement  that  the  "  Cincinnati  Tablet  " 
was  a  fraud.  But  we  are  informed  that  he  is  since  convinced  of  its  genuineness. 


48 


WORKS   NEAR  LIBERTY,    OHIO. 


WORKS  NEAR  LIBERTY,  OHIO. 

in  Ohio  equals  10,000,  and  tho  number  cf  enclosures  1000  or 
1500.  In  Koss  County  alone,  100  enclosures  and  upwards  of 
500  mounds  have  been  examined.  Some  of  the  works  exhibit 
fine  engineering  skill ;  such,  for  instance,  are  those  near  Liberty, 
Ohio,  where  two  embankments,  each  forming  a  perfect  circle,  are 
found  in  conjunction  with  a  perfect  square.  The  larger  circle 
measures  1700  feet  in  diameter  and  contains  forty  acres,  while 
the  smaller  has  a  diameter  of  800  feet.  The  square  contains 
twenty-seven  acres  and  measures  1080  feet  on  each  side.  One 


GEOMETRICAL   EXACTNESS  DISPLAYED.  49 

set  of  works  in  Pike  County  consists  of  a  circle  enclosing  a  square, 
the  four  corners  of  which  each  touch  the  circular  embankment. 
The  opening  or  doorway  through  the  circle  is  opposite  the  open- 
ing in  the  square.  Prof.  E.  B.  Andrews  found  a  conical  mound 
enclosed  by  a  circle,  the  base  of  the  mound  reaching  to  the  edge 
of  the  ditch  outside  of  which  is  the  circular  wall.  The  mound 
was  located  on  the  Hocking  Kiver,  nine  miles  northward  of 
Lancaster,  Ohio  (see  Tenth  Ann.  Rep.  of  Peabody  Mus.  of  Arch. 


CELTS — FROM  MOUNDS.     (Nat.  Mus.) 

and  Eth.,  p.  51).  The  works  at  Hopetown,  near  Chillicothe, 
present  several  combinations  of  the  square  and  circle.  The 
two  principal  figures  of  these  works  are  a  square  and  circle — 
each  containing  exactly  twenty  acres.  The  discovery  of  these 
geometrical  combinations — executed  with  such  precision — in 
many  parts  of  the  country,  lead  to  the  belief  that  the  Mound- 
builders  were  one  people  spread  over  a  large  territory,  possessed 
of  the  same  institutions,  religion,  and  perhaps  one  government. 
These  facts  are  highly  important  as  shedding  light  upon  the 
4 


50 


FORTIFIED  PLACES. 


degree  of  their  civilization.  The  evidence  is  ample  that  they 
were  possessed  of  regular  scales  of  measurement,  of  the  means 
of  determining  angles  and  of  computing  the  area  to  be  enclosed 
by  a  square  and  circle,  so  that  the  space  enclosed  by  these 
figures  standing  side  by  side  might  exactly  correspond.  In  a 
word,  their  scientific  and  mathematical  knowledge  was  of  a 
veiy  respectable  order. 


CHISELS,  GOUGES  AND  ADZES.    (Nat.  Mus.) 

The  military  works  of  the  Mound -builders,  other  than  those 
previously  mentioned  as  existing  on  the  Lakes  and  in  Western 
New  York  State,  are  of  a  twofold  character,  consisting  first  of 
fortified  eminences,  of  which  an  instance  is  found  in  Butler 
County,  Ohio,  where  16^  acres  are  walled  in  on  the  summit  of 
a  hill,  and  the  entrance  to  the  enclosure  guarded  by  a  compli- 
cated system  of  covered  ways.  On  Paint  Creek,  Boss  County, 
a  remarkable  stone  work  encloses  140  acres,  in  the  centre  of 
which  was  an  artificial  lake,  probably  to  supply  water  in  case  of 
a  siege.  Perhaps  the  most  remarkable  fortification  left  by  the 


FORT   ANCIENT,  OHIO.  51 

Mound-builders  is  that  known  as  Fort  Ancient,  Ohio,  on  the 
Little  Miami  River,  forty-two  miles  north-east  of  Cincinnati. 
The  specialist  is  already  familiar  with  the  oft-quoted  description 
of  the  Survey  by  Prof.  Locke,  made  in  1843.  We  will  therefore 
only  refer  to  a  few  of  the  measurements  contained  in  that 
description.  "  The  work  occupies  a  terrace  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  river,  two  hundred  and  thirty  feet  above  its  waters.  The 
place  is  naturally  a  strong  one,  being  a  peninsula  defended  by 
two  ravines,  which,  originating  on  the  east  side,  near  to  each 
other,  diverging  and  sweeping  around,  enter  the  Miami,  the  one 
above,  the  other  below  the  work.  The  Miami  itself,  with  its 
precipitous  bank  of  two  hundred  feet,  defends  the  western  side." 
-x-  -x-  -K  c(  The  whole  circuit  of  this  work  is  between  four  and 
five  miles.  The  number  of  cubic  yards  of  excavation  may  be 
approximately  estimated  at  628,800.  The  embankment  stands 
in  many  places  twenty  feet  in  perpendicular  height.  The  most 
interesting  and  valuable  paper  on  this  work  is  that  by  Mr.  L.  M. 
Hosea,  of  Cincinnati,  in  the  Quarterly  Journal  of  Science  (Cin- 
cinnati), October,  1874,  p.  289  et  seq.  This  writer  observes  that 
it  has  often  been  remarked  that  the  form  of  Fort  Ancient  resem- 
bles a  rude  outline  of  the  continent  of  North  and  South  America. 
None  of  the  mounds  contained  in  the  enclosure  have  yielded  any 
relics  of  special  interest.  The  greatest  possible  diversity  of 
opinion  exists  concerning  the  antiquity  of  the  abandonment  of 
the  works.  Judges  Dunlevy  and  Force,  the  latter  in  his  memoir 
on  the  Mound-builders,1  estimate  the  period  as  a  thousand 

1  Judge  M.  F.  Force :  Mound-Builders.  Cincinnati,  1872.  Rev.  S.  D.  Peet 
in  the  American  Antiquarian  for  April,  1878,  refers  to  the  visit  of  the  Ohio 
Archaeological  and  the  National  Anthropological  Conventions  to  Fort  Ancient 
in  September,  1877,  and  states  that  during  the  visit  the  significance  of  the  walls 
of  the  lower  enclosure  was  discovered.  "  They  bear  a  resemblance,"  he  remarks, 
"  to  the  form  of  two  massive  serpents,  which  are  apparently  contending  with 
one  another.  Their  heads  are  the  mounds,  which  are  separated  from  the  bodies 
by  the  opening  which  resembles  a  ring  around  the  neck.  They  bend  in  and 
out  and  rise  and  fall,  and  appear  like  two  massive  green  serpents  rolling  along 
the  summit  of  this  high  hill.  Their  appearance  under  the  overhanging  forest 
trees  is  very  impressive" — p.  50-  See  also  Mr.  Feet's  memoir  on  a  Double- 
walled  Earthwork  in  Ashtabula  County,  Ohio,  in  Smithsonian  Report  for  1876, 
pp.  443-4. 


52  SIGNAL   SYSTEMS— MIAMISBURG  MOUND. 

years,  while  Mr.  Hosea  thinks  several  thousand  years  would  be 
required  to  produce  the  numerous  little  hillocks  and  depressions 
which  mark  the  spot  where  trees  have  grown,  fallen  and  decayed. 
Reasoning  from  other  data,  we  are  inclined  to  the  more  conser- 
vative opinion  of  Judge  Force  as  altogether  the  safer.  Fort 
Ancient,  which  could  have  held  a  garrison  of  60,000  men  with 
their  families  and  provisions,  was  one  of  a  line  of  fortifications* 
which  extend  across  the  State  and  served  to  check  the  incursion 
of  the  savages  of  the  North  in  their  descent  upon  the  Mound- 
builder  country. 

The  second  class  of  military  works,  which  are  exceedingly 
numerous  on  all  the  watercourses — existing  not  only  on  the  Ohio 
and  Mississippi,  but  on  all  their  tributaries,  especially  on  the 
Muskingum,  Scioto,  Miami,  Wabash,  Illinois,  Kentucky,  and 
minor  streams — are  mounds  which  served  as  outlooks.  These  were 
always  placed  in  positions  to  command  extended  views,  and  from 
which  signals  could  be  given  to  still  others  of  the  same  character, 
or  probably  to  settlements  remote  from  the  watercourses. 

A  system  of  these  works  no  doubt  formerly  existed  on  the 
Great  Miami  Eiver  extending  north  of  Dayton,  Ohio,  southward 
to  the  Ohio  River,  and  connected  with  the  great  settlement  on 
the  site  of  Cincinnati  and  with  the  high  bluffs  on  the  Kentucky 
shore.  The  great  Mound  at  Miamisburgh,  ten  miles  south  of 
Dayton,  formed  a  part  of  this  chain.  This  monster  mound  is 
sixty-eight  feet  high  and  852  feet  in  circumference,  and  may 
have  served  the  double  purpose  of  a  signal  station  and  the  base 
of  a  small  edifice  devoted  to  astronomical  or  religious  purposes. 
There  is  little  doubt  that  the  Mound-builders  in  the  latter 
period  of  their  occupancy  of  this  region,  when  apprehensive  of 
danger  from  their  enemies,  employed  a  system  of  signal  telegraph 
by  which  communication  was  had,  through  means  of  the  watch- 
fire  or  the  torch,  between  localities  as  distant  as  those  now 
occupied  by  Cincinnati  and  Dayton.  Only  a  few  minutes  were 
necessary  by  means  of  such  a  perfected  system  in  which  to  trans- 
mit a  signal  fifty  or  one  hundred  miles.  Squier  and  Davis 
remark  on  this  subject :  "  There  seems  to  have  existed  a  system 
of  defences  extending  from  the  sources  of  the  Alleghany  and 


WORKS  AT  NEWARK.  53 

Susquehanna  in  New  York,  diagonally  across  the  country,  through 
Central  and  Northern  Ohio  to  the  Wabash.  Within  this  range 
the  works  which  are  regarded  as  defensive  are  largest  and  most 
numerous."  The  signal  system  we  have  reason  to  believe  was 
employed  throughout  the  entire  extent  of  this  range  of  works. 
The  majority  of  the  enclosures  found  in  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi 
valleys  are  presumed  not  to  have  been  designed  for  military  pur- 
poses, since  the  trench  is  usually  inside  of  the  embankment. 
However,  instances  of  the  trench  being  outside  of  the  parapet 
occur  in  Southern  Ohio.1  The  most  magnificent  Mound-builder 
remains  in  Ohio  are  the  extensive  and  intricate  works  near 
Newark  in  Licking  County.  The  survey  made  by  Col.  Whit- 
tlesey  and  published  in  the  Ancient  Monuments  of  tlie  Missis- 
sippi Valley,  is  the  most  reliable  as  well  as  the  fullest  source  of 
our  information  concerning  their  magnitude,  though  the  plan 
has  been  corrected  considerably  by  more  recent  surveys.  These 
works  occupy  an  area  of  two  miles  square,  and  formerly  consisted 
of  twelve  miles  of  embankment.  The  spacious  gateways — one 
of  which  has  embankments  on  both  sides  measuring  thirty-five 
feet  in  height  from  the  bottom  of  the  interior  trench — the 
labyrinthine  system  of  avenues,  the  strangely-shaped  mounds, 
one  of  which  resembles  a  huge  bird- track  with  a  middle  toe 
155  feet  in  length  and  the  remaining  two  each  110  feet  in  length 
— together  with  the  solitude  of  the  ancient  forest  which  entombed 
this  buried  city,  we  confess  impressed  us  with  a  sense  of  wonder- 
ment and  that  strange  perplexity  which  an  insoluble  mystery 
exercises  over  the  mind.  We  can  appreciate  the  remark  of 
Mr.  Squier  in  his  description  :  "  Here  covered  with  the  gigantic 

1  Dr.  Foster,  Pre-Historic  Races,  p.  145,  cites  a  letter  from  Prof.  E.  B. 
Andrews,  of  the  Ohio  Geological  Survey,  describing  an  earthwork  discovered 
by  him  in  Vinton  County  with  the  ditch  outside  the  parapet.  In  his  Report  of 
Explorations  of  Mounds  in  Southern  Ohio,  published  in  Tenth  Ann.  Report  of 
the  Peabody  Museum  of  Am.  Arch,  and  Eth.,  p.  53  (Camb.,  1877),  the  professor 
remarks  :  "  On  a  spur  of  a  ridge  about  two  miles  east  of  Lancaster  is  an  earth 
wall,  evidently  for  defence.  The  ditch  is  on  the  outside  of  the  wall,  where  it 
should  be  according  to  modern  ideas  of  defence.  In  this  particular  the  earth- 
work differs  from  all  the  circles  and  so-called  '  forts,'  either  circular  or  square, 
which  I  have  seen,  these  having  the  ditch  on  the  inside." 


54 


MARIETTA   WORKS. 


trees  of  a  primitive  forest,  the  work  truly  presents  a  grand  and 
impressive  appearance  ;  and  in  entering  the  ancient  avenue  for 
the  first  time,  the  visitor  does  not  fail  to  experience  a  sensation 
of  awe,  such  as  he  might  feel  in  passing  the  portals  of  an  Egyp- 
tian temple,  or  in  gazing  upon  the  ruins  of  Petra  of  the  Desert." 
It  is  estimated  that  a  force  'of  thousands  of  men  assisted  by 

modern  appliances  and 
implements  as  well  as 
horse-power,  which  the 
Mound-builder  did  not 
possess,  would  require 
several  months  in  which 
to  construct  these  works.1 
At  Marietta  a  most  inter- 
esting system  of  works 
exist,  covering  an  area 
three-fourths  of  a  mile 
long  and  half  a  mile  broad. 
These  occupy  the  river 
terrace  or  second  bottom 
at  the  confluence  of  the 

Muskinguin  Kiver  with  the  Ohio,  and  present  analogies  with  the 
works  further  south  and  with  those  of  Mexico.2  Two  irregular 
squares  inclose  fifty  and  twenty-seven  acres  respectively.  The 
walls  of  the  larger  are  between  five  and  six  feet  high  and  from 


SQUARE  MOUND,  MARIETTA. 


1  Foster's  Pre-Historic  Races,  p.  128 :  "  No  one,  I  think,  can  view  the  com- 
plicated system  of  works  here  displayed  and  stretching  away  for  miles  without 
arriving  at  the  conclusion  that  they  are  the  result  of  an  infinite  amount  of  toil 
expended  under  the  direction  of  a  governing  mind,  and  having  in  view  a  definite 
aim.     At  this  day,  with  our  iron  instruments,  with  our  labor-saving  machines, 
and  the  aid  of  horse-power,  to  accomplish  such  a  task  would  require  the  labor  of 
many  thousand1  men  continued  for  many  months.     These  are  the  work  of  a  peo- 
ple who  had  fixed  habitations,  and  who,  deriving  their  support  in  part  at  least 
from  the  soil,  could  devote  their  surplus  labor  to  the  rearing  of  such  structures. 
A  migratory  people  dependent  upon  the  uncertainties  of  the  chase  for  a  living, 
would  not  have  the  time,  nor  would  there  be  the  motive,  to  engage  in  such 
a  stupendous  undertaking." 

2  Foster's  Pre-Historic  Races,  p.  129. 


GRADED  WAY   NEAR  PIKETON,   OHIO. 


twenty  to  thirty  feet  wide  at  the  base.  Within  an  enclosure  are 
four  truncated  pyramids  or  platforms,  one  of  which,  the  largest, 
is  188  feet  long,  132  feet  wide,  and  only  10  feet  high,  with 
a  graded  way  reaching  to  its  summit,  as  have  also  two  of  the 
other  pyramids.  No  one  can  look  at  these  structures  without 
seeing  the  force  of  Lewis  H.  Morgan's  Pueblo  theory,1  which 


GRADED  WAY  NEAR  PIKETON,  OHIO. 

makes  these  mounds  or  fattened  pyramidal  elevations  the  foun- 
dation for  edifices  of  a  perishable  nature  ;  constructed  perhaps 
of  hewn  wood,  but  not  of  a  combination  of  the  adobe  and  wood 
as  he  supposes,  since  no  material  for  such  a  combination  is  found 
in  the  Ohio  valley.2  The  most  elevated  of  the  Marietta  works  is 
an  elliptical  mound  thirty  feet  high,  enclosed  by  an  embankment. 
The  most  recent  and  satisfactory  exploration  of  mounds  in 
Ohio,  was  that  conducted  by  Prof.  E.  B.  Andrews,  for  the  Pea- 

1  North  American  Eevisw,  July,  1S7Q. 

2  Robert  Clarke's  Pre-Historic  Remains  at  Cincinnati,  p.  18  :  "I  believe  I 
am  correct  in  saying  that  there  is  no  clay  in  Ohio  which  could  be  applied  in 
this  way  and  resist  for  any  length  of  time  the  washing  rains  and  sudden  winter 
changes  of  temperature  of  our  climate,"  et  seq. 


56  ANDREWS'   EXPLORATIONS  IN   SOUTHERN   OHIO. 

body  Museum  of  American  Archaeology  and  Ethnology,  and 
published  in  the  Tenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Trustees  (Cam- 
bridge, 1877).  The  mounds  examined  are  in  Fairfield,  Perry, 
Athens,  and  Hocking  Counties.  In  Fairfield  County  they  were 
all  located  upon  hills  and  commanded  extensive  views.  Their 
contents  indicated  great  age,  being  much  decayed.  At  New 
Lexington  in  Perry  County,  ancient  flint  diggings,  unquestion- 
ably worked  by  the  Mound-builders,  were  examined,  many  of  the 
pits  being  six  to  eight  feet  deep.  In  Athens  County,  on  Wolf 
Plain,  situated  in  Athens  and  Dover  Townships,  several  circles 
and  nineteen  conical  mounds  are  found.  One  of  the  latter 
measures  forty  feet  high,  with  a  diameter  of  170  feet,  and  con- 
tains 437.742  cubic  feet.  Another,  known  as  the  Beard  Mound, 
was  excavated,  and  the  interesting  fact  discovered  that  in  its 
construction  the  dirt  had  been  "  thrown  down  in  small  quan- 
tities— averaging  about  a  peck — as  if  from  a  basket."  Prof. 
Andrews  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  mound  was  a  long  time  in 
building,  "for  we  find,"  he  remarks,  "at.  many  different  levels, 
the  proof  that  grasses  and  other  vegetation  grew  rankly  upon 
the  earth  heap  and  were  buried  by  the  dirt."  In  a  neighboring 
mound  known  as  the  George  Connett  Mound,  under  a  bed  of 
charcoal  five  feet  below  the  summit,  a  skeleton  was  found  in  a 
box  or  coffin,  enclosed  by  timbers.  The  upper  part  of  the  coffin 
and  middle  of  the  body  had  been  destroyed  by  fire.  A  circle  of 
five  hundred  copper  beads  was  found  around  the  body.  A  cop- 
per instrument  resembling  a  calker's  chisel,  measuring  141  mm. 
in  length,  width  at  flattened  end,  52  mm.,  diameter  of  cylin- 
drical part,  20  mm.  The  instrument  was  formed  from  sheet 
copper,  beaten  with  such  care  that  no  traces  of  the  hammer  are 
visible.  "The  edges  are  brought  together  and  united  very 
closely  by  a  slight  overlap."  Professor  Andrews  describes  and 
figures  a  piece  of  leather  ornamented  with  oval  copper  beads 
taken  from  a  point  eight  feet  below  the  surface  of  a  mound 
designated  as  the  "school-house  mound."  The  original  piece 
measured  eight  or  ten  inches  square,  but  unfortunately  fell  into 
the  hands  of  bystanders,  who  tore  it  in  pieces  for  relics.  The 
Professor  regards  the  curiosity  as  of  Mound-builder  origin,  and 


GRAVE  CREEK  MOUND.  57 

thinks  it  belonged  to  an  ornamented  dress.  We  cannot  detail 
these  interesting  explorations  here,  and  must  dismiss  them  with 
the  deduction  that  in  certain  cases  the  cremation  of  the  bodies 
found  in  mounds  was  accidental,  caused  by  the  heat  penetrating 
through  a  layer  of  earth  on  which  a  fire  had  been  kindled.  In 
other  instances,  the  body  seems  to  have  been  burned  intention- 
ally, and  the  ashes  and  charred  bones  heaped  together  in  the 
centre  of  the  mound.  Some  clay  and  stone  tubes  of  fine  work- 
manship were  obtained.  The  same  document  above  cited  con- 
tains a  valuable  paper  by  Mr.  Lucian  Carr  on  his  interesting 
exploration  of  a  mound  in  Lee  County,  Virginia. 

Grave  Creek  Mound,  situated  twelve  miles  below  Wheeling 
in  West  Virginia,  is  the  Monster  work  of  the  Ohio  Valley.  It 
measures  seventy  feet  in  height  and  nine  hundred  feet  in  circum- 
ference. Its  form  is  that  of  a  truncated  cone,  the  flattened  area 
on  the  top  being  fifty  feet  in  diameter.1  The  States  of  Indiana2 
and  Illinois  formed  with  Ohio  a  portion  of  the  great  centre  of 
the  Mound-builder  country,  as  the  remains  found  on  the  water- 

1  See  A.  B.  Tomlinson's  Grave  Creek  Mound  (1838).    Schoolcraft  in  American 
Ethnological  Soc.  Transactions,  vol.  i.     Especially  Squier  and  Davis. 

2  Dr.  Patton  lias  described  some  interesting  mounds  near  Vincennes,  Indiana. 
A  giant  mound,  which  towers  above  many  others  of  considerable  proportions, 
is  called  the  Sugar-loaf  Mound,   and   stands   on   a   promontory  which  over- 
looks the  rich  valley  of  the  Wabash.     The  height  of  the  Sugar-loaf  is  seventy 
feet,  with  a  circumference  at  the  base  of  one  thousand  feet.     Dr.  Patton  in 
June,  1873,  sank  a  shaft  in  this  mound  to  the  depth  of  forty-six  feet.     The 
composition  of  the  mound  was  of  siliceous  sand,  nowhere  found  in  the  region 
except  in  other  mounds.     At  ten  feet  below  the  summit  bones  were  found,  but 
much  decayed.     Immediately  below  them  was  a  layer  of  charcoal  and  ashes. 
Thirty  feet  deeper  the  same  conditions  were  repeated,  and  the  bones  again  were 
so  brittle  as  to  render  it  impossible  to  save  them.     A  bed  of  calcined  clay  was 
next  entered  which  could  not  be  penetrated  with  the  instruments  at  command. 
One  mile  south  of  the  Sugar-loaf  is  a  pyramidal  mound  forty-three  feet  high, 
with  a  circumference  of  714  feet  at  the  base  and  a  platform  on  top  fifteen  feet 
wide  and  fifty  feet  in  length.     Others  of  as  great  proportions  are  described. 
Smithsonian  Report,  1873,  pp.  411  et  seq.    See  also  Antiquities  of  La  Porte 
County,  Indiana,  by  R.  S.  Robertson  in  Smithsonian  Report  for  1874,  pp.  377 
et  seq.     A  very  low  type  of  cranium  was  exhumed  from  one  of  the  mounds  in 
this  county.     Also  see  Mounds  at  Merom  and  Hutsonmlle  on  the  Wabash,  by 
F.  W.  Putnam— Proceedings  of  the  Boston  Soc.  of  Nat.  Hist. ,  vol.  xv,  1872. 
Fifty-nine  mounds  were  examined,  and  three  stone  graves  discovered. 


58 


EXPLORATIONS   IN   TENNESSEE. 


courses  of  both  States  testify. 
Kankakee,  Illinois  and  Saline 
dwelling-places  of  a  thrifty  and 
thousands  of  structures  behind 
tains,  the  natural  limit  of  the 
to  have  served  as  the  eastern 


The  valleys  of  the  Wabash, 
Rivers  were  the  once  populous 
industrious  people  who  have  left 
them.1  The  Alleghany  Moun- 
great  Mississippi  basin,  appears 
and  south-eastern  boundary  of 


PENDANTS  AND  SINKERS.    (Nat.  Mus.) 

the  Mound-builder  country.  In  Western  New  York,  Western 
Pennsylvania,  West  Virginia,  and  in  all  of  Kentucky  and 
Tennessee,  their  remains  are  numerous  and  in  some  instances 
imposing.  In  Tennessee  especially,  the  works  of  the  Mound- 
builders  are  of  the  most  interesting  character.  Prof.  Joseph 
Jones,  of  the  University  of  New  Orleans,  has  by  his  thorough 


1  For  an  excellent  treatment  of  this  part  of  the  subject,  see  Foster's  Pre- 
Historic  Races,  pp.  130-144  inclusive. 


STONE  FORT  NEAR  MANCHESTER. 


59 


and  recent  explorations  under  the  patronage  of  the  Smithsonian 
Institution,  brought  to  light  very  interesting  materials  for  the 
study  of  the  history  of  this  people.  The  works  of  defence  in  the 
shape  of  stone  forts,  by  some  thought  to  be  peculiar  to  New  York 
and  the  lake  boundaries,  with  occasional  exceptions  in  the  Ohio 
Valley,  have  been  found  to  abound  in  Coffee  and  other  counties. 


Scale*  eeOf€.io  inch,. 


ten- 


very  perfect  example  of  this  kind  of  fortification,  but  very 
imperfectly  described  and  figured  by  Haywood,1  is  that  known 
as  the  stone  fort  near  Manchester,  Tenn.  This  enclosure,  con- 
taining over  fifty-four  acres,  has  been  minutely  described  by 
Prof.  Jones.2  In  the  accompanying  cut  the  reader  will  obtain  a 


1  In  Ancient  Monuments  of  Mississippi  Valley. 

2  Explorations  of  the  Aboriginal  Remains  of  Tennessee, 
tribution  No.  259.     Oct.  1876,  p.  100. 


Smithsonian  Con- 


6Q  RUDE  STONE  COFFINS. 

pretty  clear  idea  of  the  form  of  this  fort.  The  wall,  which  varies 
from  four  to  ten  feet  in  height,  is  composed  of  loose  rocks 
gathered  apparently  from  the  bed  of  the  streams  below,  and  the 
vicinity.  The  ditch  shown  in  the  cut  at  the  rear  of  the  works 
was  probably  designed  to  convey  water  from  one  creek  to  the 
other.  The  entrance  is  quite  complicated  and  constitutes  the 
most  remarkable  feature  of  the  fortification. 

One  peculiarity  of  burial  noticeable  in  this  locality,  and  one 
which  evidently  indicates  progression  when  we  come  to  compare 
these  people  with  those  farther  north,  is  the  fact  that  the  ancient 
race  of  Tennessee  buried  their  dead  in  rude  stone  coffins  or  cists, 
constructed  of  flat  pieces  of  limestone  or  slaty  sandstone  which 
abound  in  the  central  portions  of  the  State.  In  most  of  the 
mounds  this  mode  of  burial  prevailed,  but  was  not  confined  to 
them,  for  outside  of  the  mounds  in  many  enclosures  a  large 
number  of  stone  graves  occur.  Of  the  class  of  "  Stone-grave 
Burial  Mounds,"  one  situated  twelve  miles  from  Nashville,  near 
Brentwood,  is  worthy  of  mention.  This  mound  was  about  forty- 
five  feet  in  diameter  by  twelve  feet  high,  and  contained  one  hun- 
dred skeletons.  These  were  mostly  in  stone  graves,  which  were 
constructed  in  ranges  one  above  another,  three  or  four  deep. 
The  lower  graves  were  short  and  square,  containing  bones  that 
had  apparently  been  deposited  after  the  flesh  had  been  removed. 
The  upper  graves  were  full  length  and  contained  remains  in 
which  the  bones  occupied  their  natural  relation  to  each  other. 
The  workmanship  both  of  the  mound  and  stone  cists  was  of 
the  most  perfect  character.  The  lids  of  the  upper  stone  cists 
were  so  arranged  as  to  present  a  perfectly  rounded,  sloping 
rock  surface.  The  mound  was  situated  on  the  eastern  slope 
of  a  beautiful  hill,  covered  with  a  heavy  growth  of  the  native 
forest.  In  a  large  and  carefully  constructed  stone  tomb,  Prof. 
Jones  discovered  the  skeleton  of  an  aged  individual  of  immense 
length,  having  toothless  jaw  bones.  In  a  grave  occupied  by  a 
skeleton  of  a  female,  a  small  compartment  or  stone  box  was 
found  near  the  head,  separated  from  the  main  coffin  by  stone 
slabs,  in  which  was  the  skeleton  of  an  infant.  It  should  be 
added  that  in  the  square  or  short  graves  so  often  met  with,  the 


RUDE   STONE   COFFINS. 


61 


skull  was  placed  in  the  centre  and  the  other 
bones  arranged  around  it.1  Numerous  stone 
graves  not  covered  by  mounds  were  found  on 
the  Cumberland  Eiver  opposite  the  mouth 
of  Lick  Branch,  surrounding  a  chain  of  four 
mounds.  A  similar  graveyard  was  found  on 
the  same  bank  of  the  Cumberland,  a  mile 
and  a  half  farther  down.  Others  were  met 
with  on  White  Creek,  nine  miles  from  Nash- 
ville, at  Sycamore  in  Cheatham  County;  at 


CLAY  IMAGE  FROM  A  STONE  GRAVE  IN  BURIAL 
MOUND  NEAR  BRENTWOOD,  TENNESSEE. 

Brentwood,  in  White  County  near  Sparta, 
and  along  the  tributaries  of  the  Cumberland 
and  Tennessee  Rivers  at  short  intervals.  At 
Oldtown  on  the  Big  Harpeth,  is  an  extensive 
and  remarkable  collection  of  stone  graves. 
All  these  burial  grounds  seem  to  be  those  of 
the  people  who  constructed  the  mounds,  for 
most  of  the  mounds  examined  contained  stone 

1  Antiquities  of  Tennessee,  p.  39,  and  other  places. 


62 


TEMPLE  BASE  NEAR  NASHVILLE. 


graves,  not  in  their  upper  strata,  but  on  the  level  of  the  sur- 
rounding land.  A  mound  opposite  Nashville,  on  the  east  bank 
of  the  Cumberland  River,  of  great  interest,  was  examined.  Prof. 
Jones  is  convinced  that  it  formerly  served  as  the  site  or  base  of 
a  temple.  Its  dimensions  were  one  hundred  feet  in  diameter  by 
only  ten  feet  high.  In  the  centre  of  the  mound  and  only  three 
feet  from  its  surface  the  Professor  uncovered  a  large  sacrificial 
vase  or  altar,  forty-three  inches  in  diameter,  composed  of  a  mix- 
ture of  clay  and  river-shells.  The  rim  of  this  flat  earthen  vessel 
or  sacrificial  altar  was  three  inches  in  height  and  appeared 


SHELL  ORNAMENT  FROM  THE  BREAST  OF  A  SKELETON  FOUND  IN  A  CAREFULLY 
CONSTRUCTED  STONE  COFFIN  IN  A  MOUND  NEAR  NASHVILLE,  TENN. 

mathematically  circular.  The  surface  of  the  "altar"  was  cov- 
ered by  a  layer  of  ashes  about  one  inch  in  thickness.  The 
antlers  and  jawbone  of  a  deer  were  found  resting  on  the  surface 
of  the  altar,  and  it  is  probable  that  part  of  the  animal  had  been 
consumed  as  a  sacrifice.  The  whole  had  been  carefully  covered 
with  three  feet  of  earth  and  the  ashes  preserved.  In  this  mound 
rude  sarcophagi  were  ranged  around  this  sacred  centre  with  the 
heads  toward  the  altar  and  the  feet  toward  the  circumference  of 
the  circle,  while  the  directions  of  the  bodies  were  those  of  radii. 
Those  bodies  near  the  altar  were  ornamented  with  numerous 
beads  of  sea-shell  and  bone.  In  a  carefully  constructed  stone 


OLDTOWN,   TENNESSEE. 


63 


sarcophagus,  in  which  the  face  of  the  skeleton  was  turned 
toward  the  setting  sun,  the  beautiful  shell  ornament  shown  in 
the  cut,  measuring  4.4  inches  in  diameter,  was  found  lying  on  the 
breast-bone  of  the  skeleton.  It  was  made  from  some  large  shell 
derived  from  the  sea-coast.  Of  the  numerous  interesting  places 
examined  by  Prof.  Jones,  the  site  of  Oldtown,  on  the  Big  Har- 
peth  Kiver,  about  six  miles  south-west  of  Franklyn,  Tennessee, 
is  worthy  of  special  attention.  The  plan  of  the  works  and  their 
general  dimensions  will  be  seen  in  the  cut.  At  present,  the 


Scale  330/tJoiiich 


PLAN  OF  OLDTOWN  WORKS. 

crescent-shaped  wall  of  2470  feet  in  extent  is  but  from  two  to 
six  feet  in  height,  having  been  reduced  to  its  present  condition 
by  the  plowshare.  Thirty  years  ago  it  is  said  to  have  been  so 
steep  that  it  was  impossible  to  ride  a  horse  over  it.  Within  the 
enclosure  are  two  pyramidal  mounds  ;  the  larger  is  one  hundred 
and  twelve  by  sixty-five  feet  and  eleven  feet  high,  and  the 
smaller,  seventy  by  sixty  feet  by  nine  feet  high  ;  also  a  small 
burial  mound  measuring  thirty  by  twenty  feet  and  2.5  feet  high. 
Another  burial  mound  is  covered  by  the  residence  of  the  owner, 
Mr.  Thomas  Brown.  Many  curiously-shaped  clay  vessels  were 
obtained  at  these  works  by  the  explorers.  Some  of  the  vases 
were  fashioned  into  effigies  of  frogs  and  various  animals,  and  one 


64 


OLDTOWN   ART. 


vase  obtained  by  Mr.  Brown  in  excavating  for  the  foundation 
for  bis  residence,  had  a  neck  terminating  in  two  human  heads. 
Some  of  the  vessels  from  Oldtown  are  figured  in  the  cut. 


STONE  PIPE,  MURFREESBORO,  TENN.     %  NATURAL  SIZE. 


POTTERY  FROM  OLDTOWN,  TENN. 

The  art  of  painting  seems  to  have  been  extensively  practised 
by  the  mound  people  of  Tennessee,  not  only  in  the  decoration 
of  pottery,  but  in  representing  ideal  conceptions,  which  they 
spread  out  in  extensive  pictures  upon  the  smooth  faces  of  rocky 


PROFESSOR  PUTNAM'S  EXPLORATIONS. 


65 


walls  overhanging  the  rivers.  The  material  generally  used  was 
red  ochre.  Prof.  Jones  says :  "The  painting  representing  the 
sun  on  the  rocks  overhanging  the  Big  Harpeth  River,  about 
three  miles  below  the  road  which  crosses  this  stream  and  con- 
nects Nashville  and  Charlotte,  can 
be  seen  for  a  distance  of  four  miles, 
and  it  is  probable  that  the  worship- 
pers of  the  sun  assembled  before  this 
high  place  for  the  performance  of 
their  sacred  rites."  *  The  Professor's 
vast  collection  of  relics  in  stone  and 
clay,  including  several  images,  we 
cannot  here  describe.  We  refer  the 
reader  to  the  Memoir  itself.  The 
Professor  has  clearly  shown  that  the 
Mound- builder  people  and  the  Indians 
were  distinct,  and  has  set  at  rest  a 
question  upon  which  some  few  doubts 
were  still  entertained  by  a  certain 

school  of  Archgeologists,  which  has  really  never  been  very  strong. 
The  connection  with  or  identity  of  the  Mound-builders  arid  the 
Toltics  or  the  same  family  of  people  is  also  shown  satisfactorily. 
We  will  add  that  the  Professor  is  disposed  to  consider  the 
Natchez  as  the  connecting  link  between  the  Mound-builders  and 
the  Nahuas.  We  regard  the  Memoir  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tant which  has  ever  appeared  on  the  subject  of  mound  explora- 
tion. The  rich  collection  of  crania  will  be  referred  to  in  a  future 
chapter. 

In  September,  1877,  Prof.  F.  W.  Putnam  and  Mr.  Edwin 
Curtiss,  also  a  party  under  Major  Powell  excavated  a  large  num- 
ber of  mounds  and  stone  graves,  mostly  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Nashville,  Tennessee.  The  results  were  substantially  the  same 
as  those  obtained  by  Prof.  Jones.  Prof.  Putnam  found  within 
an  earthwork  near  Lebanon,  in  Wilson  County,  sixty  miles  east 
of  Nashville,  what  he  considers  to  be  the  remains  of  dwell- 


BLACK  VASE  FROM  AN  ABO- 
RIGINAL CEMETERY,  NINE 
MILES  FROM  NASHVILLE. 


Antiquities  of  Tennessee,  p.  138. 


66 


PROFESSOR  PUTNAM'S  EXPLORATIONS. 


PAINTED  JAR  FROM  CHILD'S  GRAVE  (TENNESSEE). 
(Prof.  Putnam's  Exploration.) 

ings  of  the  Mound-builders.  There  were  circular  ridges  of  earth 
varying  from  a  few  inches  to  a  little  over  three  feet  in  height, 
with  diameters  ranging  from  ten  to  fifty  feet.  Within  these 
enclosures,  a  few  inches  below  the  surface,  hard  floors,  upon 
which  fires  had  been  made,  were  discovered.  Under  these  floors, 
in  many  instances,  infants  and  children  had  been  buried,  while 
the  adults  had  been  interred  in  a  neighboring  mound.  Accom- 
panying the  skeletons  of  the  children,  many  beautiful  vessels  of 
strange  and  artistic  forms  were  found  (cuts  of  three  of  these  were 


PROFESSOR  PUTNAM'S  EXPLORATIONS. 


67 


kindly  furnished  by  Prof.  Putnam  for  this  work),  all  evincing 
the  tenderness  with  which  the  offspring  of  this  people  were 
regarded.  Prof.  Putnam  examined  nineteen  of  the  earth-circles, 
which  he  adds,  "  proved  to  my  satisfaction  that  the  ridges  were 


DISH  FROM  CHILD'S  GRAVE  (TENNESSEE). 
(Prof.  Putnam's  Exploration.) 

formed  by  the  decay  of  the  walls  of  a  circular  dwelling.  *  *  * 
These  houses  had  probably  consisted  of  a  frail  circular  structure, 
the  decay  of  which  would  only  leave  a  slight  elevation,  the 
formation  of  the  ridge  being  assisted  by  the  refuse  from  the 
house." l 

Colonies  of  Mound-builders  seem  to  have  passed  the  great 
natural  barrier  into  North  Carolina  and  left  remains  in  Marion 
County,  while  still  others  penetrated  into  South  Carolina  and 
built  on  the  Wateree  Kiver.  In  March,  1873,  Mr.  Jas.  R.  Page 
examined  several  mounds  in  Washington  and  Issaquena  Coun- 
ties in  the  State  of  Mississippi.  One  mound  explored  in  Wash- 

1  Eleventh  Annual  Report  ofPeahody  Museum,  pp.  348-360.  Cambridge,  1878. 
See  also  Antiquities  of  Jackson  County,  Tenn.,  by  Rev.  Joshua  Hale,  in  Smithso- 
nian Reports  for  1874,  p.  384.  Very  interesting  and  valuable  explorations  have 
been  conducted  in  Tennessee  by  Mr.  E.  0.  Dunning  for  the  Peabody  Museum 
of  Am.  Arch,  and  Eth.  See  Reports,  3d,  p.  7 ;  4th,  p.  7  ;  5th,  p.  11. 


68 


MOUND  COLONIES. 


JAR  FROM  CHILD'S  GRAVE  (TENNESSEE). 
(Prof.  Putnam's  Exploration.) 

ington  County  on  the  old  bank  of  the  Mississippi  River,  was  a 
truncated  cone  eighty  feet  in  diameter  by  forty  feet  high.  A 
mound  in  the  neighborhood,  only  eleven  feet  high,  yielded  rich 
returns  for  the  labors  of  excavation.  A  white  oak  on  its  summit 
measured  thirty-six  inches  in  diameter.  .  This  mound  yielded 
twelve  skeletons  with  their  crania.  The  group  was  in  a  sitting 


MISSISSIPPI  MOUNDS. 


69 


posture  around  a  circle,  with  their  faces  looking  toward  its 
centre.  Directly  in  front  of  the  mouth  of  each  skeleton  were 
placed  two  or  three  vessels  of  pottery,  beautifully  ornamented 
with  etchings  and  graceful  lines.  The  object  of  the  vessels,  placed 
in  such  near  proximity  to  the  mouths  of  the  buried  remains, 


WORKS  IN  WASHINGTON  COUNTY,  Miss. 

can  only  be  conjectured.  We  regret  that  no  measurements  of 
the  crania  are  given,  and  what  is  more,  we  deplore  the  loss  of 
most  of  the  crania  in  the  course  of  their  transportation.1  Mr. 
W.  Marshall  Anderson,  of  Circleville,  Ohio,  examined  Mounds  in 
Issaquena  County,  Miss.,  with  interesting  results  ;  in  one  mound 

1  Mr.  Jas.  It.  Page's  Results  of  Investigations  of  Indian  Mounds,  in  Transac- 
tions of  St..  Louis  Acad.  df  Science,  vol.  iii,  p.  226,  and  copied  in  Cincinnati 
Quar.  Journal  of  Science,  Oct.  1875,  vol.  ii,  No.  4,  pp.  371  et  seq. 


70  THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL. 

opened,  not  far  from  its  outer  edge,  three  skeletons  were  found 
buried  in  a  standing  position,  as  though  they  had  acted  as  the 
guards  of  a  more  distinguished  person  deposited  in  the  centre. 
Penetrating  the  mound  still  farther  by  means  of  a  trench,  Mr. 
Anderson  reached  a  large  deposit  of  ashes  and  burnt  earth. 
Near  the  centre  of  the  mound  and  five  feet  above  the  level  of 
the  earth,  upwards  of  twenty-five  unbroken  specimens  of  fine 
pottery  were  discovered.  At  the  very  centre  three  individuals 
had  been  buried  apparently  in  great  state,  with  all  the  insignia 
of  their  important  positions  in  life.  These  were  ornaments, 
urns,  vases,  beads,  and  arrow-points  ;  while  adjoining  the  heads 
of  each  were  food  and  drinking  vessels.  Not  far  removed  from 
these,  two  skeletons  were  found  with  bowls  placed  upon  their 
heads  like  helmets.  Mr.  Anderson  is  the  possessor  of  a  very 
remarkable  stone  disk  obtained  for  him  by  Dr.  Robinson  from  a 
Issaquena  mound  near  Lake  Washington,  Miss.  The  disk  is 
nearly  eight  and  a  half  inches  in  diameter  and  three-quarters  of 
an  inch  thick,  of  fine-grained  sandstone.  The  device  which  it 
bears  upon  its  face  is  composed  of  two  entwined  rattlesnakes. 
A  trifling  ornamental  border  is  graven  on  the  reverse  side  of  the 
disk.  When  found  it  was  broken  in  two  pieces.  Mr.  Anderson, 
in  comparing  its  strange  device  to  the  Aztec  Calendar  Stone, 
remarks  :  "  Here  are  the  eighteen  pipes  of  the  border  corres- 
ponding to  the  eighteen  months  of  the  year,  but  the  twenty 
days  of  the  month  and  the  five  intercalaries  are  not  to  be  found. 
The  thirteen  hieroglyph ical  figures,  and  the  four  zodiacal  signs, 
which  as  multiples  give  the  fifty- two  years  of  the  Aztec  cycle, 
are  also  absent  on  the  Mississippi  stone."  l  The  serpent-symbol 
appears  to  have  played  its  part  among  the  Mound-builders,  as 
well  as  in  Mexico  and  Central  America.  The  great  serpent  of 
Adams  County,  Ohio,  is  the  most  extensive  delineation  of  the 
all-important  symbol  on  the  continent.  Out  of  eighteen  engraved 
circular  plates  made  of  the  shell  of  the  Pyrula  and  taken  from 
Brakebifl  and  Lick  Creek  Mounds  in  East  Tennessee  (and  now 
deposited  in  the  Peabody  Museum  of  Archaeology)  thirteen  bear 

1  In  Cincinnati  Quar.  Journal  of  Science,  Oct.  1875,  p.  378.     Also  see  Wil- 
son's Pre-Historic  Man,  vol.  i,  p.  318. 


MOUNDS  OF  THE  LOWER  MISSISSIPPI  VALLEY. 


71 


the  device  of  a  rattlesnake.  In  one  of  the  mounds  of  "  Mound 
City/'  Boss  County,  Ohio,  several  small  tablets  representing  the 
rattlesnake  were  unearthed,  while  other  mounds  in  the  same 
locality  yielded  pipes  bearing  the  same  representation.1 

On  the  Southern  Mississippi,  in  the  area  embraced  between 
the  termination  of  the  Cumberland  Mountains  near  Florence  and 
Tuscumbia  in  Alabama  and  the  mouth  of  Big  Black  River,  this 
people  left  numerous  works,  many  of  which  were  of  a  remarkable 
character.2  The  whole  region  bordering  on  the  tributaries  of  the 
Tombigbee,  the  country  through  which  the  Wolf  River  flows 


SHUTTLE-LIKE  TABLETS  FROM  THE  MOUNDS.    (Nat.  Mus.) 

and  that  watered  by  the  Yazoo  River  and  its  affluents,  was 
densely  populated  by  the  same  people  who  built  mounds  in  the 
Ohio  Valley.  Mr.  Fontaine  describes  the  mounds  of  this  region 
and  of  the  Tennessee  River  Valley  as  being  most  frequently  of 
the  truncated  pyramidal  type,  and  refers  to  one  (seen  by  him 
in  1847)  seventy  feet  high,  covering  an  acre  of  ground.  It  is 
remarkable  that  the  entire  valley  of  the  great  river  from  Cairo 
to  the  mouth  of  Pointe  a  la  Hache,  fifty  miles  below  New 
Orleans,  is  thickly  studded  with  mounds.3  As  at  Cahokia  the 

1  See  Wilson's  Pre-Historic,  Nan,  vol.  i,  p.  317. 

2  Fontaine's  How  tlie  World  was  Peopled,  p.  278,  and  Foster's  Pre-Historic 
Races,  pp.  Ill  et  seq. 

3  How  the  World  was  Peopled,  p.  278. 


72  ALABAMA  AND  GEORGIA  MOUNDS. 

Monarch  Mound  occupied  a  space  equal  to  six  acres,  so  at 
Seltzertown,  Mississippi,  we  have  another  immense  mound  cover- 
ing nearly  the  same  area.  Its  dimensions  are  :  length,  about  six 
hundred  feet ;  breadth,  four  hundred  feet  at  the  base  ;  height, 
forty  feet,  with  a  summit  nearly  four  acres  in  area,  reached  by 
means  of  a  graded  way.  The  structure  lies  with  its  greatest 
length  nearly  due  east  and  west.  Upon  the  platform  summit 
are  three  conical  mounds,  one  at  each  end  and  the  third  in  the 
centre.  The  mound  at  the  western  extremity  of  the  summit 
rises  to  a  height  of  nearly  forty  feet,  while  the  one  at  the  oppo- 
site extreme  does  not  fall  far  short  of  the  same  altitude.  This 
would  give  a  total  height  of  eighty  feet  above  the  level  of  the 
base.  Both  of  these  mounds  are  truncated.  Eight  other  mounds 
of  minor  proportions  are  observable.  The  most  remarkable 
feature  connected  with  this  mound  is  a  wall  of  sun-dried  bricks, 
built  two  feet  thick,  as  its  support  on  the  northern  side.  These 
were  filled  with  grass  rushes  and  leaves,  while  some  of  the  bricks 
of  great  size  used  in  angular  tumuli  which  mark  the  corners  of 
the  mound,  retain  the  impressions  of  human  hands.1  The  Mound- 
builders  were  certainly  numerous  in  the  Gulf  States  east  of  the 
Mississippi.  On  the  Etowah  Kiver  in  Alabarna  a  mound  seventy- 
five  feet  high  and  twelve  hundred  feet  in  diameter  at  the  base, 
has  a  graded  avenue  leading  to  its  flattened  summit.  It  has 
close  affinities  to  the  Mexican  and  Yucatan  mounds.2  M.  F. 
Stephenson  describes  a  group  of  ten  mounds  near  Cartersville, 
Georgia,  on  the  Etowah  Kiver,  the  principal  one  of  which  is 
eighty  feet  high  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  square  on  the 
top.  A  stone  idol,  gold  beads,  mica  mirrors,  translucent  quartz 
beautifully  wrought,  and.  many  relics  of  interest  were  here  dis- 
covered. He  also  describes  three  chambers  hewn  out  of  the 
solid  rock  at  the  falls  of  Little  Kiver,  near  the  Alabama  line  ; 
while  at  Nacooche  the  crest  of  a  conical  hill  was  cut  off  at 
fifty  feet  from  its  base,  leaving  a  platform  top  with  an  area 

1  Squier  and  Dams' s  Ancient  Monuments,  pp.  117  et  seq.    Foster's  Pro  Historic 
Races,  p.  112. 

2  E.  Cornelius  in  Sillimaris  Journal,  vol.  i,  p.  223,  and  Foster's  Pre-Historic 
Races,  p.  122. 


PYRAMID  OF  KOLEE  MOKEE.  73 

of  an  acre  and  a  half.  Two  sides  are  quite  precipitous,  but  the 
others  are  protected  by  a  ditch  and  wall.  Two  other  instances 
of  the  stone  wall  are  mentioned.  First  at  Yond  Mountain,  four 
thousand  feet  high  of  solid  granite,  and  perpendicular  on  all  sides 
except  a  small  space  which  is  protected  by  a  stone  wall  of  arti- 
ficial construction.  The  second  instance  is  quite  similar,  occur- 
ring at  Stone  Mountain,  which  reaches  a  height  of  2360  feet.1 
These  natural  eminences  no  doubt  were  utilized  for  the  purposes 
of  worship  or  observation,  just  as  many  natural  hills  in  Mexico 
were  graded  and  shaped  symmetrically  to  serve  similar  uses. 

Wm.  McKinley,  Esq.,.  has  described  and  surveyed  additional 
works  in  Georgia  of  quite  a  remarkable  character,  on  Sapelio 
Island  in  Mclntosh  County  and  on  Dry  Creek  in  Sacred  Grove, 
Early  County.  But  the  most  lofty  work  of  all,  the  giant  of  the 
mounds,  is  the  pyramid  of  Kolee  Mokee  in  the  same  county, 
reaching  a  height  of  ninety-five  feet  and  having  a  circumference 
at  its  base  of  1128  feet.  Its  form  is  that  of  a  parallelogram, 
350  feet  long  and  214  wide.  The  plane  on  the  summit  measures 
181  feet  in  length  by  82J  feet  in  width.2  In  Florida  the  works 
of  the  Mound-builders  have  been  extensively  examined  by  Prof. 
Jeffries  Wyman,  to  whose  labors  we  shall  refer  in  the  next  chap- 
ter. Dr.  A.  Mitchell  made  some  interesting  explorations  in  1848 
on  Amelia  Island,  and  was  rewarded  by  the  recovery  of  some 
well-marked  mound  crania.3 

Returning  to  the  confluence  of  the  Missouri  with  the  Missis- 
sippi, the  point  at  which  we  left  the  western  boundary  of  the 
Mound-builder  country  in  order  to  treat  the  characteristics  of  its 
central  region,  we  find  mounds,  as  we  previously  stated,  in  great 
numbers  in  the  neighborhood  of  St.  Louis.  In  the  valley  of  the 
St.  Francis  Eiver,  mounds  that  have  been  explored  have  yielded 


1  Smithsonian  Report,  1870,  and  Foster's  Pre-ffistoric  Paces,  p.  123.    A 
further  description  of  works  on  Etowah  River  in  Bartow  Co.,  Ga.,  by  Mr. 
Stephenson  in  Smithsonian  Report  for  1872,  p.  421.    A  full  and  elaborate  treat- 
ment is  also  that  by  Charles  C.  Jones,  Jr.,  entitled  Monumental  Remains  of 
Georgia.    Savannah,  1861.     12mo,  pp.  118. 

2  Smithsonian  Report,  1872. 

3  Smithsonian  Report,  1874,  pp.  390  et  seq. 


74         GREAT  MOUND,   WASHINGTON  COUNTY,  MISSOURI. 

many  rich  relics,  artistic  water  vessels,  vases  and  statuettes. 
In  Green  County,  Missouri,  N.  Lat.  37°  20'  and  16°  Long, 
west  of  Washington  City,  is  a  very  remarkable  truncated  conical 
mound  which  has  only  been  externally  surveyed.  This  mound 
is  60  feet  high,  350  feet  in  diameter  at  the  base,  and  130  feet  in 
diameter  on  the  top.  It  is  surrounded  by  a  trench  (except  about 
twenty  feet  at  the  north)  about  two  hundred  feet  wide  and  four 
feet  deep.  On  the  north  the  excavation  is  seven  or  eight  feet 
deep.1  These  trenches  served  a  double  purpose — that  of  furnish- 
ing material  for  the  construction  of  the  mound,  and  when  com- 
pleted, of  providing  an  impassable  moat  filled  with  water,  that 
neither  enemies  nor  the  rabble  might  approach  the  sacred  mount.2 

1  These  measurements  were  carefully  made  by  Dr.  S.  H.  Headlee,  of  St. 
James,  Missouri,  and  communicated  to  the  editors  of  the  Cincinnati  Quar. 
Jour,  of  Science,  published  in  January  number,  1875,  pp.  94-5. 

-  A  sensational  description  of  this  mound  which  appeared  in  the  St.  Louis 
Times  is  used  by  Mr.  S.  M.  Hosea  as  the  basis  of  an  article  on  Sacrificial  Mounds 
in  the  above  number  of  the  Cincinnati  Quarterly  Jour,  of  Science,  p.  62.  The 
account  contains  some  wonderful  statements,  which  are  evidently  made  by  some 
unscientific  person,  and  hence  are  utterly  worthless.  Although,  judging  from 
internal  evidence,  we  have  little  faith  in  the  reliableness  of  the  correspondent, 
we  give  a  paragraph  for  what  it  is  worth  :  "  The  approach  or  causeway  which 
leads  across  the  trench  from  the  north  is  ten  feet  in  width.  Ascending  from 
this  causeway  to  the  summit  of  the  mound  are  the  remains  of  a  rude  flight  of 
stairs,  constructed  originally  of  roughly-hewn  stones.  Most  of  these  steps  are 
now  displaced,  and  quite  a  number  have  rolled  down  into  the  trench  below,  but 
there  is  unmistakable  evidence  that  they  were  at  one  time  arranged  in  regular 
order  of  ascent,  and  could  doubtless  be  again  replaced  in  position  by  an  intelli- 
gent architect."  "By  a  series  of  investigations,  I  found  that  about  a  foot 
beneath  the  surface  there  was  a  regular  solid  platform  of  stone  covering  the 
entire  top  of  the  mound.  This  platform,  though  constructed  by  rude  and 
unmechanical  hands,  is  placed  in  position  with  a  precision  and  firmness  that 
might  well  defy  the  ravages  of  the  elements  in  all  coming  ages.  About  twelve 
feet  from  the  northern  edge  of  the  mound,  and  directly  on  a  line  with  the 
approach  and  stairway,  I  noticed  a  very  perceptible  elevation  of  the  earth, 
covering  an  area  of  about  twenty  by  fifteen  feet ;  and  driving  a  pick  into  the 
elevated  ground,  the  point  struck  upon  solid  rock  a  few  inches  below  the  surface. 
*  *  *  Pushing  our  work,  we  soon  unearthed  a  piece  of  workmanship  that  an 
antiquarian  would  have  worked  a  week  to  bring  to  light.  The  newly-discovered 
curiosity  consisted  of  a  flat  rock  twelve  feet  long,  ten  feet  wide,  and  eleven 
inches  thick.  The  centre  of  the  stone  was  hollowed  to  a  depth  of  six  inches, 
with  a  margin  of  about  one  foot  around  the  edge."  "At  the  south  end  of  the 


MOUNDS  AT  NEW  MADRID,   MISSOURI.  75 

In  Phillips  County,  Prof.  Cox  discovered  an  ancient  fortification 
near  Helena,  built  like  a  part  of  the  Seltzertown  mound,  of  sun- 
dried  bricks  ;  stems  and  leaves  of  the  cane  were  used  instead  of 
straw  in  making  the  bricks.1 

Professor  Swallow,  in  company  with  a  number  of  scientific 
gentlemen,  opened  a  large  mound  in  Lewis'  Prairie,  west  of  New 
Madrid,  Missouri  (in  December,  1856),  in  which  he  found  a 
great  collection  of  earthen  dishes  and  vases.  The  mound  was 
elliptical  in  form,  measuring  900  feet  in  periphery  at  the  base, 
570  feet  at  the  top  and  twenty  feet  in  height.  The  remarkable 
feature  of  the  mound  was  that  it  contained  a  room  formed  of 
poles,  lathed  with  split  cane  and  plastered  with  clay  both  inside 
and  out,  forming  a  solid  mass.  "  Over  this  room  was  built  the 
earthwork  of  the  mound,  so  that  when  it  was  completed  the 
room  was  in  its  centre.  The  earthwork  was  then  coated  with 
the  plaster,  and  over  all  nature  formed  a  soil.  This  mud  plaster- 
ing was  left  rough  on  the  outside  of  the  room,  but  smooth  on 
the  inside,  which  was  painted  with  red  ochre."  Some  of  the 
plastering  was  burned  as  red  and  hard  as  brick,  while  other  parts 
were  only  sun-dried.  Professor  Swallow  believes  the  mounds 
of  the  region  to  be  very  ancient.  On  mounds  and  neighbor- 
ing embankments  a  sycamore  tree  twenty-eight  feet  in  circum- 
ference, three  feet  above  the  ground,  a  black-walnut  twenty-six 
feet  in  circumference,  a  white  ash  twelve  feet  and  a  chestnut 
oak  eleven  feet  in  circumference  were  observed.  In  addition  to 
these  evidences  of  age,  the  Professor  states  that  six  feet  of  strati- 
fied sands  and  clays  have  formed  around  the  mounds  since  they 
were  deserted.  (See  Eighth  A  nnual  Report  of  Peabody  Museum, 
pp.  16  et  seq.  Cambridge,  1875.) 

stone,  a  round  hole  five  inches  deep  and  four  in  diameter  was  drilled.  Amongst 
the  dirt  taken  out  of  this  place  hewn  in  the  stone,  was  a  large  fossil  tooth  and  a 
piece  of  small  broken  stone  column,  and  several  bits  of  pottery  ware."  This 
description  is  very  suggestive  of  the  Mexican  Temple  or  Trocalli,  but  unfor- 
tunately for  the  facts,  Dr.  Headlee,  who  made  the  measurements  given  in  the  text 
a  short  time  subsequently,  failed  to  find  any  certain  evidences  that  either  a 
stairway  or  temple  had  existed  on  the  mound.  Such  reports  as  the  above 
correspond  with  what  we  hope  to  find  in  some  of  the  mounds,  but  as  yet  those 
hopes  have  not  been  satisfactorily  realized. 

1  Report  on  the  Gfcoloyy  of  Arkansas,  vol.  ii,  p.  414— cited  by  Foster. 


76  MB.   CONANT'S  INVESTIGATIONS. 

Mr.  A.  J.  Conant,  in  a  very  able  paper  published  in  the 
Transactions  of  the  St.  Louis  Academy  of  Sciences  for  April  5, 
1876,  has  more  fully  described  the  mound  works  near  New 
Madrid.  On  the  western  bank  of  the  Bayou  St.  John,  partly  in 
a  cypress  swamp  covered  with  heavy  timber  and  partly  on  adja- 
cent prairie  land,  an  earthwork  encloses  an  area  of  about  fifty 
acres.  In  this  enclosure  are  three  large  mounds,  one  of  which 
is  pyramidal  in  form  and  still  has  traces  of  a  graded  way.  An 
ancient  well  is  discernible  near  it.  A  circular  mound  at  the 
opposite  end  of  the  enclosure  is  estimated  by  Mr.  Conant  to 
have  afforded  a  place  of  burial  for  a  thousand  individuals.  The 
bodies  were  buried  with  their  heads  pointing  toward  the  centre 
of  the  mound.  A  gourd-shaped  vase,  a  small  jug  or  drinking 
vessel,  and  an  earthen  pan  or  platter  was  found  with  each 
skeleton.  The  mouths  of  the  vases  were  fashioned  into  the 
form  of  the  head  of  some  bird  or  the  figure  of  some  animal 
or  of  a  human  female.  In  depressions  about  three  feet  deep, 
within  the  enclosure,  remains  of  burnt  clay  ovens  were  found. 
Fire-places  were  disclosed,  as  well  as  fragments  of  earthen 
vessels  capable  of  holding  ten  or  twelve  gallons.  The  veritable 
kitchens  of  the  Mound-builders,  with  their  furniture,  seem  to 
have  been  brought  to  light.  In  front  of  the  enclosure  and  pro- 
jecting out  into  the  bayou,  are  tongues  of  land  about  thirty  feet 
long  by  ten  or  fifteen  feet  in  width,  and  about  the  same  distance 
apart,  "  resembling  upon  a  small  scale  the  wharves  of  a  seaport 
town/'  Mr.  Conant  pronounces  them  artificial,  and  that  when 
employed  by  these  builders,  the  present  cypress  swamp  was  the 
channel  of  a  river.  The.  multitude  of  mound  works  which  are 
scattered  over  the  entire  south-eastern  portion  of  Missouri  indi- 
cate that  the  region  "  was  once  inhabited  by  a  population  so 
numerous,  that  in  comparison  its  present  occupants  are  only  as 
the  scattered  pioneers  of  a  newly-settled  country."  1 

1  "  Within  the  State,  from  Pulaski  County  to  Arkansas,  in  all  the  little 
valleys  which  wind  in  and  out  among  the  flint-crowned  hills  of  the  Ozarks,  are 
seen  what  may  be  termed  garden  mounds.  These  are  elevated  about  two  or 
three  feet  above  the  natural  surface  of  the  land,  and  are  from  fifteen  to  fifty 
feet  in  diameter,  varying  thus  in  size  according  to  the  amount  of  richer  soil 


REMAINS  IN  THE  SOUTH-WEST. 


77 


Prof.  C.  G.  Forshey  in  Foster's  Pre-Historic  Races,  presents 
most  valuable  information  relative  to  the  mounds  in  the  south- 
west. His  observations  convince  us  that  the  State  of  Louisiana 
and  the  valleys  of  the  Arkansas  and  Red  Rivers  were  not  only  the 
most  thickly  populated  wing  of  the  Mound-builder  domain,  but 


DISCOIDAL  STONES  FROM  MOUNDS.     (Nat.  Mus.) 

also  furnish  us  with  remains  presenting  affinities  with  the  great 
works  of  Mexico  so  striking  that  no  doubt  can  longer  exist  that 
the  same  people  were  the  architects  of  both.  He  describes  works, 
some  of  them  of  immense  proportions,  on  the  Mississippi  fifty 

which  could  be  scraped  together.  Their  presence  may  always  be  detected  in 
fields  of  growing  grain  by  its  more  luxuriant  growth  and  deeper  green."— A.  J. 
Conant  in  the  Transactions  cited  above,  p.  354.  The  same  writer  has  treated 
the  subject  more  fully  in  a  recent  work  published  at  St.  Louis,  entitled,  "Thf 

Commonwealth  of  Missouri." 


78  LOUISIANA  MOUNDS. 


miles  above  Vicksburg ;  on  Walnut  Bayou  ;  the  south-west 
bend  of  Lake  St.  Joseph,  and  at  Trinity  in  the  parish  of  Cata- 
hoola,  Louisiana.  On  the  east  bank  of  the  Little  River,  a  couple 
of  miles  above  its  mouth,  where  it  empties  into  Lake  Ocalohoola, 
stands  a  bluff  walled  with  roughly  hewn  stone.  The  same  writer 
observed  a  mound  near  Natchez  twenty-five  feet  high,  standing 
isolated  in  a  swamp.  This  mound  is  one  among  many  in  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  lower  Mississippi  region  surmounted  by  com- 
paratively younger  trees  than  are  found  on  the  remains  farther 
north.  Works  occur  in  the  Atchafalaya  basin,  in  the  rear  of 
Baton  Rouge,  on  the  uplands  of  Lake  Pontchartrain  and  on  the 
banks  of  Bayou  Gros  Tete.  A  remarkable  group  of  truncated 
pyramids,  peculiarly  Mexican  in  their  style  of  architecture,  exist 
in  Madison  Parish,  Louisiana,  and  are  figured  in  Squier  and 
Davis  and  copied  by  Foster.1  It  is  needless  to  discuss  the  fact 
that  the  works  of  the  Mound-builders  exist  in  considerable  num- 
bers in  Texas,  extending  across  the  Rio  Grande  into  Mexico, 
establishing  an  unmistakable  relationship  as  well  as  actual  union 
between  the  truncated  pyramids  of  the  Mississippi  Valley  and 
the  Tocalli  of  Mexico  and  the  countries  further  south.2  There 
can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  unity  of  the  origin  of  the  works  in 
both  countries.  There  are  evidences  also  that  the  most  recent 
works  of  Louisiana  and  Texas  do  not  compare  in  antiquity  with 
any  found  in  the  Ohio  Valley,  showing  it  to  be  altogether  proba- 
ble that  the  Mound-builders  occupied  the  Lower  Mississippi 
Valley  and  Gulf  coast  for  a  considerable  period  after  they  were 
driven  from  the  northern  and  central  region  by  their  enemies.3 


1  Ancient  Monuments,  p.  115,  and  Pre-Historic  Races,  p.  120.  * 

2  Baldwin's  Ancient  America,  p.  72. 

3  Prof.  Forshey,   in  Footer's  Pre-Historic  Maces,  pp.   121,  122,  remarks  : 
"  There  is  a  class  of  mounds  west  of  the  Mississippi  Delta  and  extending-  from 
the  Gulf  to  the  Arkansas  and  above,  and  westward  to  the  Colorado  in  Texas, 
that  are  to  me,  after  thirty  years'  familiarity  with  them,  entirely  inexplicable. 
In  my  Geological  Reconnoissance  of  Louisiana  in  1841-2, 1  made  a  pretty  thorough 
report  upon  them.     I  afterwards  gave  a  verbal  description  of  their  extent  and 
character  before  the  New  Orleans  Academy  of  Sciences.     These  mounds  lack 
every  evidence  of  artificial  construction  based  on  implements  or  other  human 
vestigia.     They  are  nearly  all  round,  none  angular,  and  have  an  elevation 


ARCHITECTURAL  PROGRESS.  79 

Several  recent  writers,  with  no  more  proof  than  that  obsidian 
from  Mexico  has  been  found  in  the  mounds,  have  confidently 
expressed  the  belief  that  the  Mound-builders  entered  the  Missis- 
sippi Valley  and  the  Central  Region  from  the  South.  This  was 
based  also  on  the  assumption  that  no  remains  were  found  in  the 
North-west.  It,  however,  is  proper  to  note  here  the  marks  of 
architectural  progression  observable  in  the  geographical  distri- 
bution of  ancient  works.  Men  all  around  the  world  have  been 
mound  or  pyramid  builders.  To  attempt  to  demonstrate  this 
well-known  fact  to  an  intelligent  reader  by  citing  the  customs 
of  antiquity  and  the  works  of  the  present  great  Asiatic  nations, 
would  seem  little  less  than  pedantry  rather  than  the  work 
of  serious  investigation.  The  religious  idea  in  man,  whether 
observed  in  the  darkest  heathenism  or  partially  enlightened 
civilization,  has  always  associated  a  place  of  sanctuary  with  the 
conditions  of  elevation  and  separateness.  It  matters  not  whether 
you  apply  the  rule  to  the  practices  of  the  most  obscure  antiquity, 
where  a  hill  or  natural  eminence  was  the  sanctuary  of  an  idol, 
the  residence  of  a  god,  or  examine  the  motives  which  prompt 

hemispheroidal  of  one  foot  to  five  feet,  and  a  diameter  from  thirty  feet  to  one 
hundred  and  forty  feet.  They  are  numbered  by  millions,  In  many  places,  in 
pine  forests  and  upon  the  prairies,  they  are  to  be  seen  nearly  tangent  to  each 
other  as  far  as  the  eye  can  reach,  thousands  being  visible  from  an  elevation  of 
a  few  feet.  On  the  gulf-marsh  margin,  from  the  Vermillion  to  the  Colorado, 
they  appear  barely  visible,  often  flowing  into  one  another,  and  only  elevated  a 
few  inches  above  the  common  land.  A  few  miles  interior  they  rise  to  two  and 
even  four  feet  in  height.  The  largest  I  ever  saw  were  perhaps  one  hundred 
and  forty  feet  in  diameter  and  five  feet  high.  These  were  in  Western  Louisiana. 
Some  of  them  had  abrupt  sides,  though  they  are  nearly  all  of  gentle  slopes. 
There  is  ample  testimony  that  the  pine  trees  of  the  present  forests  antedate 
these  mounds.  The  material  for  their  construction  is  like  that  of  the  vicinity 
everywhere,  and  often  there  is  a  depression  in  close  proximity  to  the  elevation." 
We  can  make  no  conjecture  concerning  the  use  of  those  mounds  described  by 
Prof.  Forshey,  except  to  suggest  that  they  in  all  probability  served  as  founda- 
tions for  dwellings  in  a  low  country,  which  at  that  time  may  have  been  moister 
and  more  marshy  than  at  present.  If  such  was  the  case,  the  whole  region  must 
have  presented  the  appearance  of  a  continuous  community  instead  of  the  proper 
proportion  of  country  and  village.  This  crowded  state  of  affairs  could  have 
been  produced  by  the  pressure  from  enemies  in  the  north,  and  the  lack  of  agri- 
cultural lands  evidentlv  was  sufficient  alone  to  cause  a  migration  to  the  south. 


80  OBSERVATIONS  OF  PLACES  OF  SANCTUARY. 

the  erection  of  the  dome  of  a  St.  Paul  or  a  St.  Peter's,  or  coming 
nearer  home,  analyze  the  reasons  for  the  construction  of  the 
ordinary  church  spire,  the  same  inexplicable  intuition  is  found 
at  the  bottom  of  them  all.  The  simple  mound  so  common  in 
the  northern  and  central  region  of  the  United  States,  represents 
probably  the  first  attempts  at  the  imitation  of  nature  in  pro- 
viding a  place  of  worship.  In  the  absence  of  hills  and  natural 
eminences  on  great  plains  like  the  prairies  of  the  North-west 
(for  instance  in  such  cases  as  are  cited  on  pages  28  and  29), 
nothing  would  be  more  natural  than  the  construction  of  an  arti- 
ficial hillock,  especially  if  the  elements  and  nature  were  the 
objects  of  worship.  The  next  step  might  have  been  again  a 
copy  or  an  imitation,  but  instead  of  choosing  a  subject  from 
inanimate  nature,  an  advance  is  made  in  the  artistic  scale,  and 
the  animal  kingdom  furnishes  not  only  one  but  varied  models 
for  reproduction.  The  custom  among  savage  tribes  of  personi- 
fying the  deity,  of  dressing  him  up  in  some  form,  tangible  and 
visible,  was  especially  characteristic  of  the  mythology  of  the 
Nahua  nations  of  Mexico.  It  is  not  necessary  to  go  to  Egypt, 
or  India,  or  China  to  find  animals  of  various  kinds  dedicated  to 
and  associated  with  the  national  gods,  for  in  the  Maya  and 
Nahua  mythologies,  as  well  as  in  the  traditions  of  some  of  the 
wild  tribes  of  the  Pacific  coast,  the  serpent,  the  coyote,  the 
beaver  and  the  buzzard  play  an  active  part.  The  erection  of 
religious  structures  representing  animals  no  doubt  sacred  to  the 
Mound-builders,  was  carried  on  to  a  remarkable  extent  in  Wis- 
consin. These  strange  works  probably  indicate  the  second  step 
in  their  scale  of  architectural  progression.  In  the  Ohio  Valley, 
while  the  ordinary  mound  is  found  in  great  numbers,  and  a  few 
instances  of  animal  mounds  occur,  three  new  architectural  fea- 
tures present  themselves  in  marked  prominence,  all  of  which  are 
artistically  in  advance  of  those  existing  in  the  North  and  North- 
west. These  are  the  enclosures,  the  truncated  mounds,  and 
principally  the  truncated  pyramids,  all  of  which  are  a  departure 
from  the  strict  imitation  of  nature,  and  exhibit  the  gradual 
growth  of  the  architectural  idea  and  the  outcropping  of  the 
notion  of  utility.  South  of  the  Ohio  Valley  the  animal  mounds 


CLASSIFICATION  OF  MOUNDS. 


81 


disappear  altogether  and  the  truncated  mounds  grow  less  com- 
mon, while  the  truncated  pyramid,  the  highest  artistic  form 
with  its  complicated  system  of  graded  ways  and  its  nice  geomet- 
rical proportions,  becomes  the  all  predominant  type  of  structure. 
In  the  Lower  Mississippi  Valley,  in  some  cases,  as  we  have 
observed,  dried  brick  were  used  in  the  walls  and  angles  of 


STONE  PLATES.    |-  NATURAL  SIZE.    (Nat.  Mus.) 

pyramids  of  the  most  perfect  type.  Stone  was  also  employed  in 
a  few  instances.  Here  we  find  the  transition  to  Southern  Mexico 
complete.  No  break  exists  in  the  architectural  chain. 

Squier  and  Davis  (and  Foster  as  well  as  most  other  writers 
have  followed  their  example)  classified  the  works  of  the  Mound- 
builders  as  follows  : 

f  For  Defence. 
I.  ENCLOSURES  ^j  Sacred. 

^  Miscellaneous. 

r  Of  Sacrifice. 

II.  MOUNDS  .          F°r  Temple-Sites. 
1   Of  Sepulture. 
I  Of  Observation. 
To  this  some  have  added  mounds  for  residence. 

It  does  not  fall  within  the  scope  of  this  work  to  treat  of  the 
specific  character  and  uses  of  the  works  of  the  Mound-builders, 
6 


82 


CLASSIFICATION  OF  MOUNDS. 


i  5 

PESTLES  AND  MULLERS.    (Nat.  Mus.) 


but  rather  to  note  their  extent  and  indications  of  age  with  rela- 
tion to  their  bearing  on  the  antiquity  of  man  in  this  country. 
The  arts  and  manufactures  of  the  Mound-builders  are  set  forth 
in  the  illustrations  interspersed  throughout  the  chapter.1  With 

1  The  majority  of  the  cuts  in  this  chapter  illustrative  of  the  Arts  of  the 
Mound-builders,  are  copies  of  those  used  by  Dr.  Charles  Rau  in  his  Cata- 
logue of  the  Archaeological  Collection  of  the  National  Museum,  Washington, 
Smithsonian  Contribution  No.  287  (1876),  granted  me  through  the  courtesy  of 
Professor  Henry.  A  few  also  are  from  the  memoir  by  Prof.  Jos.  Jones  on  the 
Aboriginal  Remains  of  Tennessee.  Smithsonian  Contribution  No.  259  (1876). 
For  an  able  classification  of  these  Mound  Relics  (a  work  which  I  could  not 
undertake  in  a  volume  not  devoted  exclusively  to  the  Mound-builders),  I  refer 
the  reader  to  Rau's  Memoir  above  cited,  as  being  altogether  the  most  satisfac- 
tory attempt  of  the  kind  of  which  I  have  any  knowledge.  For  a  classification 
of  works  in  Ohio,  see  Antiquities  of  Ohio  :  Report  of  the  Committee  of  the  State 
Archaeological  Society  to  the  Centennial  Commission  of  Ohio  (Columbus,  Ohio, 
1877,  8vo).  The  incompleteness  of  the  work  is  to  be  regretted.  Ohio,  out  of 
its  vast  fund  of  material,  certainly  ought  to  furnish  a  more  satisfactory  contri- 
bution to  the  subject  of  archaeology.  The  work  comprises  seven  chapters,  of 
which  the  last  is  the  least  satisfactory  of  all,  for  while  bearing  the  title  "  Loca- 
tion of  Ancient  Earthworks  in  Ohio,"  it  enumerates  only  one  hundred  and 
sixteen  out  of  the  ten  thousand  mound-works  in  the  State.  Still  the  memoir 
is  not  without  value.  Its  chapters  on  Stone  Ralics,  Copper  Relics,  and  Insignia 
and  Ornaments  are  comparatively  thorough. 


ALTAR  MOUNDS. 


83 


the  exception  of  a  few  observations  on  the  altar  and  sepulchral 
mounds,  we  refrain  from  a  further  treatment  of  the  works  above 
classified,  as  having  no  particular  bearing  on  the  question  in 
hand,  and  refer  the  reader  to  the  works  of  Squier  and  Davis,  and 
also  to  that  of  Dr.  Foster,  already  often  quoted.  Of  the  Altar  or 
Sacrificial  Mounds,  the  first-named  authors  remark  :  The  general 


PESTLES  AND  MULLERS.    (Nat.  Mus.) 

characteristics  of  this  class  of  mounds  are  :  1.  That  they  occur 
'  only  within  the  vicinity  of  the  enclosures  or  sacred  places  ; 
2.  That  they  are  stratified  ;  3.  That  they  contain  symmetrical 
altars  of  burned  clay  or  stone,  on  which  were  deposited  various 
remains  which  in  all  cases  have  been  more  or  less  subjected  to 
the  action  of  fire.1  The  same  authors  present  the  following 

1  Ancient  Monuments,  p.  143.  Prof.  E.  B.  Andrews  has  shown  that  the 
supposed  uniformity  of  stratification  in  altar  mounds  is  a  fallacy.  In  many 
instances  the  earth  has  been  dumped  together  indiscriminately. 


84  ALTAR  MOUNDS. 


section  of  a  mound  examined  by  them  at  Mound  City,  near 
Chillicothe,  Ohio,  which  is  a  fair  sample  of  the  usual  stratifica- 
tion observed  in  altar  mounds.1  The  altar  which  this  mound 
contained  was  a  parallelogram  measuring  8  x  10  feet  at  its  base 
and  4x6  feet  at  its  top.  It  was  only  eighteen  inches  in  height, 
and  contained  a  basin  with  a  dip  of  nine  inches.  In  this  basin 


SECTION  OF  ALTAR  MOUND.     (After  Squier  and  Davis.) 

were  found  fine  ashes,  fragments  of  pottery  and  shell  beads.  A 
reference  to  the  figure  shows  that  the  sand-stratum  is  semicir- 
cular, with  its  extremities  resting  on  the  outer  sides  of  the  altar. 
The  skeleton  shown  in  the  figure  designates  a  point  three  feet 
below  the  apex  of  the  mound  where  two  well-preserved  skeletons 
were  found.  The  strata  were  disturbed  for  their  burial  evidently 

1  Ancient  Monuments,  p.  143,  the  following  general  description  is  given  : 
"  The  altars  or  basins  found  in  these  mounds  are  almost  invariably  of  burned 
clay,  although  a  few  of  stone  have  been  discovered.  They  are  symmetrical, 
but  not  of  uniform  size  or  shape.  Some  are  round,  others  elliptical,  and  others 
square  or  parallelograms.  Some  are  small,  measuring  barely  two  feet  across, 
while  others  are  fifty  feet  long  by  twelve  or  fifteen  feet  wide.  The  usual 
dimensions  are  from  five  to  eight  feet.  All  appear  to  have  been  modelled  of 
fine  clay  brought  to  the  spot  from  a  distance,  and  they  rest  on  the  original  sur- 
face of  the  earth.  In  a  few  instances  a  layer  or  small  elevation  of  sand  had  been 
laid  down,  upon  which  the  altar  was  formed.  The  height  of  the  altars,  never, 
theless,  seldom  exceeds  a  foot  or  twenty  inches  above  the  adjacent  level.  The 
clay  of  which  they  are  composed  is  usually  burned  hard,  sometimes  to  the 
depth  of  ten,  fifteen,  and  even  twenty  inches.  This  is  hardly  to  be  explained 
by  any  degree  or  continuance  of  heat,  though  it  is  manifest  that  in  some  cases 
the  heat  was  intense.  On  the  other  hand,  a  number  of  these  altars  have  been 
noticed  which  are  very  slightly  burned  ;  and  such,  it  is  a  remarkable  fact,  are 
destitute  of  remains." 


CONTENTS  OF  OHIO  MOUNDS. 


85 


at  a  considerable  period  after  the  construction  of  the  mound. 
This  is  a  fair  example  of  the  "  intrusive  burial "  practised  in  the 
mounds  by  Red  Indians.  The  same  authors  found  some  of  these 
altars  rich  in  relics  ;  one  especially  in  the  vicinity  of  the  above- 
described  mound  contained  nearly  two  hundred  pipes  carved  in 
stone.  Also  a  considerable  number  of  pearl  and  shell  beads  and 
copper  ornaments  covered  with 
silver.  It  is  quite  probable  that 
the  copper  was  from  their  Lake 
Superior  mines,  as  they  alone  are 
known  to  yield  deposits  of  silver 
with  copper.  The  same  pecu- 
liarity was  observed  with  refer- 
ence to  the  copper  ornaments  and 
implements  found  in  the  Marietta 
works.  The  pipes  secured  in  this 
mound  were  much  calcined  by 
heat,  and  considerable  copper  had 
been  fused  in  the  basin  of  the 
altar.  In  some  of  the  mounds 

examined  large  collections  were  obtained,  and  in  some  instances, 
articles  made  of  obsidian,  which  it  is  believed  could  be  pro- 
cured nowhere  nearer  than  the  Mexican  mountains  of  Cerro 
Gordo,  or  the  region  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.1 

The  evidences  are  abundant  that  some  mysterious  rites  were 
performed  at  the  altar  mounds  ;  cremation  only  may  have  been 
practised,  but  we  fear  that  even  more  awful  and  heart-sickening 
ceremonies  took  place  upon  these  altars  as  well  as  upon  the  high 
temple  sites  in  which  human  victims  may  have  been  offered  to 
appease  the  elements  or  the  sun  or  moon  by  their  death  agonies. 
What  splendid  ceremonial,  what  mystic  rites  administered  by  a 
national  priesthood  in  the  presence  of  a  devout  multitude  may 
have  accompanied  these  horrible  sacrifices,  are  beyond  even  the 
limits  of  conjecture.  Besides  cremation,  inhumation  was  also 


VASE  FROM  MOUND. 


1  Charles  Rau  in  Smithsonian  Report,  1872,  p.  357.     Baldwin's  Ancient 
America,  p.  41. 


86 


CONTENTS  OF   OHIO  MOUNDS. 


STONE  PIPES  FROM  OHIO  MOUNDS. 


practised  extensively.    Multitudes  of  mounds  were  devoted  either 
partly  or  exclusively  to  sucli  uses,     Mr.  Tomlinson,  the  owner 


GRAVE  CREEK  MOUND.  87 

of  the  Grave  Creek  Mound,  who  sank  a  shaft  from  its  original 
summit  to  its  centre,  and  intercepted  it  by  a  tunnel  along  the 
surface  of  the  ground,  speaking  of  the  latter  excavation,  remarks  : 
"  At  the  distance  of  one  hundred  and  eleven  feet  we  came  to  a 
vault,  which  had  been  excavated  before  the  mound  was  com- 
menced, eight  by  twelve  feet  and  seven  in  depth.  Along  each 
side  and  across  the  ends,  upright  timbers  had  been  placed,  which 
supported  timbers  thrown  across  the  vault  as  a  ceiling.  These 
timbers  were  covered  with  loose  unhewn  stone,  common  to  the 
neighborhood.  The  timbers  had  rotted  and  tumbled  into  the 
vault.  *  *  *  In  this  vault  were  two  human  skeletons,  one  of 
which  had  no  ornaments,  the  other  was  surrounded  by  six  hun- 
dred and  fifty  ivory  (shell)  beads,  and  an  ivory  (bone)  ornament 
six  inches  long."  Thirty-five  feet  above  the  bottom  vault 
another  was  found  containing  a  skeleton  decorated  with  copper 
rings,  plates  of  mica  and  shell  disks.  The  number  of  disks  cut 
from  the  shell  known  as  the  Buscycon  perversum  and  collected 
by  the  excavators  was  2350  ;  of  mica  250  specimens,  and  of  the 
little  shell  known  as  Marginella  apicina,  500  ;  all  of  which  had 
been  pierced  and  strung  as  beads.  Ten  skeletons  were  subse- 
quently found  together  upon  enlarging  the  horizontal  tunnel. 
Ashes,  charcoal  and  burnt  bones  were  also  discovered  in  large 
masses.  Though  this  was  the  largest  of  this  class  of  mounds, 
still  the  general  characteristics  of  the  contents  are  the  same  in 
all  of  them,  and  are  usually  disposed  in  the  same  relative  posi- 
tion to  each  other.1  One  of  the  most  interesting  explorations 
of  sepulchral  mounds  was  that  conducted  in  the  autumn  of  1865 
by  Professor  0.  C.  Marsh,  assisted  by  Mr.  Geo.  P.  Kussell,  of 
Salem,  Mass.,  in  what  is  known  as  the  "  Taylor  Mound,"  situated 
two  and  a  half  miles  south  of  Newark,  Ohio.  The  mound  was 
ten  feet  high  and  eighty  feet  in  diameter,  and  was  surmounted 
by  a  forest  of  oak  trees  ranging  from  two  and  a  half  to  eight 


1  Squier  and  Dans:  Op.  Git.,  pp.  169-70.  Foster:  Op.  Cit.,  pp.  188-196. 
Schoolcraft  in  vol.  i,  Trans.  Am.  Ethnol.  8oc.  M.  C.  Reid  in  American  Anti- 
quarian, vol.  i,  p.  189,  Jan.  1879.  Dr.  Clemens  in  Morton's  Crania  Americana, 
p.  221.  Mr.  E.  0.  Dunning  in  Foster,  p.  194. 


88  THE  "TAYLOR  MOUND,"  LICKING  COUNTY,  OHIO. 

feet  in  thickness,  while  the  decaying  trunks  of  a  former  growth 
were  lying  upon  the  ground.  The  mound  was  excavated  from 
the  apex  downward.  Five  feet  from  the  surface  a  pipe  and  a 
tube  of  stone  unknown  in  Ohio  were  found.  Seven  feet  from  the 
top,  in  a  thin  white  layer  of  earth,  a  string  of  more  than  one 
hundred  beads  of  native  copper  were  found  around  the  neck  of  a 
child  about  three  years  old.  The  salts  of  the  copper  had  pre- 
served the  cord  of  vegetable  fibre  on  which  they  were  strung. 
The  beads  were  about  one-fourth  of  an  inch  in  length  and  one- 
third  in  diameter.  They  evidently  had  been  hammered  out  of 
the  metal  in  its  original  state,  and  the  workmanship  displayed 
no  inferior  skill.  One  foot  deeper  the  remains  of  two  adults, 
male  and  female,  were  found  carefully  buried  in  layers  of  bark, 
their  heads  towards  the  east,  and  the  body  of  the  female  resting 
upon  that  of  the  male  skeleton.  Immediately  above  these  were 
found  a  considerable  number  of  charred  human  bones  and  the 
evidences  of  cremation  or  human  sacrifice  in  honor  to  the  couple 
(probably  man  and  wife)  below.  The  professor  even  expresses 
the  fear  that  the  wife — who  appears  to  have  been  about  thirty 
years  of  age — may  have  been  put  to  death  and  buried  above  the 
remains  of  her  deceased  consort.  A  foot  deeper  the  party  found 
another  layer  of  charcoal,  ashes  and  charred  bones,  similar  to 
the  above,  and  immediately  beneath  it  a  carefully-buried  skeleton, 
much  decomposed,  lying  in  a  white  layer  of  earth,  and  with  its 
head  toward  the  east.  A  few  inches  below  this  skeleton  several 
carelessly-buried  skeletons  were  found  near  the  natural  level  of 
the  earth.  Below  the  natural  surface  a  cist  six  feet  long,  three 
feet  wide  and  two  feet  deep  was  found  containing  the  remains 
of  eight  or  more  skeletons,  which  seem  to  have  been  imperfect 
when  buried.  The  remains  had  been  thrown  into  the  grave  in  a 
careless  and  perhaps  hasty  manner.  In  the  grave  were  found 
nine  lance  and  arrow-heads  of  flint.  Six  small  hand-axes,  one 
of  them  of  hematite  and  the  others  of  compact  greenstone  or 
diorite,  a  small  hatchet  of  hematite,  a  flint  chisel  and  scraper, 
fine  needles  or  bodkins  made  of  the  metatarsal  bones  of  the  com- 
mon deer,  a  whistle  made  from  the  tooth  of  a  young  bear,  and 
spoons  cut  from  the  shells  of  river  mussels.  A  rude  vessel  of 


ANCIENT  COPPER  MINES.  89 

clay  was  found,  but  broken,  while  several  bones  of  animals,  all 
but  two  of  existing  species  in  Ohio  at  present,  were  discovered  ; 
though  it  is  worthy  of  remark  that  the  remains  of  the  deer  were 
of  a  size  seldom  attained  by  the  species  at  the  present  day. 
All  the  skulls  found  in  the  mound  were  broken,  and  all  but  two 
so  badly  decayed  that  no  effort  was  made  to  preserve  them. 
These  two  were  of  small  size  showing  the  vertical  occiput,  promi- 
nent vertex  and  large  interparietal  diameter.  There  is  abundant 
evidence  that  the  mound  had  never  been  disturbed  by  Indians.1 

One  of  the  best  evidences  which  we  have  of  the  systematic 
government  and  habits  of  the  Mound-builders,  together  with  the 
comparatively  advanced  state  of  the  practical  arts  among  them, 
is  found  in  the  ancient  copper  mines  of  the  Lake  Superior  Region 
so  extensively  operated  by  them  at  quite  a  remote  period.2 
These  were  first  discovered  by  Mr.  S.  0.  Knapp,  agent  of  the 
Minnesota  Mining  Company,  in  1848.  One  excavation  explored 
by  this  gentleman  was  thirty  feet  deep,  filled  with  clay  and  a 
mass  of  mouldering  vegetable  matter.  Eighteen  feet  from  the 
surface  he  found  a  mass  of  copper  ten  feet  long,  three  feet  wide 
and  two  feet  thick,  weighing  over  six  tons.  By  digging  around 
this  great  lump  of  metal,  he  observed  that  it  was  resting  on  "a 
cob- work  of  round  logs  or  skids  six  or  eight  inches  in  diameter, 
the  ends  of  which  showed  plainly  the  strokes  of  a  small  axe  or 
cutting  tool  about  two  and  a  half  inches  in  width.  The  wood, 
from  its  exposure  to  moisture,  had  lost  all  its  consistency,  and 
opposed  no  more  resistance  to  a  knife-blade  than  would  ordinary 

1  Description  of  an  Ancient  Sepulchral  Mound  near  Newark,  Oldo,  by 
0.  C.  Marsh,  F.G.  S.,  in  American  Journal  of  Science  and  Arts  for  July,  1866. 
Second  Series,  vol.  xlii. 

2  See  Dr.  Charles  T.  Jackson's  Geological  Report  to  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment, 1849.     Foster  and  Whitney's  Report  on  the  Geology  of  the  Lake  Superior 
Region,   Part  I.     Published   by  authority  of  Congress  in  1850,  and  substan- 
tially reproduced  in  Foster's  Pre-Historic  Races  of  the  U.  8.,  chap,  vii,  in  1873. 
The  most  elaborate  treatment  is  by  Col.  Charles  Whittlesey,  Ancient  Mining  on 
the  Shores  of  Lake  Superior.     Published  in  the  Smithsonian  Contribution  to 
Knowledge  in  1863,  vol.  xiii.    Swineford's  History  and  Review  of  the  Mineral 
Resources  of  Lake  Superior,   Marquette,  1876.     Containing  Ancient  Copper 
Mines  of  Lake  Superior  by  Jacob  Houghton. 


90 


ANCIENT   COPPER  MINES   NEAR  LAKE   SUPERIOR. 


peat.  After  having  raised  the  mass  of  copper  over  five  feet 
along  the  foot  wall  of  the  lode  on  the  timbers  by  means  of 
wedges,  the  ancient  miners  had  abandoned  the  task.  The  walls 
of  the  mine  still  show  the  marks  of  fire  ;  charcoal  and  stone 


STONE  AXES  FROM  MOUNDS. 


STONE  MAULS  AND  P!AMMERS. 


mauls  were  taken  from  this  and  similar  excavations.  The  largest 
of  these  mauls  weighed  thirty-six  pounds  and  was  encircled  by 
a  double  groove  around  its  centre.  Withes  were  probably  wound 
in  these  grooves  by  which  two  men  could  wield  the  maul  very 


ANCIENT  COPPER  MINES  NEAR  LAKE  SUPERIOR.  91 

effectively.  The  number  of  smaller  hammers  of  greenstone  and 
porphyry  removed  from  these  works  by  Mr.  Knapp  exceeded  ten 
cart-loads.  In  one  of  the  pits  a  rude  oak  ladder  was  found, 
made  by  trimming  the  branches  of  a  tree  at  a  distance  from  the 
trunk  to  leave  a  sufficient  foothold.  Wooden  levers,  preserved 
beneath  the  water,  were  also  of  frequent  occurrence.  A  copper 
maul,  shaped  by  pounding  in  a  cold  state,  and  weighing  upwards 
of  twenty  pounds,  was  found  in  this  locality,  as  well  as  many 
well-formed  copper  implements  designed  for  various  purposes. 
Upon  a  mound  of  rubbish  near  one  of  the  excavations,  Messrs. 
Foster  and  Whitney  saw  a  pine  stump  ten  feet  in  circumference 
— the  trunk  having  been  broken  fifteen  feet  from  the  ground — 
which  must  have  grown  and  died  after  the  earth  was  thrown  up. 
Mr.  Knapp  mentions  a  hemlock  which  he  found  growing  on  a 
heap  of  rubbish  which  had  395  rings  of  annual  growth.  Fallen 
and  decayed  trees  of  a  previous  generation  were  found  lying 
across  the  pits.  In  front  of  the  Waterbury  mine  are  blocks  of 
stone  weighing  two  and  three  tons  which  had  been  removed  by 
the  ancient  miners  from  the  shaft,  and  when  observed  by  Colonel 
Whittlesey,  they  were  covered  by  a  forest  growth  of  the  full  size 
and  kind  common  to  the  neighboring  region.  Under  a  pile  of 
rubbish  the  remains  of  a  trough  of  cedar  bark  was  brought  to 
light  and  had  been  used  to  carry  oif  water  baled  from  the  mine 
by  means  of  wooden  bowls,  some  of  which  were  preserved  by 
water  in  the  mines.  Mr.  S.  W.  Hill  communicated  to  Dr.  Foster 
in  1872  the  discovery  of  mining  pits  in  Isle  Koyal,  measuring 
fifty  feet  in  depth.1  In  the  Ontonagon  region  for  thirty  miles 
traces  of  the  ancient  miners  abound.  The  idea  that  the  Indians 
formerly  worked  these  mines  was  abandoned  shortly  after  their 
discovery.  They  possess  no  tradition  of  copper  mines,  nor  did 
their  ancestors  visited  by  the  Jesuit  Fathers  in  the  early  part  of 

1  Foster's  Pre-Historic  Races,  p.  268.  For  a  further  account,  see  Mr.  Henry 
Gillman  in  an  article  printed  in  Appleton's  Journal,  August  9, 1873,  and  entitled 
Ancient  Works  at  Isle  Royal;  also  to  a  paper  printed  in  the  Smithsonian  Report 
for  1873,  and  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Amer.  Ass.  for  the  Advancement  of 
Science,  1875  meeting,  p.  330.  Also  A.  C.  Davis  in  Smithsonian  Report  for 
1874,  p.  369. 


92         ACCOUNTS  OF  THE  JESUIT  FATHERS. 

the  seventeenth  century  obtain  any  intelligence  of  mines,  though 
they  penetrated  this  region  in  1660.  They  often  mention  the 
occurrence  of  loose  masses  of  copper  found  in  the  shape  of  boul- 
ders, but  could  learn  nothing  from  the  Indians  as  to  their  origin. 
It  is  quite  certain  that  no  traditions  were  current  among  them 
on  the  subject.  "  Instead/'  says  Col.  Whittlesey,  "  of  viewing 
copper  as  an  object  of  every  day  use,  they  regarded  it  as  a  sacred 
Manitou,  and  carefully  preserved  pieces  of  it  wrapped  up  in  skin 
in  their  lodges  for  many  years ;  and  this  custom  has  been  con- 
tinued to  modern  times."  1  Father  Allouez,  in  his  Relation,  has 
described  this  custom.2  Father  Dablon,  who  shortly  afterward 
visited  the  Lake  Superior  tribes,  has  described  their  super- 
stitions concerning  an  island  where  the  missionaries  first  met 
with  copper.3  That  the  Mound-builders  were  these  ancient 


1  Ancient  Mining  on  the  Shore  of  Lake  Superior,  p.  2. 

2  "  L'on  trouve  souvent  au  fond  de  1'eau,  des  pieces  de  cuivre  tout  forme,  de 
la  pesanteur  de  dix  et  vingt  livres ;  i'en  ay  veu  plusieurs  fois  entre  les  mains 
des  Sauvages,  et  comme  ils  sont  supers titieux,  ils  les  gardent  comme  autant  de 
divinites,  ou  comme  des  presents  que  les  dieux  qui  sont  au  fond  de  1'eau  leur 
ont  faits  pour  estre  la  cause  de  leur  bonlieur  ;  c'est  pour  cela,  qu'ils  conservent 
ces  morceaux  de  cuivre  envelopes  parmi  leurs  meubles  les  plus  pretieux,  il  y  en 
a  qui  les  gardent  depuis  plus  de  cinquante  ans;  d'autres  les  ont  dans  leurs 
families  de  temps  immemorial,  et  les  cherissent  comme  des  dieux  domes- 
tiques." — Relations  des  Jesuites,  en  VAnnee  1667,  p.  8.    Quebec  reprint,  1858. 
Tome  iii. 

3  En  y  entrant  par  son  embouchure,  que  se  decharge  au  Sault,  le  premier 
endroit  que  se  pressnte  ou  se  retrouve  du  cuivre  en  abondance,  est  une  Isle  que 
est  eloignee  de  quarante  on  cinquante  lieues,  scituee  vers  le  cote  du  Nord,  vis 
a  vis  d'un  endroit  qu'on  appelle  Missipicoiiatong.     Les  sauvages  racontcnt  que 
c'est  une  Isle  flottante,  que  est  quelquefois  loing,  quelquefois  proche,  selon  les 
vents  qui  la  poussent,  et  la  promenent  de  cote  et  d'autre.     Ils  ajoutent  qu'il 
y  a  bien  longtemps  que  quatre  sauvages  y  furent  par  rencontre,  s'etans  egarez 
dans  la  brume,  dont  cette  Isle  est  presque  toujours  environnee.     C'etoit  du  temps 
qu'ils  n'avoient  point  encore  eu  de  commerce  avec  les  Francois,  et  n'avoient 
aucun  usage  ny  des  cliaudieres  ny  des  hacbes.    Ceux-cy  done  voulans  se  preparer 
a  manger,  firent  a  leur  ordinaire  :  prenant  des  pierres  qu'ils  trouvoient  au  bord 
de  1'eau,  les  fakaient  rougir  dans  le  feu  et  les  jettaient  dans  un  plat  d'ecorce 
plein  d'eau  pour  la  faire  boiiillir  et  faire  cuire  par  cette  Industrie  leur  viande. 
Comme  ils  choisissoient  ess  pierres,  ils  trouvoient,  que  c'etoient  presque  tous 
morceaux  de  cuivre  ;  ils  se  servirent  done  des  unes  et  des  autres,  et  apres  avoir  pris 
leur  repas,  ils  songerent  a  s'embarquer  au  plustost,  craignant  les  Loups  Cerviers 


JESUIT  RELATIONS.  93 


miners,  there  is  abundant  evidence.  Col.  Whittlesey  has  de- 
scribed a  collection  of  copper  implements  from  Carp  Kiver  con- 
taining pieces  of  native  silver,  such  as  have  often  been  found  in 
the  Ohio  mounds.1  We  have  already  referred  to  this  peculiarity 
of  the  Lake  Superior  copper.  The  use  of  copper  by  the  Mound- 
builders  was  very  general  all  the  way  from  Wisconsin  to  the 
Gulf,  and  the  labor  involved  in  a  journey  of  a  thousand  miles 
from  the  Ohio  Yalley  to  the  copper  regions,  the  toil  of  the 
summer's  mining,  and  the  tedious  transportation  of  the  metal 
to  their  homes  upon  their  backs,  and  by  means  of  an  imper- 
fect system  of  navigation,  indicates  either  industry  and  resolu- 
tion such  as  no  savage  Indian  ever  possessed,  or  a  condition 
of  servitude  in  which  thousands  occupied  a  position  of  abject 
slavery. 

No  permanent  abodes  were  erected  by  the  miners  in  this 
region,  no  mounds  were  constructed,  but  the  indications  all  point 
to  a  summer's  residence  only  and  a  return  to  the  south  with  the 
accumulation  of  their  toil  when  the  severities  of  winter  ap- 
proached. Frederick  von  Hellwald  expresses  it  as  his  opinion 
that  the  Mexicans  obtained  all  their  copper  from  the  Lake  Supe- 

et  les  Lievres,  qui  sont  en  cet  endroit  grands  corame  des  Chiens,  et  qui  venoient 
manger  leurs  provisions  et  meme  leur  Canot.  Avant  que  de  partir,  ils  se 
chargerent  de  quantite  de  ces  pierres  grosses  et  menues,  et  meme  de  quelques 
plaques  de  cuivre  ;  mais  ils  ne  furent  pas  bien  eloignez  du  rivage,  qu'une  puis- 
sante  voix  se  fit  entendre  a  leurs  oreilles,  disant  tout  en  colere  :  Qui  sont  ces 
voleurs  qui  m'emportent  les  berceaux  et  les  divertissemens  de  mes  enfans  ?  Les 
plaques  de  cuivre  sont  les  berceaux,  parce  que  panny  les  sauvages  ils  ne  sont 
faits  que  d'un  ou  deux  aix  joints  ensemble,  sur  lesquels  ils  couchent  leurs 
enfans;  et  ces  petits  morgeaux  de  cuivre  qu'ils  enlevoient,  sont  les  jouets  et  les 
divertissemens  des  enfans  sauvages,  qui  jolient  ensemble  avec  des  petites  pierres." 
The  voice  which  the  savages  heard  was  believed  to  be  that  of  a  spirit  called 
Missibizi,  a  certain  water-god.  "Quoy  qu'il  en  soit,  cette  voix  etonnante  jetta 
tellement  la  frayeur  dans  1'esprit  de  nos  Voyageurs,  qu'un  des  quatre  mourut 
avant  que  d'arriver  a  terre  ;  peu  de  temps  apres  un  second  fut  enleve,  puis  le 
troisiema ;  de  sorte  qu'il  n'en  resta  qu'un,  lequel  s'etant  rendu  en  son  Pays, 
raconta  tout  ce  qui  s'etoit  passe,  pues  mourut  fort  peu  apries."  The  Father 
adds  that  the  savages  never  afterward  could  be  induced  to  approach  the  island 
for  fear  of  being  seized  by  the  Genii  presiding  over  its  treasures. — Relations  des 
Jesuits,  I'annee  1670,  p.  84,  tome  iii.  Quebec  reprint,  1853. 
1  Ancient  Mining,  p.  22  et  seq. 


94 


ASTRONOMICAL  KNOWLEDGE. 


rior  mines,  and  adds  that  no  evidences  exist  that  copper  was 
mined  in  Mexico  or  Central  America  prior  to  the  Spanish  Con- 
quest.1 Humboldt  affirms  that  various  metals  were  mined  by  the 
Mexicans,  but  does  not  specify  copper.2  Col.  Whittlesey  and  Prof. 
Andrews  estimate  that  in  the  ancient  Lake 
Superior  mines  worked  by  the  Mound-builders, 
the  removed  metal  would  aggregate  a  length  of 
one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  in  veins  of  varying 
thickness.  This  fact  certainly  indicates  that 
great  supplies  were  transported  southward. 

This  remarkable  people  was  evidently  pos- 
sessed of  the  beginnings  of  science  ;  at  least 
if  the  Davenport  and  Cincinnati  tablets  are 
genuine,  astronomy  must  have  received  con- 
siderable attention  at  their  hands.     In  the 
former   tablet   we    observe   a    cycle    divided 
into  twelve  months  (which,  however,  is   so 
modern  and   coincides   so  strictly  with  our 
division  as  to  excite  suspi- 
cion of  fraud),  while  in  the 
latter  we  have  the  number 
368  as  the  sum  of  the  pro- 
ducts   of    the    longer    and 
shorter  lines,  suggestive  of 
an    approximation    to     the 
number  of  days  in  a  year. 
Other  supposed  astronomical 
instruments  have   been  dis- 


COPPER  CELTS — THE  SMALLER  FROM  A 
MOUND  NEAR  SAVANNAH,  TENNESSEE. 
(Nat.  Mus.) 


Luxembourg.  1877,   torn,   i, 


1  Congrts   International  des  Americanistes. 
pp.  51-2. 

2  Essai  Politique  (Paris,  1825-27),  vol.  iii,  p.  114.     Dr.  Charles  Kau  has 
courteously  furnished  me  the  following  references  on  ancient  mining  in  Mexico  : 
Clamgaro's  History  of  Mexico,  Phil.,  1817,  vol.  i.,  p.  20.    Prescott's  Mexico,  vol.  i, 
p.  138 ;  Despatches  of  Hernando  Cortes  addressed  to  the  Emperor  Charles  V 
(trans,  by  Folsom,»New  York,  1842),  p.  412.     Memoirs  of  Bernal  Diaz  (trans,  of 
Lockhart,  London,  1844),  vol.  i,  p.  36.     Dr.  Rau  remarks  :  "  We  are  forcibly  led 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  Mexicans  obtained  copper  by  the  mining  process." — 
Letter  to  the  AutJwr,  Aug.  24,  1878. 


VESSELS  FROM  MOUNDS  IN  THE  MISSISSIPPI  VALLEY.       95 


CLAY  VESSELS  FROM  MOUNDS  IN  THE  MISSISSIPPI  VALLEY.    J£  SIZE.    (Nat.  Mus.) 


96  ASTRONOMICAL  KNOWLEDGE. 

covered  in  the  mounds  of  Ohio,  and  several  of  these,  antique  tubes, 
telescope  devices,  were  discovered  in  the  course  of  excavations 
made  in  1842  in  the  most  easterly  of  the  EKzabethtown  group, 
West  Virginia.  Mr.  Schoolcraft  makes  the  following  statement 
concerning  them :  "  Several  tubes  of  stone  were  disclosed,  the 
precise  object  of  which  has  been  the  subject  of  various  opinions. 
The  longest  measured  twelve  inches,  the  shortest  eight.  Three  of 
them  were  carved  out  of  steatite,  being  skillfully  cut  and  polished. 
The  diameter  of  the  tube  externally  was  one  inch  and  four-tenths ; 


MOUND  TUBES.     Ja  SIZE.     (Nat.  Mus.) 


the  bore  eight-tenths  of  an  inch.  By  placing  the  eye  at  the 
diminished  end,  the  extraneous  light  is  shut  from  the  pupil,  and 
distant  objects  are  more  clearly  discerned/'1  A  silver  figure  found 
in  Peru  represents  a  man  in  the  act  of  studying  the  heavens 
through  one  of  these  tubes,  and  Captain  Dupaix  saw  a  stone  in 
Mexico  bearing  the  figure  of  a  man  sculptured  on  its  side  in  the 
act  of  using  a  similar  tube.2 

With  reference  to  the  civilization  of  the  Mound-builders, 
however  much  writers  may  differ,  we  think  the  following  con- 
clusions may  be  safely  accepted  :  That  they  came  into  the 

1  Colonel  Whittlesey  in  the  Eeport  of  the  State  Archaeological  Society  to  the 
Centennial  Commission  of  Ohio,  Chap.  IV,  pi.  10,  has  figured  several  symmetrical 
tubes  of  stone  from  Ohio  Mounds.     The  most  perfect  of  these  he  thinks  may 
have  served  "as  telescopic  helps  for  distant  views."    The  most  general  use  to 
which  most  of  them  were  applied,  it  is  believed,  was  the  making  of  signals,  or 
possibly  rude  music.     One  of  the  tubes  taken  from  the  Tippet  Mound  near 
Newark,  Ohio,  and  figured  in  the  report,  has  its  upper  end  flattened  like  a  whistle 
or  flute,  and  has  a  hole  penetrating  it  just  below  the  mouthpiece,  which  indi- 
cates that  it  may  have  been  a  musical  instrument.     The  Huron  slates  were 
most  frequently  employed  in  the  manufacture  of  tubes,  as  they  were  in  the 
production  of  the  class  of  objects  known  as  ceremonial  relics. 

2  Baldwin's  Ancient  America,  p.  42,  and  Dupaix,  quoted  on  pp.  122-3. 


CONCLUSIONS. 


97 


country  in  comparatively  small  numbers  at  first  (if  they  were  not 
Autochthenes,  and  there  is  no  substantial  proof  that  the  Mound- 
builders  were  such),  and  during  their  residence  in  the  territory 
occupied  by  the  United  States  they  became  extremely  populous. 
Their  settlements  were  widespread,  as  the  extent  of  their  re- 
mains indicate.  The  magnitude  of  their  works,  some  of  which 


LARGE  CLAY  VESSEL  FROM  MILLEDGEVILLE,  GEORGIA.    SIZE  14  INCHES  HIGH 
AND  13  INCHES  ACROSS  APERTURE.     (Nat.  Mus.) 

approximate  the  proportions  of  Egyptian  pyramids,  testify  to  the 
architectural  talent  of  the  people  and  the  fact  that  they  had 
developed  a  system  of  government  which  controlled  the  labor  of 
multitudes,  whether  of  subjects  or  slaves.  They  were  an  agri- 
cultural people,  as  the  extensive  ancient  garden-beds  found  in 
Wisconsin  and  Missouri  indicate.  Their  manufactures  afford 
proof  that  they  had  attained  a  respectable  degree  of  advance- 
ment, and  show  that  they  understood  the  advantages  of  the 
7 


98  CONCLUSIONS. 


division  of  labor.1  Their  domestic  utensils,  the  cloth  of  which 
they  made  their  clothing,  and  the  artistic  vessels  met  with  every- 
where in  the  mounds,  point  to  the  development  of  home  culture 
and  domestic  industry.  There  is  no  reason  for  believing  that 
the  people  who  wrought  stone  and  clay  into  perfect  effigies  of 
animals  have  not  left  us  sculptures  of  their  own  faces  in  the 
images  exhumed  from  the  mounds. 

They  mined  copper,  which  they  wrought  into  implements  of 
war,  into  ornaments  and  articles  for  domestic  use.  They  quarried 
mica  for  mirrors  and  other  purposes.2  They  furthermore  worked 
flint  and  salt  mines.  They  probably  possessed  some  astronomical 
knowledge,  though  to  what  extent  is  unknown. 

Their  trade,  as  Dr.  Kau  has  shown,  was  widespread,  extend- 
ing probably  from  Lake  Superior  to  the  Gulf,  and  possibly  to 
Mexico.3  They  constructed  canals  by  which  lake  systems  were 

1  Dr.  Ran  lias  shown  that  division  of  labor  and  its  advantages  was  recog- 
nized among  the  aborigines ;  that  certain  individuals  who  were  qualified  to 
manufacture  particular  implements  devoted  themselves  exclusively  to  that 
work.    He  bases  his  conjecture  "  on  the  occurrence  of  manufactured  articles  of 
a  homogeneous  character  in  mounds  or  in  deposits  below  the  surface  of  the  soil. 
There  is  little  doubt,  for  instance.,  that  there  were  persons  who  devoted  their 
time  chiefly  to  the  manufacture  of  stone  arrow-heads  and  of  other  articles  pro- 
duced by  chipping,  among  which  may  be  mentioned  those  remarkable  large 
digging  tools  described  by  me  several  years  ago,  and  the  oval  or  leaf-shaped 
implements  made  of  the  peculiar  hornstone  of  '  Flint  Ridge '  in  Ohio. "     See 
Stock-in-trade  of  an  Aboriginal  Lapidary,  by  Charles  Rau,  Smithsonian  Report 
for  1877. 

2  Dr.  S.  S.  Schoville,  in  the  Cincinnati  Quarterly  Journal  of  Science,  April, 
1875,  p.  164,  describes  the  discovery  of  numerous  mica  plates  in  a  mound  on  the 
east  bank  of  the  Little  Miami  River,  about  twenty-five  miles  east  of  Cincinnati. 
He  states,  that  at  the  base  of  the  mound,  on  a  level  with  the  surrounding  coun- 
try,  the  remains   of  several   skeletons  were   found,  placed  with  their  heads 
together  and  lying  in  a  horizontal  position.     "  Lying  upon  or  Immediately  over 
the  cranial  debris,  were  found  plates  of  mica,  some  a  foot  in  diameter.     These 
plates  were  disposed  in  such  a  way  as  to  cover  an  area  somewhat  larger  than 
that  occupied  by  the  crania  beneath.     However,  it  could  not  definitely  be  deter- 
mined whether  the  design  had  been  to  make  a  continuous  or  common  roof  over 
the  faces  as  a  group,  or  whether  each  face  had  a  covering  of  its  own."     The 
writer  ventures  the  rather  fanciful  conjecture  that  the  mica  in  this  and  many 
other  cases  served  the  purpose  of  exhibiting  temporarily  the  features  of  the 
dead  in  the  manner  that  glass  is  now  used  on  caskets. 

3  See  a  most  interesting  and  extensive  memoir  on  Aboriginal  Trade  in 


COPPER   RELICS   FROM   WISCONSIN. 


99 


COPPER   RELICS  FROM   WISCONSIN. 
(From  photos  furnished  by  Prof.  Butler.) 


100  CONCLUSIONS. 


united,  a  fact  which  Mr.  Conant  has  recently  shown  to  be  well 
established  in  Missouri.1  Their  defences  were  numerous  and 
constructed  with  reference  to  strategic  principles,  while  their 
system  of  signals  placed  on  lofty  summits,  visible  from  their 
settlements  and  communicating  with  the  great  water-courses  at 
immense  distances,  rival  the  signal  systems  in  use  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  present  century.  Their  religion  seems  to  have  been 
attended  with  the  same  ceremonies  in  all  parts  of  their  domain. 
That  its  rites  were  celebrated  with  great  demonstrations  is 
certain.  The  sun  and  moon  probably  were  the  all-important 
deities,  to  whom  sacrifices  (possibly  human)  were  offered.  We 
have  already  alluded  to  the  development  in  architecture  and  art 
which  marked  the  possible  transition  of  this  people  from  north 
to  south.  Here  we  see  but  the  rude  beginnings  of  a  civilization 
which  no  doubt  subsequently  unfolded  in  its  fuller  glory  in  the 
valley  of  Anahuac,  and  spreading  southward  engrafted  a  new 
life  upon  the  wreck  of  Xibalba.  Though  there  is  no  evidence 
that  the  Mound-builders  were  indigenous,  we  must  admit  that 
their  civilization  was  purely  such — the  natural  product  of  climate 
and  the  conditions'  surrounding  them.2 

North  America,  by  Charles  Ran,  first  published  in  vol.  iv  of  the  Archiv  fur 
Anthropologie  (Braunschweig,  1872),  and  translated  in  Smithsonian  Report  for 
1872,  pp.  249-394 

1  Mr.  A.  J.  Conant  in  the  Commonwealth  of  Missouri,  pp.  77-8  (St.  Louis, 
1877),  refers  to  ancient  canals  fifty  feet  wide  and  twelve  feet  deep  observed  by 
Dr.  G.  C.  Swallow.     He  quotes  a  pretty  full  account  from  Geo.  W.  Carleton, 
Esq.     Mr.  Conant  considers  some  of  the  southern  bayous  of  artificial  origin. 

2  For  further  material  on  the  Mound-builders,  see   the  documents  cited 
throughout  the  chapter.     No  less  important  is  Dr.  Foster's  admirable  work  so 
often  quoted,  and  which  we  must  add  has  been  of  great  service  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  this  chapter.     A  very  good  paper  on  the  Mound-builders  is  that  by  Robert 
S.  Robertson  of  Fort  Wayne,  Indiana,  in  the  Congres  International  des  Ameri- 
canistes  Compte-Rendu  de  la  Sec.  Ses,  Luxembourg,  1877,  torn,  i,  pp.  39-50,  though 
we  do  not  fully  agree  with  the  author's  views  as  to  the  colonization  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi valley  from  the  south.     The  classification  of  Mound-works  by  Rev. 
Stephen  D.  Peet  in  the  same  document,  p.  103,  is  very  satisfactory,  and  corre-' 
spends  to  that  adopted  in  this  chapter.     The  learned  article  by  Judge  Force  of 
Cincinnati  in  the  same  document,  vol.  i,  pp.  121-156,  is  full  of  interest.    For 
recent  mound  explorations,  see  Appendix. 


CHAPTEE    II. 

ANTIQUITY  OF  MAN  ON  THE  WESTERN  CONTINENT. 

Antiquity  of  the  Mounds — No  Tradition  of  the  Mound-builders — Vegetation 
Covering  the  Mounds — Age  of  Mound  Crania — Probable  Date  of  the1  Aban- 
donment of  the  Mounds — Ancient  Shell-heaps — Man's  Influence  on  Nature 
— Supposed  Testimony  of  Geology — Agassiz  on  the  Floridian  Jaw-bone — 
Remains  on  Santos  River — The  Natchez  Bone — Remains  on  Petit  Anse 
Island — Brazilian  Bone-caves — Dr.  Koch's  Pretended  Discoveries — Ancient 
Hearths — Age  of  the  Mississippi  Delta — Dr.  Dowler's  Discovery  at  New 
Orleans — Dr.  Abbott's  Discoveries  in  New  Jersey — Discoveries  in  Cali- 
fornia— Inter-Glacial  Relics  in  Ohio — Crania  from  Mounds  in  the  North- 
west—No Evidences  as  yet  Discovered  Proving  Man's  Great  Antiquity 
in  America. 

AT  the  opening  of  the  preceding  chapter  we  made  some  allu- 
-£j-  sions  to  the  supposed  antiquity  of  the  Bed  Indian,  but  are 
sure  that  the  unimportance  of  the  subject  and  the  unreliable 
character  of  the  testimony  must  render  it  valueless  in  deter- 
mining the  question  of  man's  antiquity  on  this  continent.  Quite 
different,  however,  is  the  estimate  which  we  place  on  data  left 
us  by  the  people  of  the  mounds.  The  question  of  the  antiquity 
of  the  Mound-builders  is  one  which  cannot  be  accurately  deter- 
mined ;  no  chronometric  scale  can  be  applied  to  the  uncertain 
record  which  they  have  left  behind  them.  Their  history  is  a 
sealed  book,  and  the  approximate  date  of  their  first  occupancy  of 
the  Mississippi  Basin  is  as  uncertain  as  the  period  of  man's  origin. 
However,  certain  data  present  themselves  for  our  consideration 
which  lead  us  to  conclude  that  a  few  thousand  years,  three  or 
four  perhaps,  and  possibly  even  less  time,  is  all  that  is  required  in 
which  to  account  for  their  growth  into  a  nation  and  the  moderate 
advancement  which  they  made  toward  civilization.  As  to  when 
the  Mound-builders  left  this  country,  is  another  question,  and 


102  NO   TRADITION   OF   THE  MOUND-BUILDERS. 

can  be  approximated  more  closely.  It  is  a  well-known  fact  that 
no  tradition  was  ever  found  among  the  Indians  as  to  the  origin 
or  the  purpose  for  which  the  mounds  were  constructed.  They 
described  them ( as  having  been  found  by  their  ancestors  in  the 
same  condition  in  which  we  now  see  them,  and  clothed,  if  not 
with  the  same,  at  least  with  a  growth  of  vegetation  similar  to 
that  which  covers  them  to-day.  It  is  true  the  Iroquois,  who  are 
supposed  to  have  reached  the  lake  regions  and  the  Ohio  Valley 
some  time  previous  to  the  Algonquins,  had  certain  vague  tradi- 
tions of  a  people  whom  they  called  the  "  Allighewi ; "  but 
there  seems  to  be  nothing  in  those  indefinite  allusions  which 
would  associate  that  unknown  people  with  the  mounds.  Still, 
Indian  tradition  is  nearly  valueless  in  determining  this  question, 
since  any  fact,  however  grave,  was  soon  forgotten  by  a  people  so 
savage  and  unsettled.  The  tribes  of  the  lake  region,  says  Dr. 
Lapham  in  his  Antiquities,  so  soon  forgot  the  visit  of  the  Jesuit 
Fathers  that  their  descendants  a  few  generations  later  had  no 
tradition  of  the  event.  The  same  is  true  of  the  Indians  of  the 
Mississippi  Valley  with  reference  to  De  Soto's  expedition,  "  which 
must,"  remarks  Dr.  Foster,  "have  impressed  their  ancestors 
with  dread  at  the  sight  of  horses  ridden  by  men,  and  the  sound 
of  fire-arms,  which  they  must  have  likened  to  thunder.  Sir 
John  Lubbock  states  that  the  New  Zealanders  at  the  time  of 
Captain  Cook's  visit  had  forgotten  altogether  Tasman's  visit, 
made  less  than  one  hundred  and  thirty  years  before."  l  Another 

1  Pre-Historic  Times,  p.  435.  Also  cited  by  Foster.  In  this  connection  I 
refer  the  reader  to  the  argument  of  Mr.  John  H.  Becker  of  Berlin,  in  the 
Congres  International  des  Americanistes,  Luxembourg,  1877,  torn,  i,  pp.  345-6  : 
"  These  northern  nations  *  *  *  have  not  quite  forgotten  the  former  exist- 
ence and  the  exodus  of  these  Nahua  Mound-builders  in  and  from  the  western 
prairie  country.  Cusick's  remarkable  history  of  the  Iroquois  (Schoolcraft, 
vol.  v)  states  again  and  again  that  '  their  hunters  were  opposed  by  big  snakes,' 
that  the  '  great  horned  snake  appeared  on  Lake  Ontario/  that  the  '  lake  serpent 
traversed  the  country,  and  they  were  compelled  to  build  fortifications  in  order 
to  save  themselves  from  the  devouring  monsters,'  that  *  a  snake  with  a  human 
head  prevented  the  intercourse  of  their  several  villages,  as  it  had  settled  near 
the  principal  path  of  communication,'  also  '  that  it  retreats,'  etc.,  etc.  Now,  in 
order  to  understand  the  force  of  these  passages,  it  is  necessary  to  remind  the 
reader  that  the  Nahua  race  were  perhaps  even  more  properly  and  generally 


ANTIQUITY  OF  MOUNDS.  1Q3 

argument  for  the  construction  of  the  mounds  at  a  remote  period, 
and  which  is  certainly  of  little  more  value  than  Indian  tradition, 
is  that  which  supposes  the  Mound-builders  to  have  erected  works 
on  the  lowest  of  the  river  terraces  existing  at  the  time  of  their 
occupancy  of  the  country.  Much  stress  has  been  laid  on  the  fact 
that  no  works  have  been  found  on  the  lowest-formed  of  the  river 
terraces  which  mark  the  subsidence  of  the  western  rivers.  "And 
as  there  is  no  good  reason/'  remarks  Mr.  Baldwin,  "  why  their 
builders  should  have  avoided  erecting  them  on  that  terrace  while 
they  raised  them  promiscuously  on  all  the  others,  it  follows,  not 
unreasonably,  that  this  terrace  has  been  formed  since  the  works 
were  erected/' 1  To  any  one  familiar  with  the  great  rise  and  fall 
which  takes  place  annually  in  the  water-level  of  the  Ohio  and 
Mississippi  and  all  of  their  tributaries,  the  fallacy  of  such  an 
argument  is  at  once  apparent.  We  must  at  least  allow  that  the 
Mound-builders  learned  by  experience,  just  as  animals  do,  even 
if  we  could  deny  them  a  very  high  order  of  intelligence.  Little 
time  could  have  elapsed  after  their  advent  to  these  valleys  before 
they  observed  the  impracticability  of  erecting  mounds  or  enclo- 
sures on  most  of  the  alluvial  bottoms  bordering  these  streams. 
The  raging  torrents  which  sometimes  sweep  through  the  valleys 
of  the  central  basin,  uprooting  the  largest  trees,  carrying  away 
natural  embankments,  forming  immense  deposits  of  new  allu- 
vium, submerging  miles  of  adjacent  country,  and  in  many  ways 
changing  its  physical  conformation,  would  in  a  few  years  oblit- 

designated  as  the  '  Culhua '  the  '  Snake '  race,  and  one  branch,  remotely  con- 
nected with  them  in  blood  and  language,  though  wofully  degenerated,  the 
Snakes  or  Shoshones  of  Oregon,  etc.,  carry  the  name  to  this  very  day.  4 
'  An  expedition  was  sent  towards  the  Mississippi  River ;  they  crossed  it,  reached 
an  extensive  meadow  ;  they  discovered  a  curious  animal,  a  winged  fish;  it  flew 
about  the  tree,  it  moved  like  a  hummingbird'  *  *  *  the  humming  bird  was 
the  totem  of  the  last  tribe  of  Nahuas,  arriving  in  Anahuac  from  Aztlan.  The 
Cherokee  tradition,  told  by  Timberlake,  is  equally  significant  :  '  The  prince  of 
rattlesnakes  lives  in  the  glens  of  the  mountains.  His  palace  is  guarded  by 
obedient  subjects.  *  *  *  And  in  the  myth  of  the  Algonquins,  the  god-hero 
Michabo  is  in  conflict  with  the  shining  prince  of  serpents  who  lives  in  the  lake  ; 
he  destroys  the  reptile  with  a  dart ;  clothes  himself  with  the  skin  of  his  foe, 
and  drives  the  rest  of  the  serpents  to  the  south' " 
1  /.  D.  Baldwin's  Ancient  America,  p.  47. 


104  AGE  OF  VEGETATION. 

erate  any  traces  of  earthworks  built  within  their  reach.1  Far 
more  certain  data,  however,  is  furnished  in  the  arborescent  vegeta- 
tion which  covers  many  of  the  works,  with  which  to  measure 
part  of  the  period  during  which  they  have  remained  unoccupied, 
though  we  are  left  in  uncertainty  as  to  the  remoteness  of  their 
abandonment.  The  annular  rings  of  a  tree  present  us  indisputa- 
ble evidence  as  to  its  age.2  It  is  evident  that  the  forests  which 
cover  these  remains  have  grown  up  since  they  were  vacated,  as 
no  difference  exists  between  them  and  the  surrounding  vegeta- 
tion— no  break  exists  in  the  density  of  the  forests  in  the  imme- 
diate vicinity  of  the  works.  The  oldest  of  the  trees  found  upon 
the  works  present  eight  hundred  annual  rings,  indicating  as 
many  years  of  growth.3  This  cannot,  however,  be  set  down  as 
the  limit  of  the  period  of  their  abandonment,  since,  as  it  seems 
that  this  country  was  open  and  mostly  unwooded  in  the  sections 
thickly  settled  by  the  Mound-builders,  a  considerable  time  would 
be  requisite  for  the  slow  encroachments  of  a  forest,  even  when 
the  trees  which  now  stand  upon  the  mounds  may  have  been  pre- 

1  Foster,  pp.  173-3,  remarks  :  "Squier  and  Davis  hastily  stated  that  none 
of  these  works  occupied  the  alluvial  bottoms  (an  error  which  Mr.  Squier 
subsequently  corrected),  and  from  this  statement  the  most  erroneous  conclu- 
sions as  to  their  antiquity  have  been  drawn.     There  is  nothing  to  indicate  but 
that  those  works  were  constructed  after  the  surface  had  assumed  its  present 
configuration,  and  that  the  climate  had  become  essentially  as  it  is  now.     That 
they  should  not  occur  as  abundantly  on  the  bottoms  as  on  the  river  terraces  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at,  when  we  consider  the  great  fluctuations  of  the  Missis- 
sippi and  its  tributaries.     The  extreme  range  between  low  and  high  water  of 
the  Upper  Mississippi  at  its  mouth  is  thirty-five  feet ;  that  of  the  Missouri  at 
its  mouth  about  the  same  ;  and  that  of  the  Ohio  at  Louisville,  forty-two  feet. 
Hence,  during  the  flood  time  a  greater  portion  of  the  bottom  lands  are  subject 
to  overflow,  and  it  would  be  natural  for  the  Mound -builders  to  shun  such 
situations.     Where  the  immediate  valleys  lie  above  high  water,  we  find  their 
works.     Of  this  the  '  American  Bottom '  is  a  notable  instance." 

2  See  Dr.  Lapham's  communication  in  Foster's  Pre- Historic  Races,  pp.  373-5, 
in  which  he  shows  the  possibility  of  finding  the  average  increase  of  wood  each 
year  by  measuring  annual  rings  of  growth. 

3  Sir   Charles  Lyell,  Antiquity  of  Man,  p.  41,  says  :    "  When   I  visited 
Marietta  in  1842,  Dr.  Hildreth  took  me  to  one  of  the  mounds,  and  showed  me 
where  he  had  seen  a  tree  growing  on  it,  the  trunk  of  which  when  cut  down 
displayed  eight  hundred  rings  of  annual  growth." 


GREAT  AGE  OF  MOUND  CRANIA.  1Q5 


ceded  by  trees  of  other  species  or  by  two  or  three  generations  of 
their  own.1  The  age  of  the  trees  on  the  mound-works  in  the 
Ohio  Valley  or  farther  north,  rarely  exceeds  five  hundred  or  six 
hundred  years,  and  such  cases  as  that  cited  by  Sir  Charles  Lyell 
are  the  exceptions.  Farther  south,  in  the  Mississippi  Valley 
and  near  the  Gulf,  they  are  still  younger  than  those  at  the 
north.2  So  noticeable  is  this  that  we  are  led  to  think  the  Gulf 
coast  may  have  been  occupied  by  the  Mound-builders  for  a  couple 
of  centuries  after  they  were  driven  by  their  enemies  from  the 
country  north  of  the  mouths  of  the  Missouri  and  Ohio  Rivers. 
The  condition  of  skeletons  found  in  the  mounds  indicate  an 
antiquity  which  they  furnish  us  no  means  of  measuring.  It  is 
not  to  be  presumed  that  all  human  remains  discovered  in  exca- 
vating the  works  were  interred  immediately  previous  to  the 
abandonment  of  the  country.  Some  of  them  may  belong  to  the 
middle  or  beginning  of  the  period  of  their  residence  in  the  terri- 
tory occupied  by  the  United  States.  Human  remains  taken  from 
the  mounds,  perhaps  furnish  us  better  evidence  of  the  long  resi- 
dence of  the  Mound-builders  in  this  country  than  any  other  data 
in  our  possession.  It  suffices  to  say  that  few  Mound-builder 
crania  have  been  recovered  in  a  condition  to  be  of  any  service 
to  science  ;  although  of  late  years,  several  valuable  collections 

1  See  Prof.  Asa  Gray  in  Foster's  Pre-Historic  Races,  p.  392 ;  also  Lyell's 
Antiquity  of  Man,  p.  41,  where  the  opinion  of  President  Harrison  is  quoted  as 
follows  :  "  We  may  be  sure  that  no  trees  were  allowed  to  grow  so  long  as 
the  earthworks  were  in  use  ;  and  when  they  were  forsaken,  the  ground,  like 
all  newly-cleared  land  in  Ohio,  would  for  a  time  be  monopolized  by  one  or  two 
species  of  tree,  such  as  the  yellow  locust  and  the  black  or  white  walnut. 
When  the  individuals  which  were  the  first  to  get  possession  of  the  ground  had 
died  out  one  after  the  other,  they  would,  in  many  cases,  instead  of  being 
replaced  by  other  species,  be  succeeded,  by  virtue  of  the  law  which  makes  a 
rotation  of  crops  profitable  in  agriculture,  by  other  kinds,  till  at  last,  after  a 
great  number  of  centuries  (several  hundred  years  perhaps),  that  remarkable* 
diversity  of  species  characteristic  of  North  America,  and  far  exceeding  what  is 
seen  in  European  forests,  would  be  established." 

2  Foster's  Pre-Historic  Races,  pp.  118,  119,  122,  and  M.  Stronck,  Reperes 
chronologiques  de  Vhistoire  des  Mound-builders  in  Congres  des  Americanistes, 
Luxembourg,  torn,  i,  pp.  316-18,  catalogues  the  record  of  the  age  of  trees 
found  on  mounds. 


106  KITCHEN-MIDDENS,   OR  SHELL-HEAPS. 

have  been  made.  The  preservation  of  the  skeletons  depends 
greatly  on  the  composition  of  the  soil  in  which  they  are  found. 
The  Loess  has  afforded  well-preserved  remains,  however,  with 
the  gelatinous  matter  leached  out.  The  crania  of  the  sandy 
loam  of  river  bottoms,  on  the  other  hand,  are  in  all  cases  so  far 
decayed  upon  discovery  that  the  greatest  precautions  fail  to  pre- 
vent them  from  crumbling  to  dust  when  exposed  to  the  light 
and  air.  Mastodon  bones,  on  the  contrary,  recovered  from  peat 
swamps,  and  much  older  than  any  of  the  remains  of  the  Mound- 
builders,  are  found  to  have  retained  so  much  of  their  gelatinous 
matter  as  to  furnish  a  nourishing  soup.1  To  these  evidences  may 
,be  added  the  testimony  derived  from  the  ancient  ruins  which 
points  to  long-continued  occupation  and  to  a  considerable  lapse 
of  time  since  their  abandonment. 

How  long  the  Mound-builders  occupied  the  country  north  of 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  it  is  impossible  in  the  present  state  of  science 
to  determine.  Some  authors  conjecture  that  they  were  here  two 
thousand  years  ;  that  we  think  would  be  time  enough,  though 
after  all  it  is  but  conjecture.  It  seems  to  us,  however,  that  the 
time  of  the  abandonment  of  their  works  may  be  more  closely 
approximated.  A  thousand  or  two  years  may  have  elapsed  since 
they  vacated  the  Ohio  Valley,  and  a  period  embracing  seven  or 
eight  centuries  may  have  passed  since  they  retired  from  the  Gulf 
coast.  As  an  evidence  of  a  large  population  having  existed  in 
this  country  at  a  former  period,  we  have  immense  shell-heaps 
artificially  collected,  extending  along  the  Atlantic  coast  from 
Nova  Scotia  to  Florida,  on  the  Gulf  coast  and  up  the  river 
valleys  through  nearly  all  of  the  Southern  States.  It  is  difficult 
to  assign  the  formation  of  these  vast  remains  to  any  definite 
period  or  to  any  particular  people.  Though  of  the  same  charac- 
ter as  the  Kjokken-Moddings  (Kitchen-Middens)  of  the  Danish, 
ihey  furnish  no  indications  of  so  great  an  antiquity.  This  has 
been  shown  by  Dr.  Jeffries  Wyman  in  his  researches  in  Maine 
and  Massachusetts.2  Sir  Charles  Lyell  made  aa  examination  of 
a  shell-bank  on  St.  Simon's  Island,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Alla- 

1  Foster's  Pre-Historic  Eaces,  p.  370. 
8  American  Naturalist,  Jan.  1868. 


KITCHEN-MIDDENS,   OR   SHELL-HEAPS.  1Q7 

maha  River,  Georgia,  so  extensive  that  it  covers  ten  acres  to  a 
depth  varying  from  five  to  ten  feet.1  Dr.  Brinton  has  described 
immense  accumulations  in  Florida.  On  Amelia  Island,  shells 
exist  to  the  depth  of  three  feet  over  an  area  150  yards  wide  and 
a  quarter  of  a  mile  long.  Notable  instances  of  a  similar  kind 
are  Turtle  Mound  near  Smyrna — a  mass  of  oyster  shells  thirty 
feet  thick — and  a  shell-bank  on  Crystal  Eiver  four  miles  from 
its  mouth,  reaching  a  height  of  forty  feet.2  Dr.  Wyman  care- 
fully examined  many  of  the  fresh-water  shell-heaps  of  Florida  and 
obtained  pretty  satisfactory  results.3  Near  the  Silver  spring  upon 
a  shell- heap  covering  nearly  twenty  acres,  stand  several  live-oaks 
of  immense  size,  the  largest  of  which  measured  between  twenty- 
six  and  twenty-seven  feet  in  circumference.  Excavations  under 
this  monster,  taken  together  with  its  position  on  the  side  of  the 
shell-bank,  proved  it  to  be  of  more  recent  origin  than  the  latter. 
Prof.  Wyman,  by  allowing  twelve  rings  to  the  inch  and  granting 
it  a  semi-diameter  of  fifty  inches,  estimated  that  it  was  not  less 
than  six  hundred  years  old.  Of  course  the  shell-bank  may  have 
existed  a  long  time  before  any  vegetation  appeared  upon  it.  The 

1  Second  Visit  to  the  United  States,  vol.  i,  p.  252. 

2  Dr.  Brinton's  Notes  on  the  Floridian  Peninsula. 

3  From  the  immense  heaps  distributed  over  an  area  of  150  miles  between 
Pilatka  and  Salt  Creek  Dr.  Wyman  made  some  collections  of  interest.    The  banks 
were  composed  mostly  of  the  Ampullaria  Depressa,  the  Paludina  Multilineata 
and  Unio  Buckleyi.     The  bank  at  King  Phillip's  Town,  450  feet  long  by  120 
feet  wide,  and  in  some  places  eight  feet  thick,  yielded  fragments  of  pottery 
and  decayed  animal  bones.     At  Black  Hammock,  on  the  St.  Johns,  a  mound 
900  feet  long  and  from  100  to  150  in  width,  yielded  the  following:  such  marine 
shells  as  the  strombus-gigos,  pyrula  carica  and  P.  perversa.     These  had  been 
shaped  into  hatchets,  gouges  and  chisels.     Scarcely  any  stone  implements  were 
found  in  any  of  the  mounds  examined.     A  chisel  and  twenty-five  arrow-heads 
were  collected  in  the  vicinity  of  the  above  shell-bank.     The  following  animal 
remains  were  found :  bear,  deer,  raccoon,  opossum,  terrapin,  turtle,  alligator, 
cat-fish  and  garpike.     But  few  bones  of  birds  were  found.     Prof.  Wyman  can 
only  explain  the  presence  of  so  many  of  the  now  scarce  species,  the  Ampulla- 
rius  and  Paludinas,  on  the  supposition  that  they  were  much  more  plentiful  and 
are  now  becoming  extinct,  or  that  the  heaps  where  so  abundantly  found  were 
made  by  slow  accumulation,  through  the  lapse  of  an  indefinitely  long  period. — 
American  Naturalist,  vol.  ii,  Nos.  8  and  9,  and  Fifth  Annual  Report  of  Peabody 
Museum,  pp.  22-25.    Also  First  Report  of  Peabody  Museum,  pp.  11, 18. 


108  FRESH-WATER  SHELL-HEAPS. 

crania  of  the  shell-banks  of  Florida  differ  from  those  of  the 
Mound-builders  in  greater  thickness  as  well  as  greater  mean 
capacity.1  In  his  Fresh-water  Shell-Mounds  of  the  St.  John's 
River  j  and  in  his  memoir  on  Human  Remains  in  the  Shell-heaps 
of  the  St.  John's  River  (Seventh  Annual  Report  of  Peabody 
Museum,  pp.  26  et  seq.),  Dr.  Wyman  reports  having  discovered 
the  startling  fact  that  cannibalism  prevailed  among  the  barbarous 
people  of  the  shell-banks.  In  the  Peabody  Museum  a  collection 
of  human  bones  taken  from  the  shell-banks  by  Dr.  Wyman  are 
arranged  to  illustrate  this  sad  discovery.  It  is  possible  that  this 
people  had  some  relationship 'to  the  Caribs.  Prof.  Forshey  has 
described  in  brief  the  vast  extent  and  proportions  of  the  marine 
shell-banks  of  the  Gulf  coast,  and  the  shores  of  the  bayous,  lakes 
and  lagoons  where  Guathodon  shells  are  found.  Those  of 
Louisiana,  especially  near  New  Orleans,  are  remarkable,  but 
have  yielded  no  remains,  except  broken  pottery,  flint  flakes  and 
stone  hatchets.  A  shell-bank  at  Grand  Lake,  on  the  Teche, 
however,  upon  which  great  live-oaks  are  growing,  situated  fifteen 
miles  inland,  from  which  the  sea  has  receded  since  its  formation, 
"yielded  unique  specimens  of  axes  of  haematitic  iron-ore  and 
glazed  pottery."2  Probably  the  most  remote  shell-bank  from 
the  sea  containing  marine  shells,  occurs  on  the  Alabama  Kiver, 
fifty  miles  inland.3  Fresh-water  shell-banks,  other  than  those 
examined  in  Florida,  furnish  evidences  of  slow  accumulation  and 
indicate  a  comparatively  remote  antiquity  for  their  origin.  On 
Stalling's  Island,  in  the  Savannah  Eiver,  two  hundred  miles 
above  its  mouth,  is  a  shell-bank  three  hundred  feet  in  length  by 
one  hundred  and  twenty  feet  in  width,  with  an  average  depth  of 

1  A  small  sand-mound  near  Cedar  Keys  yielded  peculiarly  massive  skulls  ; 
the  capacity  being  1375  cubic  centimetres,  or  nearly  84  cubic  inches.     They 
show  no  distortion,  and  the  average  thickness  of  eight  of  them  through  the 
parietal  bones  measured  10.5  millimetres,  or  0.42  of  an  inch.    The  heaviest 
weighed  995  grams,  and  notwithstanding  the  loss  of  its  organic  matter,  is 
heavier  than  any  of  the  three  hundred  skulls   in  the  collection  (Peabody 
Museum). — Fourth  Annual  Report  of  Peabody  Museum.,  p.  13.     Also  see  Fos- 
ter's Pre-Historic  Races,  p.  170. 

2  Foster's  Pre-Historic  Races,  p.  159. 

3  Nott  and  Gliddon's  Types  of  Mankind,  p.  272. 


THE  FORMATION  OF  SHELL-HEAPS.  109 

over  fifteen  feet.1  In  the  American  Bottom  and  on  many  of  the 
tributaries  of  the  Mississippi,  shell-banks  occur,  composed  of 
varieties  of  the  Unios  and  Anodons.  A  remarkable  example  of 
such  accumulation  is  the  well-known  shell-bank  a  mile  and  a 
half  south  of  New  Harmony,  Indiana,  and  situated  on  a  high 
hill  170  feet  above  the  level  of  an  arm  of  the  Wabash  Kiver. 
The  bank  covers  an  area  of  a  quarter  of  an  acre,  and  has  attracted 
the  attention  of  eminent  scientists  like  Leasure,  Say3  Lyell  and 
others,  but  nothing  of  value  was  developed  that  would  refer  the 
construction  of  this  and  similar  banks  to  any  people  more  ancient 
than  the  Mound-builders.2  On  the  Pacific  coast,  great  numbers 
of  shell-banks  exist,  but  contain  nothing  different  from  those  in 
other  parts  of  the  country.  (See  Kesearches  in  the  Kjokken 
Moddings  of  the  Coast  of  Oregon  and  of  the  Santa  Barbara  Islands 
and  Adjacent  Mainland,  by  Paul  Schumacher.  Bulletin  of  U.  S. 
Geol.  and  Geog.  Survey,  vol.  iii,  No.  1.)  There  can  be  little  doubt 
but  these  strange  and  vast  accumulations  indicating  the  presence 
of  an  extinct  population,  had  a  remote  beginning,  and  have  been 
added  to  from  time  to  time  by  different  peoples,  removed  from 
each  other  both  by  the  diversities  of  race  and  the  lapse  of  time. 

A  trifle  more  than  a  decade  ago  the  treatment  of  the  sub- 
ject of  this  chapter  would  have  called  for  a  discussion  of  the 
antiquity  of  the  magnificent  architectural  remains  of  Southern 
Mexico,  and  of  the  still  older  ruins  of  the  Maya  civiliza- 
tion in  Yucatan,  and  the  branches  of  that  people  in  Central 
America  ;  but  the  indefatigable  labor  which  has  been  bestowed 
by  several  eminent  antiquarians  upon  the  ancient  history  of  the 
civilized  nations  of  the  New  World  previous  to  its  discovery  by 
Europeans,  has  transferred  this  part  of  the  subject  to  another 
field  ;  has  elevated  it  from  the  uncertain  position  it  occupied  in 
archaeology  to  a  place  in  the  realm  of  history.  It  is  true  that  it 
is  difficult  to  draw  the  line  between  tradition  and  history,  and 
especially  so  in  this  case  ;  but  as  tradition  does  not  conflict  with 

1  C.  C.  Jones,  Jr.,  Antiquities  of  the  Southern  Indians. 

2  Further  consult,  Second  Indiana  Report,  p.  iii ;  Smithsonian  Report  for 
1870 ;  Humphreys  and  Abbot's  Physics  and  Hydraulics  of  the  Mississippi  Valley, 
p.  89,  and  Foster's  Pre-Historic  Races,  Chap.  IV. 


110  MAN'S  INFLUENCE  UPON  NATURE. 

archaeology  in  its  bearing  on  the  ancient  civilization  of  Tropical 
America,  it  is  better  than  nothing  ;  certainly  archaeology  thus 
far  has  amounted  to  little  more  than  nothing  in  revealing  the 
approximate  period  of  the  origin  of  these  remains.  While  it  has 
done  much  towards  verifying  tradition  and  assisted  largely  in 
its  interpretation,  it  has  not  been  adequate  to  the  task  of  solving 
the  age  of  these  remains.  Tradition,  on  the  contrary,  and  we 
might  almost  say  history,  carries  us  back  three  thousand  years, 
if  not  farther,  as  the  period  when  man — whether  the  first  here 
or  not — appeared  upon  the  Western  Continent.  The  discussion 
of  this  part  of  our  subject  will  be  given  in  a  future  chapter. 
Too  much  doubt  exists  with  reference  to  the  stupendous  remains 
of  Peru,  especially  in  the  neighborhood  of  Lake  Titicaca,  Tiahua- 
naco,  Old  Huanaco,  and  Grau-Chirnu,  as  to  whether  they  ante- 
dated the  arrival  of  the  Incas  by  a  great  lapse  of  time,  to  admit 
of  a  serious  discussion  here.  Nothing  of  a  scientific  character  is 
available  as  yet  upon  which  even  to  base  conjecture.  Rivero 
and  Tschudi,  it  is  true,  have  treated  the  subject,  and  their  work 
has  been  often  quoted,  but  after  all  it  amounts  to  but  little  more 
than  a  description  of  the  remains,  which  serves  the  good  end  of 
exciting  interest  in  the  subject.  The  antiquities  and  legendary 
history  of  the  Peruvians  have  so  recently  been  treated  with  such 
ability  by  Mr.  E.  G.  Squier,  that  the  South  American  civiliza- 
tion needs  no  attention  in  this  connection. 

In  considering  the  question  as  to  how  long  man  has  inhabited 
this  continent,  his  influence  upon  nature  cannot  be  overlooked. 
In  the  animal  kingdom,  certain  animals  were  domesticated  by 
the  aborigines  from  so  remote  a  period  that  scarcely  any  of  their 
species,  as  in  the  case  of  the  lama  of  Peru,  were  to  be  found  in  a 
state  of  unrestrained  freedom  at  the  advent  of  the  Spaniards. 
In  the  vegetable  kingdom  more  abundant  testimony  of  the  same 
nature  is  presented.  A  plant  must  be  subjected  to  the  trans- 
forming influences  of  cultivation  for  a  long  time  before  it  becomes 
so  changed  as  no  longer  to  be  identified  with  the  wild  species, 
and  infinitely  longer  before  it  becomes  entirely  dependent  upon 
cultivation  for  propagation.  Yet  we  find  that  both  of  these 
facts  have  been  accomplished  with  reference  to  the  maize,  tobacco, 


MAN'S  INFLUENCE  UPON  NATURE. 


cotton,  quinoa  and  mandico  plants  ;  and  the  only  species  of 
palm  cultivated  by  the  South  American  Indians,  that  known  as 
the  Gulielma  speciosa^  has  lost  through  that  culture  its  original 
nut-like  seed,  and  is  dependent  upon  the  hands  of  its  cultivators 
for  its  life.1  Alluding  to  the  above-named  plants,  Dr.  Brinton 
remarks  :  "  Several  are  sure  to  perish  unless  fostered  by  human 
care.  What  numberless  ages  does  this  suggest  ?  How  many 
centuries  elapsed  ere  man  thought  of  cultivating  Indian  corn  ? 
How  many  more  ere  it  had  spread  over  nearly  a  hundred  degrees 
of  latitude  and  lost  all  resemblance  to  its  original  from  ?  "  2  Cer- 
tainly this  class  of  evidence,  though  furnishing  no  chronometric 
scale,  points  us  to  an  antiquity  for  man  on  this  continent  more 
venerable  than  that  suggested  either  by  tumuli  or  architectural 
remains.  The  peculiar  value  of  this  argument  rests  in  the  fact 
that  with  the  exception  of  cotton,  none  of  the  plants  indicated 

1  Martius  :  Von  dem  Rechtszustande  unter  dem  Ureinwohner  Brasiliens,  p.  80, 
and  reprinted  in  bis  Beitrdge  zur  Ethnographic,  etc.,  Leipzig,  1867,  quarto. 
"  Der  dermalige  Zustand  dieser  Naturwesen  beurkundet,  dass  die  amerikanische 
Natur  schon  seit  Jalirtausenden  den  Einfluss  einer  verandernden  und  urnge- 
staltenden  Menschenhand  erfaliren  hat.     Auf  den  Antillen  und  dem  Festlande 
fanden  die  ersten  Conquistadores  den  stummen  Hund  als  Hausthier  und  auf 
der  Jagd  dienend,  ebenso  das  Meerschweinchen  in  §t.  Domingo  in  einem  heimi- 
schen  Zustande  .  .  .  Das  Llama  war  in  Peru  schon  seit  undenklicher  Zeit  als 
Lastthier  beniitzt  worden,  und  kam  nicht  mehr  im  Zustand  der  Freiheit  vor; 
ja  sogar  das  Guanaco  und  die  Vicunna  scheinen  damals  nicht  ganz  wild,  son- 
dern  in  einer  beschrankten  Freiheit  den  Urbewohnern  befreundet,  gelebt  zu 
haben,  da  sie,  um  geschoren  zu  werden,  eingefangen,  so  dann  aber  wieder  frei- 
gelassen  wurden.  .  .  .  Die  Cultur  dieser  Pflanze  (Maize)  aus  welcher  die  Perua- 
ner  auch  Zucker  bereiteten,  ist  uralt  ;    man  findet  sie,  und  die  Banane,  den 
Baumwollenstrauch,  die  Quinoa-  und  die  Mandioca-Pflanze  ebenso  wenig  wild 
in  America  als  unsere  Getreidearten  in  Asien,  Europa  und  Africa.    Die  einzige 
Palme,  welche  von  den  Indianern  angebaut  wird,  hat  durch  diese  Cultur  den 
grossen,  steinharten  Saamenkern  verloren,  der  oft  in  Fasern  zerschmolzen,  oft 
ganzlich  aufgelosl  ist.     Ebenso  findet  man  die  Banane,   deren  Einfuhr  nach 
America  geschichtlich  nicht  nachgewiesen  werden  kann,  immer  ohne  Saamen. 
Man  weiss  aber  aus  anderen  Erfahrungen,  welch'  lange  Zeit  nothwendig  ist, 
um  den  Pfianzen  einen  solchen  Stempel  von  der  umbildenden  Macht  mensch- 
lichen  Einflusses  aufzudrucken.     Gewiss,  auch  in  America  sind  die  dort  heimi- 
schen  Nutz-Pflanzen  der  Menschheit  seit  undenklichen  Zeiten  zinsbar  unter- 
worfen." 

2  Brinton's  Myths  of  the  New  World,  p.  37. 


112  AGASSIZ  AND  THE  HUMAN  JAW. 

have  ever  been  cultivated  by  any  other  people  than  the  aborigines 
of  America,  and  could  not  have  matured  their  characteristics  of 
dependence  in  the  old  world,  and  been  brought  hither  through 
the  channel  of  immigration. 

Back  of  the  age  of  man's  monuments  of  an  architectural 
character,  beyond  the  beginning  of  the  first  existing  shell-heap, 
and  at  a  time  probably  more  remote  than  the  first  cultivation  of 
maize,  it  has  been  supposed  that  man  occupied  the  Western  Con- 
tinent as  a  contemporary  with  the  mastodon,  megalonyx  and  other 
extinct  animals.  Our  information  in  this  department  is  entirely 
dependent  upon  the  revelations  of  geological  science.  Unfor- 
tunately very  little  data  which  may  be  termed  truly  scientific 
has  been  brought  to  light.  While  considerable  seeming  testi- 
mony to  man's  antiquity  on  this  continent  has  been  produced 
from  a  geologic  quarter,  still  it  mostly  has  been  of  an  unscientific 
character.  Fossils  and  human  remains  are  said  to  have  been 
discovered  in  localities  and  in  associations  that  if  the  statements 
of  those  who  found  them  could  be  relied  on,  would  give  man  an 
antiquity  here  as  great  as  in  the  valley  of  the  Somme  or  in  the 
bone  caves  of  Belgium,  France,  and  England.  In  the  instances 
alluded  to,  it  is  not  so  often  feared  that  the  veracity  of  discov- 
erers is  doubtful  as  that  their  general  lack  of  acquaintance  with 
the  science  should  make  them  liable  to  error.  Where  a  com- 
petent geologist  is  not  present  to  examine  a  fossil  in  situ,  and 
report  intelligently  upon  its  position  and  surroundings,  the  case 
must  remain  open  to  suspicion.  Unfortunately  for  science,  this 
is  precisely  the  weak  point  in  most  of  the  reputed  "finds" 
which  are  cited  as  evidence  in  this  field.  In  1848,  Count  Pour- 
tales  found  in  Florida,  according  to  Agassiz,  a  human  jaw  and 
teeth,  and  bones  of  the  foot,  embedded  in  a  calcareous  con- 
glomerate forming  a  part  of  a  coral  reef.  This  reef,  according  to 
Agassiz,  may  be  135,000  years  old,  and  the  human  remains  at 
least  ten  thousand  years.1  This  statement  has  been  accepted  as 
reliable  by  Sir  Charles  Lyell,2  Daniel  Wilson,3  and  other  noted 
scientific  gentlemen.  Count  Pourtales,  however,  makes  a  state- 

1  Nott  and  Gliddon's  Types  of  Mankind,  p.  352. 

2  Antiquity  of  Man,  p.  44.  3  Pre-Historic  Man,  p.  12. 


REMAINS  AT   SANTOS   RIVER,    BRAZIL. 


ment  which  materially  alters  the  case.  He  says  :  "  The  human 
jaws  and  other  bones  found  by  myself  in  Florida  in  1848,  were 
not  in  a  coral  formation,  but  in  a  fresh-  water  sandstone  on  the 
shore  of  Lake  Monroe,  associated  with  fresh-  water  shells  or  species 
still  living  in  the  lakes  (Paulina,  Ampullaria,  etc.).  No  date  can 
be  assigned  to  the  formation  of  that  deposit,  at  least  from  present 
observation."  1  Human  remains  were  found  a  number  of  years 
ago  embedded  in  the  solid  rock  in  the  island  of  Guadaloupe. 
"  But  more  careful  investigation  proved  the  rock  to  be  a  con- 
cretionary limestone  formed  from  the  detritus  of  corals  and 
shells/'  <  This  rock  was  ascertained  to  have  been  one  of  very 
rapid  formation. 

Sir  Charles  Lyell,  in  his  Travels  in  America  in  1842,  ex- 
pressed the  opinion  that  certain  human  remains  found  embedded 
in  the  solid  rock  near  the  town  of  St.  Paul  jon  the  Santos  Kiver, 
Brazil,  were  of  great  antiquity.3  Subsequently  referring  to  the 
memoir  of  Dr.  Meigs  on  the  shell-heap  of  which  the  rock  was  a 
part,4  he  expresses  the  opinion  that  shells  were  brought  to  the 
place  and  heaped  up  over  the  remains,  and  "  were  bound  together 
in  a  solid  stone  by  the  infiltration  of  carbonate  of  lime,  and  the 
mound  may  therefore  be  of  no  higher  antiquity  than  those  above 
alluded  to  on  the  Ohio."  3  In  a  few  instances  it  has  been  alleged 
that  the  remains  of  man  have  been  found  associated  with  the 
remains  of  the  mastodon  and  other  extinct  animals.  More  than 
thirty  years  ago  Dr.  Dickson  of  Natchez  discovered  the  pelvic 
bone  of  a  man,  the  os  innominatum,  mingled  with  the  bones  of 
extinct  animals  (megalonyx  and  mylodon).  This  discovery  was 
made  two  and  one-half  miles  from  Natchez,  at  the  bottom  of 
what  is  known  as  Bernard's  Bayou,  an  immense  ravine  from 
thirty  to  sixty  feet  deep  and  several  miles  long,  formed  by  the 
convulsions  of  the  earthquake  of  1811-12.  This  bone  is  now  in 
the  possession  of  the  Academy  of  Natural  Sciences  of  Philadel- 
phia. Sir  Charles  Lyell  visited  the  spot  where  it  was  discovered 

1  American  Naturalist,  vol.  ii,  p.  434,  1858.    Also  quoted  by  Foster,  Prc- 
Historic  Races,  p.  77. 

2  Daniel  Wilson's  Pre-Historic  Man,  p.  12.  8  Vol.  i,  p.  200. 

4  Meigs  :  Trans.  Am.  Phil  Soc.,  1828,  p.  285.        5  Antiquity  of  Man,  p.  42. 
8 


114  THE  NATCHEZ   OS  INNOMINATUM. 

in  1846,  and  made  a  careful  examination  of  the  bone  then  in  the 
possession  of  Dr.  Dickson,  and  also  explored  the  "  Mammoth 
Ravine."  He  discusses  the  case  as  follows  :  "  It  appeared  to  be 
quite  in  the  same  state  of  preservation  and  was  of  the  same 
black  color  as  the  other  fossils,  and  was  believed  to  have  come 
like  them  from  a  depth  of  about  thirty  feet  from  the  surface. 
In  my  Second  Visit  to  America  in  1S46,1  1  suggested  as  a 
possible  explanation  of  this  association  of  a  human  bone  with 
remains  of  a  mastodon  and  megalonyx,  that  the  former  may 
possibly  have  been  derived  from  the  vegetable  soil  at  the  top  of 
the  cliff,  where,  as  the  remains  of  extinct  mammalia  were  dis- 
lodged from  a  lower  position,  and  both  may  have  fallen  into  the 
same  heap  or  talus  at  the  bottom  of  the  ravine,  the  pelvic 
bone  might,  I  conceived,  have  acquired  its  black  color  from  having 
lain  for  years  or  centuries  in  a  dark  superficial  peaty  soil  common 
in  that  region.  I  was  informed  that  there  were  many  human 
bones  in  old  Indian  graves  in  the  same  district  stained  of  as 
black  a  dye."  *  *  *  "  No  doubt,  had  the  pelvic  bone  belonged 
to  any  recent  mammifier  other  than  man,  such  a  theory  would 
never  have  been  resorted  to  ;  but  so  long  as  we  have  only  one 
isolated  case,  and  are  without  the  testimony  of  a  geologist  who 
was  present  to  behold  the  bone  when  still  engaged  in  the  matrix, 
and  to  extract  it  with  his  own  hands,  it  is  allowable  to  suspend 
our  judgment  as  to  the  high  antiquity  of  the  fossil.2  Both 
Dr.  Joseph  Leidy3  and  Prof.  C.  G.  Forshey,4  who  have  examined 
the  case,  agree  with  the  above.  A  few  years  ago  a  fragment  of 

1  Vol.  ii,  p.  197.  2  Antiquity  of  Man,  p.  203. 

3  Extinct  Mammalia  of  North  America,  p.  365 :  "  The  specimen  may  have 
been  contemporary  with  the  remains  of  extinct  animals,  with  which  it  is  said  to 
have  been  found,  though  it  appears  to  me  equally  if  not  more  probable  that  it 
may  have  fallen  into  the  formation  from  an  Indian  grave  above  at  a  compara- 
tively recent  date,  and  become  stained  like  the  true  fossils  from  ferruginous 
infiltration." 

4  Foster  :  Pre-Historic  Races,  p.  61.    "A  dozen  plantation  burial  places  and 
Indian  mounds  and  camps  had  been  exposed  above  for  centuries  ;  and  in  recent 
years  since  uninhabited  by  the  whites  (for  a  hundred  years),  the  drains  had  cut 
through  the  surface  to  the  depth  of  twenty  and  even  forty  feet  of  the  bluff 
loam-beds.    The  probabilities  are  a  hundred  to  one  that  this  bone  was  not  of 
the  bluff  (mastodon)  formation  but  of  the  recent  era." 


REMAINS  AT  PETIT  ANSE  ISLAND.  115 

matting  composed  of  the  outer  bark  of  the  southern  cane  (Arun- 
dinaria  macrosperma)  was  discovered  on  Petit  Anse  Island  in 
Yermillion  Bay,  Louisiana,  in  connection  with  the  remains  of  a 
fossil  elephant.  This  island,  containing  about  five  thousand 
acres,  is  the  locality  of  an  extraordinary  mine  of  rock  salt,  dis- 
covered and  worked  considerably  during  the  late  rebellion.  The 
salt  is  found  in  nearly  all  parts  of  the  island  at  the  depth  of 
fifteen  or  twenty  feet  below  the  surface  of  the  soil.  The  matting 
was  discovered  near  the  surface  of  the  salt,  and  about  two  feet 
above  it  were  the  remains  of  an  elephant,  including  the  tusks. 
Prof.  Henry  was  the  first  to  call  public  attention  to  the  matter 
in  a  notice  based  on  the  verbal  statements  of  T.  F.  Cleu,  Esq.,  who 
presented  a  specimen  of  the  matting  to  the  Smithsonian  Institu- 
tion.1 In  1867,  Prof.  E.  W.  Hilgard  and  Dr.  E.  Fontaine,  secretary 
of  the  New  Orleans  Academy  of  Sciences,  examined  the  locality. 
We  regret  to  say  that  the  report  made  by  the  latter  is  so  confused 
in  its  use  of  terms  and  so  conflicting  in  its  statements  as  to  be 
of  no  service  to  science.2  Prof.  Hilgard  is,  on  the  contrary,  clear 
on  the  subject.  He  considers  the  heap  in  which  the  matting, 
elephant  bones,  and  subsequently  pottery  in  great  profusion,  were 
found,  "  A  mass  of  detritus  washed  down  from  the  surrounding 
hills."  "  The  pottery,"  he  remarks,  "  at  some  points  form  verita- 
ble strata  three  and  six  inches  thick."  He  then  adds  in  a  note 
that  "it  is  very  positively  stated  that  mastodon  bones  were 
found  considerably  above  some  of  the  human  relics.  In  a  detrital 
mass,  however,  this  cannot  be  considered  a  crucial  test." 3  Dr. 
Foster,  after  citing  the  above,  interposes  the  objection,  "  That 
in  an  island  whose  area  is  less  than  eight  miles  square,  there 
would  be  few  floods  of  sufficient  power  to  transport  such  heavy 
bones  as  the  tusks  and  molars  of  mastodons  to  any  considerable 
distance." 4  Certainly  the  question  is  an  open  one,  and  in  its 

1  Foster  in  Transactions  of  the  Chicago  Academy  of  Sciences,  vol.  i,  part  ii. 

2  Fontaine's  How  the  World  was  Peopled,  pp.  67-89.     A  book  with  many 
good  points,  but  obscure  as  to  this  particular  case. 

3  On  the  Geology  of  Lower  Louisiana  and  the  Salt  Deposit  on  the  Petit  Anse 
Island,  p.  14,  in  Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knowledge,  No.  248. 

4  Foster's  Pre-Historic  Races,  p.  58. 


116  BONES  AT  MINAS  GERAES,  BRAZIL. 

present  unsettled  status  proves  nothing.  The  same  uncertainty 
attaches  itself  to  the  discoveries  of  Dr.  Lund,  the  distinguished 
Swedish  naturalist,  made  many  years  ago  in  the  bone  caves  of 
Minas  Geraes,  Brazil.  This  indefatigable  investigator  examined 
more  than  eight  hundred  caverns,  and  in  only  six  were  human 
remains  found.  In  one  instance  out  of  the  six,  the  remains  were 
associated  with  the  bones  of  animals  now  extinct,  but  the  original 
stratification  had  been  disturbed,  and  the  presumption  is  that  it 
was  a  case  of  comparatively  recent  interment.1 

The  most  remarkable  instance  of  the  supposed,  or  we  might 
be  allowed  in  this  case  to  say  pretended  discovery  of  human 
remains  in  association  with  those  of  extinct  animals,  is  that  set 
forth  by  Dr.  Koch.  This  collector  of  curiosities  described  his 
discovery  of  a  mastodon  giganteus  in  1839  in  Gasconade  County, 
Missouri,  at  a  spot  on  the  Bourbeuse  River,  first  in  a  newspaper 
article  of  January  1839,  and  cited  in  the  American  Journal  of 
Science  and  Arts?  And  a  second  time  in  the  St.  Louis  Com- 
mercial Bulletin  of  June  25,  1839,  which  article  was  also 
noticed  in  the  above  Journal.3  This  article  was  signed  "  A.  Koch, 
Proprietor  of  the  St.  Louis  Museum."  Subsequently  he  pub- 
lished descriptions  in  pamphlets,  which  unfortunately  did  not 
always  convey  the  same  impressions.4  Dr.  Koch,  after  referring 
to  the  discovery  of  a  back  and  hip  bone  of  this  remarkable  animal, 

1  Brinton's  Myths  of  the  New  World,  p.  35.  2  Vol.  xxxvi,  p.  198. 

3  Vol.  xxxvii,  p.  191. 

4  J.  D.  Dana  :  Koch's  Evidence  on  the  Contemporaneity  of  Man  and  the  Mas- 
todon in  Missouri,  in  the  Am.  Jour,  of  Set.  and  Arts,  Art.  xxxv.  May,  1875, 
gives  the  title  of  two  of  these  pamphlets  as  follows  :  1.  Description  of  the  Mis 
sourium  or  Missouri  Leviathan,  together  with  its  Supposed  Habits  ;  Indian  Tra- 
ditions Concerning  the  Location  from  which  it  was  Exhumed  ;  Also,  Comparisons  ~ 
of  the  Whale,  Crocodile,  and  Missourium  with  the  Leviathan,  as  described  in 
the  Forty-first  Chapter  of  the  Book  of  Job  :  by  Albert  Koch,  16  pp.  octavo,  St. 
Louis,  1841  (1840  on  the  cover,  indicating  that  the  copy  is  from  a  second  edition). 
2.  Description  of  the  Missourium  Theristocaulodon  (KocJi)  or  Missouri  Leviathan 
(Leviathan  Missouriensis\  together  with  its  Supposed  Habits  and  Indian  Tradi- 
tions; Also,  Comparisons  of  the  Whale,   Crocodile,  and  Missourium  with  the 
Leviathan,  as  described  in  the  Forty-first  Chapter  of  the  Book  of  Job :  by  Albert 
Koch.     Fifth  edition  enlarged,  28  pp.  octavo.     Dublin,  1843.    (A  third  edition 
of  twenty -four  pages  appeared  in  London  in  1841.) 


DR.   KOCH'S   MASTODON  AND  ARROWHEAD.  H7 

gives  the  following  description :  "  I  immediately  commenced 
opening  a  much  larger  space ;  the  first  layer  of  earth  was  a 
vegetable  mould,  then  a  blue  clay,  then  sand  and  blue  clay.  I 
found  a  large  quantity  of  pieces  of  rocks,  weighing  from  two  to 
twenty-five  pounds  each,  evidently  thrown  there  with  the  inten- 
tion of  hitting  some  object.  It  is  necessary  to  remark  that  not 
the  least  sign  of  rocks  or  gravel  is  to  be  found  nearer  than  from 
four  or  five  hundred  yards,  and  that  these  pieces  were  broken 
from  larger  rocks,  and  consequently  carried  here  for  some  express 
purpose.  After  passing  through  these  rocks  I  came  to  a  layer 
of  vegetable  mould  ;  on  the  surface  of  this  was  found  the  first 
blue  bone,  with  this  a  spear  and  axe  ;  the  spear  corresponds 
precisely  with  our  common  Indian  spear ;  the  axe  is  different 
from  any  I  have  seen.  Also  on  this  earth  were  ashes  nearly  from 
six  inches  to  one  foot  in  depth,  intermixed  with  burned  wood 
and  burned  bones,  broken  spears,  axes,  knives,  etc.  The  fire 
appeared  to  have  been  the  largest  on  the  head  and  neck  of  the 
animal,  as  the  ashes  and  coals  were  much  deeper  here  than  in 
the  rest  of  the  body ;  the  skull  was  quite  perfect,  but  so  much 
burned  that  it  crumbled  to  dust  on  the  least  touch ;  two  feet 
from  this  was  found  two  teeth  broken  off  from  the  jaw,  but 
mashed  entirely  to  pieces.  By  putting  them  together,  they 
showed  the  animal  to  have  been  much  larger  than  any  heretofore 
discovered.  It  appeared  by  the  situation  of  the  skeleton,  that 
the  animal  had  been  sunk  with  its  hind  feet  in  the  mud  and 
water,  and,  unable  to  extricate  itself,  had  fallen  on  its  right  side, 
and  in  that  situation  was  found  and  killed  as  above  described ; 
consequently  the  hind  and  fore-feet  on  the  right  side  were  sunk 
deeper  in  the  mud,  and  thereby  saved  from  the  effects  of  the 
fire  ;  therefore  I  was  able  to  preserve  the  whole  of  the  hind  foot 
to  the  very  last  joint,  and  the  fore  foot,  all  but  some  few  small 
bones  that  were  too  much  decayed  to  be  worth  saving.  Also 
between  the  rocks  that  had  sunk  through  the  ashes,  were  found 
large  pieces  of  skin  that  appeared  like  fresh-tanned  sole  leather, 
strongly  impregnated  with  the  lye  from  the  ashes  ;  and  a  great 
many  of  the  sinews  and  arteries  were  plain  to  be  seen  on  the 
earth  and  rocks,  but  in  such  a  state  as  not  to  be  moved  except 


118  DR.   KOCH'S  SECOND  DISCOVERY. 

in  small  pieces  the  size  of  a  hand,  which  are  now  preserved  in 
spirits."  "  Should  any  doubts  arise  in  the  mind  of  the  reader 
of  the  correctness  of  the  above  statement,  he  can  be  referred  to 
more  than  twenty  witnesses  who  were  present  at  the  time  of 
digging." 1  Subsequent  accounts  agree  substantially  with  the 
above  except  that  we  never  again  hear  of  the  "  large  pieces  of 
skin,"  the  "  sinews  and  arteries,"  "  which  are  now  preserved  in 
spirits."  The  presumption  is  that  the  author,  upon  mature 
reflection,  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  in  reality  he  had  seen 
nothing  of  the  kind,  and  in  fact  had  never  preserved  such  relics 
in  spirits. 

Dr.  Koch  made  a  second  discovery  about  one  year  subse- 
quently in  Benton  County,  Missouri,  in  the  bottom  of  the 
Pomme-de-Terre  Kiver,  at  about  ten  miles  above  its  junction 
with  the  Osage  Kiver.  His  description  is  as  follows  :  "The 
second  trace  of  human  existence  with  these  animals  I  found 
during  the  excavation  of  the  Missourium.  There  was  embedded 
immediately  under  the  femur  or  hind-leg  bone  of  this  animal, 
an  arrow-head  of  rose-colored  flint,  resembling  those  used  by  the 
American  Indians,  but  of  larger  size.  This  was  the  only  arrow- 
head immediately  with  the  skeleton  ;  but  in  the  same  strata,  at 
a  distance  of  five  or  six  feet,  in  a  horizontal  direction,  four  more 
arrow-heads  were  found.  Three  of  these  were  of  the  same 
formation  as  the  preceding.  The  fourth  was  of  very  rude  work- 
manship. One  of  the  last-mentioned  three  was  of  agate,  the 
others  of  blue  flint.  These  arrow-heads  are  indisputably  the 
work  of  human  hands.  I  examined  the  deposit  in  which  they 
were  embedded,  and  raised  them  out  of  their  embedment  with 
my  own  hands.  The  original  stratum  on  which  this  river  flowed 
at  the  time  it  was  inhabited  by  the  Missourium  theristocaulodun 
and  up  to  the  time  of  its  destruction,  was  of  the  upper  green 
sand.  On  the  surface  of  this  stratum,  and  partly  mingled  with 
it,  was  the  deposit  of  the  before-described  skeleton.  The  next 
stratum  is  from  three  to  four  feet  in  thickness,  and  consisted  of 

1  American  Journal  of  Science  and  Arts,  1 830,  Art.  xxxvi,  p.  193,  and  copied 
by  Mr.  J.  D.  Dana,  in  his  article  before  cited,  May,  1875. 


DR.  KOCH'S  SECOND  DISCOVERY. 


a  brown  alluvium  of  the  Eocene  region,  and  was  composed  of 
vegetable  matters  of  a  tropical  production.  It  contained  all  the 
remainder  of  the  skeleton/'  "  Most  of  these  vegetables  were  in  a 
great  state  of  preservation  and  consisted  of  a  large  quantity  of 
cypress  burs,  wood  and  bark,  tropical  cane,  ferns,  palmetto  leaves, 
several  stumps  of  trees,  and  even  the  greater  part  of  a  flower  of 
the  strelitzia  class,  which  when  destroyed  was  not  full  blown. 
There  was  no  sign  or  indication  of  any  very  large  trees  ;  the 
cypresses  that  were  discovered  being  the  largest  that  were  grow- 
ing here  at  the  time.  These  various  matters  had  been  torn  up 
by  their  roots  and  twisted  and  split  into  a  thousand  pieces 
apparently  by  lightning  combined  with  a  tremendous  tempest 
or  tornado  ;  and  all  were  involved  in  one  common  ruin.  Several 
veins  of  iron  pyrites  ran  through  the  stratum."  "  The  next 
over  this  formation  was  a  layer  of  plastic  clay  of  the  Eocene 
region,  also  with  iron  pyrites.  It  was  three  feet  in  thickness  ; 
over  this  a  layer  of  conglomerate  from  nine  to  eighteen  inches  in 
thickness  ;  over  this  a  layer  of  marl  of  the  Pliocene  region, 
from  three  to  four  feet  in  thickness;  next,  a  second  conglomerate 
from  nine  to  eighteen  inches  in  thickness.  This  was  succeeded 
by  a  layer  of  yellow  clay  of  the  Pliocene;  over  this  a  third  layer 
of  conglomerate  from  nine  to  eighteen  inches  in  thickness,  and 
at  last  the  present  surface,  consisting  of  brownish  clay  mingled 
with  a  few  pebbles,  and  covered  with  large  oak,  maple,  and  elm 
trees,  which  were,  as  near  as  I  could  ascertain,  from  eighty  to 
one  hundred  years  old.  In  the  centre  'of  the  above-mentioned 
deposit  was  a  large  spring  which  appeared  to  rise  from  the  very 
bowels  of  the  earth,  as  it  was  never  affected  by  the  severest  rain, 
nor  did  it  become  lower  by  the  longest  draught."  l  The  preced- 
ing accounts  were  presented  to  the  St.  Louis  Academy  of 
Sciences  in  a  special  paper  several  years  later  (1857).2 

Dr.  Foster  is  inclined  to  believe  that  Dr.  Koch  was  not  mis- 
taken in  his  claimed  discovery,  having  arrived  at  that  opinion 
by  pointedly  questioning  him  on  the  subject  a  short  time  before 

1  Dr.  Koch's  Pamphlet  of  1843,  pp.  13,  14,  27,  copied  by  J.  D.  Dana. 

2  Transactions  of  St.  Louis  Academy  of  Sciences,  vol.  i,  1857. 


120  J.  D.  DANA  VS.   DR.  KOCH. 

his  (Koch's)  death.1  Charles  Kau  is  also  of  the  opinion  that  he 
was  truthful.3  Mr.  J.  D.  Dana,  however,  discusses  the  case  as 
follows  :  "In  the  account  of  the  second  case  above  cited  Dr. 
Koch  says  that  the  Missourium  was  embedded  in  a  brown 
alluvium  of  the  Eocene  region  resting  on  the  '  upper  green 
sand; '  that  next  over  it  was  plastic  clay  of  the  i  Eocene  region' 
and  beds  of  the  i  Pliocene  region/  He  thus  makes  his  Missou- 
rium to  have  come  from  the  lower  tertiary,  and  from  a  bed  just 
above  the  green  sand  (cretaceous)  when  actually  from  quartenary 
beds  ;  and  he  uses  the  terms  Eocene  and  Pliocene,  as  if  he  had 
no  familiarity  with  geological  facts  or  language.  The  earlier 
pamphlet  of  1840  avoids  this  bad  geology,  '  the  upper  green 
sand/  in  that  being  called  simply  quicksand  and  the  other  beds 
merely  beds  of  clay  and  conglomerate.  All  the  pamphlets 
sustain  the  conclusion  that  Dr.  Koch  knew  almost  nothing 
of  geology,  and  that  what  he  gradually  picked  up  from  inter- 
course with  geologists,  he  generally  made  much  of  but  seldom 
was  able  to  use  rightly." 3  The  same  critic  says :  "  In  zoologi- 
cal knowledge  he  was  equally  deficient,"  and  cites  the  fact  of 
the  discoverer  recognizing  the  resemblance  to  the  mastodon,  still 
makes  the  animal  an  inhabitant  of  the  watercourses  like  the 
hippopotamus  ;  states  that  his  food  "  consisted  as  much  of 
vegetables  as  of  flesh,  although  he  undoubtedly  consumed  a 
great  abundance  of  the  latter,"  and  makes  the  marvelous  revela- 
tion that  he  "was  capable  of  feeding  himself  with  his  forefoot 
after  the  manner  of  the  beaver  or  otter."  Mr.  Dana  continues  : 
"  He  says  that  one  arrow-head  lay  c  immediately  under  the  femur 
or  thigh-bone/  and  he  further  states  in  his  later  article  of 
1857,  that  'he  carefully  thought  to  investigate  the  point  as  to 
its  having  been  brought  thither  after  the  deposit  of  the  bone ' 
and  decided  against  it.  The  observation  and  conclusion  would 
have  been  more  satisfactory  had  the  author  been  a  better  ob- 


1  Foster's  Pre- Historic  Races,  p.  62. 

2  Smithsonian  Report,  1872,  p.  396,  in  a  note  to  his  article  on  North  Ameri- 
can Stone  Implements. 

3  J.  D.  Dana  in  American  Journal  of  Science  and  Arts,  May,  1875,  p.  340. 


KOCH  A  MISTAKEN  ENTHUSIAST.  121 

server."  "  The  descriptions  of  the  deposits  in  Gasconade  County 
containing  the  remains  of  an  animal  the  principal  part  of  which 
was  consumed  by  fire  is  a  still  more  unsatisfactory  basis  for  a 
safe  conclusion  as  to  age.  But  in  the  article  of  1857,  he  says 
that  the  layer  of  ashes,  etc.,  ( was  covered  by  strata  or  alluvial 
deposits  consisting  of  clay,  sand  and  soil,  from  eight  to  nine 
feet  thick,  forming  the  bottom  of  the  Bourbeuse  (Elver)  in 
general,  which  seems  to  make  it  almost  certain  that  the  beds 
were  of  quite  recent  origin/' 1  Mr.  Dana  considers  Dr.  Koch's 
evidence  as  "very  doubtful."2  Dr.  Foster  has  figured  a  fossil 
which,  for  a  better  name,  he  has  designated  as  a  "  stone 
hatchet/'  from  the  modified  drift  of  Jersey  County,  Illinois.3 
He  is  positive  as  to  the  position  in  which  it  was  found,  but  has 
doubt  as  to  its  human  origin.  The  probabilites  are  that  its 
peculiar  shape  is  due  to  its  exposure  to  atmospheric  agents.  He 
remarks,  however :  "  On  the  whole,  I  will  not  positively  assert 
that  this  specimen  is  of  human  workmanship,  but  I  affirm  that 
if  it  had  been  recovered  from  a  plowed  field  I  should  have  un- 
hesitatingly said  it  was  an  Indian  hatchet."  In  the  Proceedings 
of  the  Philadelphia  Academy  of  Sciences  for  July,  1859,  Dr. 
Holmes  describes  the  occurrence  of  fragments  of  pottery  in  close 
proximity  with  the  bones  of  the  mastodon  and  megatherium, 
on  the  Ashley  River  in  South  Carolina.  The  case,  however,  has 
not  been  considered  authentic  by  scientific  men.  Dr.  Holmes  is 
possibly  mistaken.4  Col.  Charles  Whittlesey,  in  1838,  saw  at 

1  Article  cited,  p.  344. 

2  Though  the  above  argument  by  so  eminent  a  specialist  must  satisfy  any 
one  that  Dr.  Koch's  claim,  as  it  now  stands,  is  valueless  to  science ;  still,  it  is 
due  to  the  memory  of  the  latter,  to  admit  that  he  was  the  most  indefatigable 
and  successful  collector  in  his  department  in  this  country.     Though  unscientific 
himself,  his  service  to  science  must  ever  be  recognized.     The  great  Mastodon 
in  the  British  Museum  is  a  monument  to  his  persevering  research.     Perhaps 
the  disposition  to  acknowledge  his  services,  has  unduly  biased  the  judgment  of 
many  in  favor  of  his  groundless  claim. 

3  Pre-Historic  Races,  p.  67. 

4  "  But  it  is  one  of  those  isolated  cases  which  require  further  investiga- 
tion before  full  credence  can  be  attached  to  it."  —  Foster's  Pre-Historic  Races, 
p.  71. 


122  ANCIENT  HEARTHS. 


Portsmouth,  Ohio,  on  the  Ohio  Kiver,  remains  of  ancient  fire- 
places situated  eighteen  to  twenty  feet  above  low  water  and  about 
fifteen  feet  below  the  surface.  He  states,  "at  low  water  and 
thence  up  to  a  height  of  twelve  or  fifteen  feet  is  a  bed  of  sand 
and  transported  gravel,  containing  pebbles  of  quartz,  granite, 
sandstone  and  limestone,  derived  partly  from  the  adjacent 
Carboniferous  and  Devonian  rocks  and  partly  from  the  northern 
drift,  the  upper  part  much  the  coarsest.  On  this  is  a  layer  of 
blue  quicksand  from  one  to  five  feet  thick,  in  which  is  a  timber- 
bed  including  large  numbers  of  the  trunks,  branches,  stumps 
and  leaves  of  trees,  such  as  are  now  growing  on  the  Ohio,  princi- 
pally birch,  black-ash,  oak  and  hickory.  Over  the  dirt-bed  is 
the  usually  loamy  yellow  clay  of  the  valley,  fifteen  to  thirty  feet 
thick,  on  which  are  very  extensive  works  of  the  Mound-builders. 
In  and  near  the  bottom  of  this  undisturbed  homogeneous  river- 
loam  I  saw  two  places  where  fire  had  been  built  on  a  circular 
collection  of  small  stones,  a  part  of  which  were  then  embedded 
in  the  bank." 1  Near  these  fire-places  the  writer  of  the  above 
found  the  membranous  covering  of  common  river  shells  (the 
Uinos).  We  think  that  no  geologist  familiar  with  the  constant 
changes  of  the  Ohio  Kiver  bed,  will  consider  that  the  conditions 
surrounding  these  ancient  fire-places  warrant  us  in  assigning 
them  a  much  greater  antiquity  than  we  attach  to  the  Mound- 
builders'  works  in  the  neighborhood.  In  1846,  Sir  Charles 
Lyell,  when  at  New  Orleans,  made  an  estimate  of  the  time 
required  to  account  for  the  immense  annual  deposit  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi Kiver  in  the  neighborhood  of  its  delta.  From  a  compu- 
tation based  on  certain  data,  which  assumed  the  area  of  the 
alluvial  plain  which  is  the  result  of  those  deposits,  to  equal 
30,000  square  miles,  several  hundred  feet  thick  in  some  places, 
he  estimated  that  probably  100,000  years  would  be  requisite.2 
Subsequently,  during  the  process  of  excavating  for  the  New 
Orleans  Gas  Works,  it  was  found  necessary  to  cut  through  four 

1  Antiquity  of  Man  in  the  United  States,  Transactions  of  American  Asso- 
ciation for  Advancement  of  Science.    Chicago,  1869. 

2  Second  Visit  to  the  United  States. 


AGE  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI  DELTA.  123 

buried  cypress  forests.  At  the  depth  of  sixteen  feet  and  on  the 
fourth  forest  level,  a  human  skeleton  distinctly  of  the  Indian 
type/  was  found  under  the  roots  of  a  cypress  tree,  together  with 
burnt  wood  Dr.  Dowler,  dividing  the  history  of  the  delta  into, 
1.  The  epoch  of  grasses  or  aquatic  plants  ;  2.  That  of  the  cypress 
(Taxodium  distichum)  basins,  and  3.  That  of  the  live-oak 
platform,  tabulates  the  age  of  the  strata  overlying  the  skeleton 
as  follows  : 

Epoch  of  aquatic  plants 1,500  years 

Epoch  of  the  cypress  basin,  in  which  he  assumes 

only  two  successive  growths 11,400      " 

Epoch  of  live-oak  platform 1,500     " 

Total 14,400  years 

The  basis  for  his  estimate  of  the  age  of  the  cypress  basins 
was  the  computed  age  of  the  trees  of  the  fourth  level,  ten  feet  in 
diameter  and  probably  reaching  5,700  years.2  Sir  Charles  Lyell 
in  a  later  work,  though  still  adhering  to  his  former  estimate  of 
the  time  required  in  which  to  form  the  delta,  cannot  accept  Dr. 
Dowler's  great  antiquity  for  the  remains.3  The  question  in  hand 
of  course  involves  the  question  of  the  antiquity  of  the  deposit 
where  the  skeleton  was  found,  which  is  well-nigh  identical  with 
the  vexed  question  of  the  age  of  the  delta.  The  very  diversity 
of  opinion  on  this  subject  precludes  the  possibility  of  its  con- 
sideration here.  We  will  content  ourselves  by  citing  two  esti- 
mates in  addition  to  those  already  given.  Professor  Edward 
Hitchcock  calculated  that  the  entire  delta  embraced  a  bulk  of 
matter  equal  to  2,720  cubic  miles,  for  the  deposit  of  which  he 
thought  14,204  years  necessary.4  Humphries  and  Abbot  think 
that  both  the  area  and  thickness  of  the  deposit  have  been  over- 
stated, and  instead  of  30,000  square  miles  for  the  former,  they 

1  Nott  and  Gliddon's  Types  of  Mankind,  p.  336,  and  Lyell's  Antiquity  of 
Man,  p.  43. 

2  Tableau  of  New  Orleans,  1852,  cited  by  Foster,  Pre-Historic  Races,  p.  73. 

3  Antiquity  of  Man,  p.  43. 

4  Surface  Geology,  p.  92,  Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knowledge,  vol.  ix. 


124       THE  NEW  ORLEANS  SKELETON  NOT  VERY  ANCIENT. 

claim  only  19,450.  As  to  the  latter,  they  estimate  the  thickness 
of  the  alluvial  matter  as  but  twenty-five  feet  on  the  river  banks 
along  the  St.  Francis  swamp ;  thirty-five  along  the  Yazoo  swamp, 
and  continuing  of  uniform  thickness  to  Baton  Rouge  ;  while 
the  artesian  well  at  New  Orleans  showed  it  in  that  locality  to 
reach  a  point  forty  feet  below  the  level  of  the  Gulf.  These 
authors  base  their  calculations  as  to  the  age  of  the  deposits  on 
the  following  ascertained  facts  :  the  total  yearly  contributions 
of  the  river  equal  a  prism  two  hundred  and  sixty-eight  feet  in 
height,  with  a  base  of  one  mile  square ;  two  hundred  and  sixty-two 
feet  is  the  supposed  mean  yearly  advance  of  the  river ;  the  original 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi  was  near  the  afflux  of  the  Bayou  Plaque- 
mine,  and  has  hence  progressed  two  hundred  and  twenty  miles 
since  it  began  to  empty  its  deposits  into  the  Gulf.  Supposing 
these  data  to  be  correct,  they  estimate  that  only  four  thousand 
four  hundred  years  have  elapsed  since  that  period.1  This  would 
give  the  skeleton  alluded  to  a  comparatively  recent  origin.  We  are 
inclined  to  believe  that  the  above  estimate  assigns  a  period  for  the 
formation  of  the  delta  as  much  too  short  as  that  of  Sir  Charles 
was  too  long.  As  to  the  antiquity  of  the  skeleton,  probably  Dr. 
Foster's  solution  of  the  question  is  as  near  correct  as  any  that  ever 
may  be  proposed :  "  Thus,  then,  with  these  carefully-observed 
computations  before  us,  we  are  not  prepared  to  accept  the  high 
antiquity  assigned  by  Dr.  Dowler  to  the  human  remains  found 
beneath  the  surface  at  New  Orleans.  What  he  regards  as  four 
buried  forests  which  once  flourished  on  the  spot,  may  be  nothing 
more  than  driftwood  brought  down  the  river  in  former  times 
which  became  embedded  in  the  slits  and  sediments  which  were 
deposited  on  what  was  then  the  floor  of  the  Gulf." 2 

If  all  the  indications  were  verified,  we  should  be  justified  in 
assigning  man  a  much  greater  antiquity  in  the  Rocky  Mountain 
region  and  on  the  Pacific  slope  than  in  any  other  part  of  North 
America.  Mr.  E.  L.  Berthoud  collected  numerous  stone  implements 
in  what  he  considers  to  be  tertiary  gravel  on  Crow  Creek  and 
in  the  region  of  the  South  Platte  River,  Lat.  40  N.,  Long.  104  W. 

1  Physics  and  Hydraulics  of  the  Mississippi,  pp.  150  et  seq.,  and  435. 

2  Pre-Historic  Races,  p.  76. 


PROFESSOR  WHITNEY'S   TESTIMONY.  125 

Two  shells  secured  in  the  same  locality  by  him  have  been  pro- 
nounced a  corbicula  and  a  rangia  respectively,  and  are  thought 
to  belong  to  the  older  Pliocene  or  possibly  to  the  Miocene.1  The 
evidence  in  this  case  is,  however,  unsatisfactory,  and  cannot  be 
admitted  to  be  of  scientific  value  without  further  authentication. 
In  1857  a  portion  of  a  human  cranium  was  found  associated 
with  bones  of  the  mastodon  at  the  depth  of  one  hundred  and 
eighty  feet  below  the  surface  in  a  mining  shaft  at  Table  Moun- 
tain, California.  Dr.  C.  F.  Winslow  sent  this  fragment  to  the 
Boston  Natural  History  Society,  but  no  importance  was  attached 
to  it,  since  no  other  evidence  other  than  that  furnished  by  work- 
men in  the  mine  could  be  obtained.  Subsequently,  when  an 
entire  skull  was  reported  to  have  been  found  in  the  gold  drift 
near  Angelos  in  Calaveras  County,  in  a  shaft  one  hundred  and 
fifty  feet  deep,  the  intelligent  portion  of  the  community  pro- 
nounced the  finder  guilty  of  a  scientific  fraud,  and  it  is  not  yet  a 
certainty  that  their  decision  was  incorrect.  However,  Professor 
Whitney,  of  the  State  Geological  Survey,  upon  hearing  of  the 
case  examined  the  mine,  and  found  that  the  shaft  passed  through 
five  beds  of  lava  and  volcanic  tufa  and  four  beds  of  auriferous 
gravel.  It  was  in  one  of  these  beds  that  the  skull  was  said  to 
have  been  found.  Some  of  the  cemented  gravel  was  still  adhering 
to  the  skull  when  it  came  into  the  Professor's  possession,  and 
Professor  Wyman,  to  whom  it  was  submitted  subsequently, 
refers  to  the  difficulty  which  he  had  in  removing  the  incrustation. 
Professor  Whitney,  on  the  testimony  of  the  possessor  of  the  skull, 
pronounced  it  an  authentic  "  find,"  and  while  his  decision  has 
been  acquiesced  in  by  a  number  of  scientific  gentlemen  of  repute, 
Professor  Wyman  among  them,  still  the  great  majority,  we 
believe,  are  unwilling  to  rest  their  faith  on  such  slender  evidence. 
Though  no  crack  was  apparent  through  which  the  skull  might 
have  fallen  from  the  surface,  such  might  have  existed  at  an 
earlier  period.  In  a  region  which  is  the  product  of  volcanic 
action  there  is  room  for  suspicion,  especially  in  cases  like  both 
of  these,  where,  as  Sir  Charles  Lyell  has  said,  no  geologist  was 

1  Philadelphia  Acad.  of  Natural  Sciences.    Proceedings,  Part  1, 1872.     Also 
Foster,  pp.  69-71. 


126  INTER-GLACIAL  RELICS  IN  OHIO. 

present  at  the  moment  of  discovery  to  see  the  fossil  in  situ  and 
extricate  it  with  his  own  hands  from  the  matrix  which  con- 
tained it. 

President  Edward  Orton,  of  the  Ohio  State  University, 
recently  called  our  attention  to  the  discovery  of  relics  of  human 
workmanship  found  many  years  ago  near  Waynesville,  Ohio,  at 
the  depth  of  over  twelve  feet  below  the  surface.  Dr.  Robert 
Furnas,  a  clergyman  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  courteously 
furnished  us  the  following  statement :  "  The  relic  was  obtained 
about  the  year  1824.  It  was  in  the  process  of  digging  a  well 
for  my  grandfather.  My  father,  then  twenty-one  years  of  age, 
was  performing  the  work  of  excavation,  when  at  the  depth  of 
thirteen  or  fourteen  feet  he  came  to  a  dark  mould  about  two  feet 
deep,  on  the  top  of  which  was  lying  a  thimble  and  a  piece  of 
coarse  cloth  six  inches  wide  and  a  yard  long.  The  outer  edge 
containing  the  fringe  showing  the  end  of  the  chain  or  warp  at 
the  end  of  the  fabric  and  point  of  fastening  in  weaving."  "  The 
removal  above  after  passing  through  the  soil  consisted  of  solid 
clay  of  a  yellowish-brown  color.  The  farm  was  purchased  by 
my  grandfather  in  1803,  and  occupied  by  him  to  the  time  of  his 
death  in  1863.  He  was  the  pioneer  of  the  place,  having  settled 
there  in  an  unbroken  forest.  The  location  is  on  the  top  of 
the  hill  on  the  east  side  of  the  Little  Miami  River  forty  or  fifty 
feet  above  the  level  of  the  stream.  The  cloth  soon  lost  all  traces 
of  texture  on  coming  in  contact  with  the  air.  The  thimble  was 
in  a  pretty  good  state  of  preservation."  1  Professor  Orton,  who 
has  examined  the  locality  and  studied  the  case  in  hand,  expressed 
the  opinion  to  us  that  it  was  not  only  authentic,  but  (while  not 
amounting  to  absolute  proof)  seemed  to  associate  man's  works 
with  a  deposit  which  has  furnished  remains  of  the  mastodon. 
The  Professor  considers  the  dark  mould  referred  to  as  that  upon 
which  the  relics  were  lying  to  be  of  an  inter-glacial  vegetable 
deposit  peculiar  to  Southern  Ohio,  and  once  constituting  an 
ancient  surface  of  the  land  inhabited  with  animal  life.2  The 

1  This  letter  bears  date  December  24, 1876,  written  from  Waynesville,  Ohio, 
and  signed  by  Robert  F.  Furnas,  M.D. 

2  Prof.  Orton  in  Geology  of  Highland  County  in  "Progress  of  the  Ohio 


INTER-GLACIAL  MAN  IN  NEW  JERSEY.  127 

cloth  from  its  coarse  character  bears  a  resemblance  to  that  of  the 
mounds,  while  its  length  of  just  a  yard  is  suggestive  of  more 
modern  measurements.1 

Dr.  C.  C.  Abbott  claims  to  have  discovered  recently,  paleo- 
lithic implements  in  the  glacial  drift  in  the  valley  of  the  Dela- 
ware Kiver  near  Trenton,  New  Jersey.  Among  a  number  of 
rude  implements  from  the  undisturbed  gravel  of  the  region  is 
a  spear-head,  found  six  feet  from  the  surface,  on  the  site  of  the 
Lutheran  Church,  Broad  Street,  Trenton,  N.  J.  The  circum- 
stances surrounding  it  were  such  as  to  justify  the  conclusion  that 
the  weapon  had  not  gotten  into  its  position  where  found  "  sub- 
sequently to  the  deposition  of  the  containing  layer  of  pebbles." 
Subsequent  investigation  has  brought  to  light  sixty  well  fin- 
ished flint  implements,  all  of  them  from  what  appears  to  be 
undisturbed  drift.  Some  of  the  relics  have  as  many  as  from 
twenty  to  forty  planes  of  cleavage,  all  equally  weathered.  The 
specimens  are  not  unlike  their  neolithic  counterparts  taken  from 
the  aboriginal  graves  and  stone  cists  of  Tennessee.2  Dr.  Ab- 
bott concludes  that  the  gravel,  boulders,  and  rude  implements 
associated  with  them  were  deposited  by  ice-rafts  on  the  descent 
of  a  glacier  down  the  valley,  and  that  man  more  rude  and 
ancient  than  the  red  Indian  dwelt  at  the  foot  of  the  glacier, 
being  driven  south  by  its  advance  and  following  it  again  to  the 

Geological  Survey  in  1870"  published  1871,  and  in  vol.  I.  of  State  Geological 
Report,  p.  442. 

1  Prof.  Winchell  remarks  :  "  The  very  general  interest  that  is  being  excited 
in  this  country  in  the  problems  that  invest  the  history  of  the  drift  is  my  only 
excuse  for  calling  your  attention  to  the  prevalence  of  vegetable  remains  in  the 
Drift  of  the  North-west,  and  to  the  wide  divergence  of  high  authorities  on  the 
relative  position  of  those  remains  in  respect  to  the  boulder  clay." — See  Proceed- 
ings, p.  56,  Am.  Ass.  for  Adv.  Sci.,  1875,  24th  Meeting. 

2  Eleventh  Annual  Report  of  the  Pedbody  Museum,  p.  226,  Cambridge,  1878. 
Dr.  Abbott  concludes  his  interesting  report  by  citing  a  letter  from  Mr.  Thomas 
Belt,  dated  Grant,  Colorado,  June  29, 1878,  in  which  the  writer  reports  the 
discovery  of  "  a  small  human  skull  in  undisturbed  loess,  in  a  railway  cutting- 
about  two  miles  from  Denver,  near  the  watershed  between  the  South  Platte 
and  Clear  Creek.     All  the  plains  are  covered  with  a  drift  deposit  of  granitic 
and  quartzose  pebbles,  overlaid  by  a  sandy  and  calcareous  loam  closely  resem- 
bling the  diluvial  clay  and  the  loess  of  Europe."    The  skull  was  found  at  a 
point  three  and  a  half  feet  from  the  surface. — Ibid,  p.  257. 


128  INTER-GLACIAL  MAN  IN  NEW  JERSEY. 

north  upon  its  return.1  Professors  Shaler  and  Pumpelly,  how- 
ever, while  considering  the  deposit  as  of  glacial  origin,  think  it 
was  subsequently  modified  by  water-action.  Dr.  Abbott,  with 
great  fairness,  admits  that,  "Inasmuch  as  such  subsequent  action 
may  have  occurred  long  after  the  final  deposition  of  the  gravel, 
as  true  glacial  drift,  the  antiquity  of  the  contained  stone  imple- 
ments is  proportionately  lessened."  Professor  Shaler,  after  a 
partial  examination  of  the  locality,  remarks  that  "  if  these  re- 
mains are  really  those  of  man,  they  prove  the  existence  of  inter- 
glacial  man  on  this  part  of  our  shore." 2  Dr.  Abbott  and  Prof. 
Aug.  E.  Grote  believe  that  the  Eskimo  is  the  surviving  rep- 
resentative of  paleolithic  and  glacial  man  in  North  America. 
The  latter  believes  that  man  reached  this  continent  during  the 
Pliocene,  and  before  the  ice-period  had  interfered  with  a  warm 
climate  in  the  north.3  It  is  therefore  apparent  that  much 
uncertainty  attends  both  the  discoveries  of  Dr.  Abbott  and 
the  interesting  speculations  of  Professor  Grote.  Judgment 
must  be  suspended  in  both  cases  until  more  light  can  be  ob- 
tained. On  page  30,  we  referred  to  mounds  examined  in  the 
Northwest,  N.  lat.  47°,  W.  long.  98°  38',  by  General  H.  W. 
Thomas.4  In  these  mounds  crania  indicating  a  very  low  type 
of  intelligence  were  discovered — in  form  resembling  skulls  of  the 
great  Gibbon  monkey.5  From  the  standpoint  of  the  develop- 

1  Tenth  Annual  Report  of  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  1877,  vol.  ii,  pp. 
30-43  ;  American  Naturalist,  June,  1876,  p.  329. 

2  Tenth  Annual  Report  of  Peabody  Museum,  p.  47. 

3  Grote,  The  Peopling  of  America,  American  Naturalist,  April,  1877. 

4  Sixth  Annual  Report  of  the  United  States  Geological  Survey,  under  Dr. 
Hayden  in  1872,  p.  657. 

5  General  Thomas  gives  the  following  account  of  this  form  of  skull  discov- 
ered by  him,  p.  657:     "It  is  unlike  that  of  any  human  being  to-day  alive  on 
this  continent ;   the  frontal   bone  being  low,  receding,  growing  narrow  and 
pinched  from  the  brows  up  ;  the  top  of  the  head  depressed  in  the  centre.     The 
cavity  of  the  cranium  is  full  seven  inches  long,  and  a  scant  four  and  a  half 
inches  wide.     The  orbital  ridges  or  eyebrows  are  excessively  developed,  like 
those  of  the  great  Gibbon  monkey.     In  fact  the  whole  skull  resembles  that 
of  the  great  Gibbon  monkey.    The  malar  or  cheek  bones  run  down  very  low 
and  deep  toward  the  lower  jaw,  are  set  very  far  to  the  front,  and  are  not  wide 
at  top,  but  widen  very  much  toward  the  bottom.    The  n'ose,  and  here  is  the 


ANTIQUITY  OF  MAN  IN  THE  NORTH-WEST.  129 

ment  theory  (and  by  this  we  do  not  mean  evolution,  but  that 
progression  which  takes  place  when  a  savage  advances  from  his 
low  state  toward  civilization),  the  evidences  are  abundant  that 
man  is  older  by  far  on  the  Western  side  of  the  continent  and 
perhaps  in  the  Northwest,  than  elsewhere  in  the  new  world. 
Though  this  discovery  by  General  Thomas  does  not  reach  back 
in  antiquity  to  geologic  times,  still  it  cannot  be  denied  that  a 
considerable  period  must  have  elapsed  before  low-type  crania 
of  the  Northwest  could  have  developed  into  the  crania  of  the 
Ohio  Valley  Mounds.  Professor  James  Orton,  in  commenting 
on  the  investigations  of  Wilson  on  the  coast  of  Equador,  refers 
to  the  discovery  of  gold,  copper  and  stone  vestiges  of  a  former 
population  in  the  system  of  terraces  traced  from  the  coast 
through  the  province  of  Esmeraldas  to  Quito.  He  remarks: 
"  In  all  cases  these  relics  are  situated  below  high- tide  mark,  in 
a  bed  of  marine  sediment,  from  which  he  (Wilson)  infers  that 
this  part  of  the  country  formerly  stood  higher  above  the  sea.  If 
this  be  true,  vast  must  be  the  antiquity  of  these  remains,  for 
the  upheaval  and  subsidence  of  the  coast  is  exceedingly  slow."1 
The  antiquity  of  man  in  Europe  is  an  established  fact,  but  how 

anomaly,  is  much  more  aquiline  than  that  of  the  Indian.  The  superior 
maxillary  is  one-third  deeper  and  much  more  prominent  than  the  Indian's. 
The  inferior  maxillary  is  of  uncommon  prominence,  depth,  and  power,  far 
exceeding  that  of  the  Indian.  The  mouth  is  narrow  and  long,  more  dog- 
shaped  than  the  Indian's.  The  foramen  magnum  or  aperture  at  base  of  skull, 
where  the  spinal  cord  enters  the  head,  is  peculiarly  small.  The  condyloid  pro- 
cesses are  full,  oblong,  flat  on  the  working  surfaces,  and  at  such  an  angle  as  to 
set  the  head  upward  and  back  more  than  any  race  we  know  to-day  on  this  con- 
tinent. Set  one  of  these  skulls,  without  the  lower  jaw,  on  the  table,  and  a  line 
drawn  from  the  upper  jaw  perpendicularly  upward  would  be  a  good  inch  and  a 
half  in  front  of  the  forehead.  Set  on  the  lower  jaw  and  it  would  be  two  inches. 
Mr.  R.  D.  Guttgisal,  formerly  an  engineer  on  the  Mexican  Central  Railroad,  in 
connection  with  some  friends,  opened  a  mound  at  Chihuahua,  on  the  line 
of  that  railroad.  The  skulls  resembled  those  I  have  described  (so  he  informs 
me)  in  every  particular.  He  especially  remembers  the  somewhat  bird-shaped 
head,  and  the  excessively  small  foramen  magnum.  The  bodies  were  not 
interred  horizontally  there,  but  leaning  backward  as  if  in  a  rocking-chair. 
Professor  H.  H.  Smith,  University  of  Pennsylvania,  has  one  of  the  skulls. 

1  Professor  James  Orton,  The  Andes  and  the  Amazons,  third  ed.,  p.  109, 
New  York,  1876. 

9 


130  MAN  OF  RECENT  ORIGIN  IN  AMERICA. 

remote  is  a  question  which  science  as  yet  fails  to  answer.  When 
geologic  research  opens  up  Central  Asia,  no  doubt  man  will  be 
found  to  have  existed  there  a  long  period  anterior  to  his  advent 
in  Europe.  But  for  the  decadence  of  Arabic  glory  and  learning 
we  should  now  probably  be  in  possession  of  a  fund  of  information 
concerning  that  region  as  well  as  of  man's  early  history.  Were 
the  discovery  of  the  human  skull  in  the  gold  drift  of  California 
an  authentic  case,  we  should  have  strong  reasons  for  supposing 
a  remote  intercourse  existed  between  Asia  and  the  Pacific  coast. 
It  is  quite  certain  the  crania  of  the  North-west  Mounds,  as  com- 
pared with  those  of  the  Mississippi  region,  clearly  point  to  that 
fact.  We  have  seen  that  as  yet  no  truly  scientific  proof  of  man's 
great  antiquity  in  America  exists.  This  conclusion  is  concurred 
in  by  most  eminent  authorities.1  At  present  we  are  probably 
not  warranted  in  claiming  for  him  a  much  longer  residence  on 
this  continent  than  that  assigned  him  by  Sir  John  Lubbock, 
namely,  3,000  years.  Future  research  may  develop  the  fact 
that  man  is  as  old  here  as  in  Europe,  and  that  he  was  contem- 
poraneous with  the  Mastodon.  As  the  case  stands  in  the 
present  state  of  knowledge,  it  furnishes  strong  presumptive 
evidence  that  man  is  not  autochthonic  here,  but  exotic,  having 
originated  in  the  old  world,  perhaps  thousands  of  years  prior  to 
reaching  the  new. 

1  Sir  John  Lubbock,  alluding  to  the  changes  that  have  transpired  in  the 
condition  of  man  from  his  first  appearance  in  America,  says :  "  But  even  if  we 
attribute  to  these  changes  all  the  importance  which  ever  has  been  claimed  for 
them,  they  will  not  require  an  antiquity  of  more  than  three  thousand  years.  I 
do  not,  of  course,  deny  that  the  period  may  have  been  very  much  greater,  but 
in  my  opinion,  at  least,  it  need  not  be  greater."— Pre- Historic  Times,  p.  234, 
London,  1865. 

Dr.  Foster,  after  giving  many  of  the  reputed  proofs  of  man's  antiquity 
here,  sums  up  the  argument  in  the  following  language:  "The  evidence,  it 
must  be  confessed,  rests,  in  most  cases,  upon  the  testimony  of  a  single  observer, 
and  besides,  there  has  not  been  a  recurrence  of  '  finds '  in  the  same  deposit 
(except  in  the  gravel  beds  of  Colorado  and  Wyoming,  which  require  further 
investigation  to  command  an  unqualified  belief),  as  in  the  valley  of  the  Somme 
and  in  the  European  caves,  which  is  so  conclusive  as  to  the  existence  of  man  as 
contemporary  with  the  great  Pachyderms."—  Foster's  Pre-Hlstoric  Races,  p.  71. 


CHAPTER    III. 

DIVERSITY  OF  OPINION  AS  TO  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  ANCIENT 

AMERICANS. 

Conflict  of  Discovery  and  Dogmatism — Antipodes — Arabic  Learning  in  the  8th 
Century — Spirit  of  Early  Writers  on  America — Common  Opinion  as  to  the 
Origin  of  the  Americans — Father  Duran — Lost  Tribes  of  Israel — Garcia — 
Lascarbot — Villagutierre — Torquemada — Pineda,  etc. — Abbe  Domenech— 
Modern  Views — Pre-Columbian  Colonization — Plato's  Atlantis — Kings- 
borough — The  Book  of  Mormon — Phoenicians— George  Jones— Greek  and 
Egyptian  Theories — The  Tartars — Japanese  and  Chinese  Theories — Fusang 
—The  Mongol  Theory— Traces  of  Buddhism— White-Man's-Land— The 
Northmen— The  Welsh  Claim. 

VAKIOIJS  perplexing  problems  presented  themselves  to  the 
minds  of  the  discoverers  of  the  new  continent  for  solution, 
as  well  as  to  their  immediate  successors,  which  were  greatly 
intensified  by  the  dogmatic  teaching  of  the  times.  The  status 
of  science  in  the  Middle  Ages  was  defined  from  time  to  time  by 
some  ecclesiastical  utterance  without  any  reference  to  the  phe- 
nomena of  nature  or  the  revelations  of  accidental  discovery.  We 
say  accidental,  for  no  designed  or  systematic  investigation  was 
so  much  as  tolerated,  much  less  encouraged  by  friendly  recogni- 
tion. This  unfortunate  antagonism  to  progress  had  its  founda- 
tion chiefly  in  ignorance,  and  its  origin  in  the  misinterpretation 
and  perversion  of  Sacred  Scripture. 

Two  questions,  especially  in  view  of  the  dogmatic  utterances 
of  the  day,  presented  grave  difficulties  to  the  minds  of  the  dis- 
coverers and  their  successors  in  the  New  World.  "Is  the  world 
a  sphere  ?  "  "  Are  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Indias  of  a  common 
origin  with  the  rest  of  mankind  ?  "  These  were  the  most  serious 
problems  that  forced  themselves  upon  their  consideration.  As 


132  ANTIPODES. 


long  ago  as  280  B.  c.,  the  investigations  of  Aristarchus  of  Samos, 
though  not  accepted  by  antiquity,  suggested  an  affirmative 
answer  to  the  first  question.  But  the  Fathers  of  the  Church 
had  spoken  authoritatively  on  this  subject  at  quite  an  early  day, 
and  consequently  left  no  room  for  speculation.  St.  Augustine 
discusses  the  question  as  follows  :  "  But  as  to  the  fable  that 
there  are  antipodes,  that  is  to  say,  men  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
earth,  where  the  sun  rises  when  it  sets  to  us,  men  who  walk  with 
their  feet  opposite  ours,  that  is  on  no  ground  credible.  And, 
indeed,  it  is  not  affirmed  that  this  has  been  learned  by  historical 
knowledge,  but  by  scientific  conjecture,  on  the  ground  that  the 
earth  is  suspended  within  the  cavity  of  the  sky,  and  that  it  has 
as  much  room  on  the  one  side  of  it  as  on  the  other ;  hence  they 
say  that  the  part  which  is  beneath  us  must  also  be  inhabited. 
But  they  do  not  remark  that  although  it  be  supposed  or  scien- 
tifically demonstrated  that  the  world  is  of  a  round  and  spherical 
form,  yet  it  does  not  follow  that  the  other  side  of  the  earth  is 
bare  of  water ;  or  even  though  it  be  bare,  does  it  immediately 
follow  that  it  is  peopled.  For  Scripture,  which  proves  the  truth 
of  its  historical  statements  by  the  accomplishment  of  its  prophe- 
cies, gives  no  false  information  ;  and  it  is  too  absurd  to  say  that 
some  men  might  have  taken  ship  and  traversed  the  whole  wide 
ocean,  and  crossed  from  this  world  to  the  other,  and  that  thus 
even  the  inhabitants  of  that  distant  region  are  descended  from 
that  one  first  man."  1 

Though,  during  the  kalifate  of  Al-Mamoun  (A.  D.  813-833) 
Arabic  learning  had  well-nigh  demonstrated  the  globular  form 
of  the  earth  and  determined  its  circumference,  according  to  their 
measurements,  to  be  about  24,000  miles,  still  not  a  man  in  Chris- 
tendom ventured  to  advocate  the  theory  for  almost  half  a  dozen 


1  De  Cimtate  Dei,  lib.  xvi,  cap.  9.  Above  I  have  availed  myself  of  the 
admirable  translation  by  Rev.  Marcus  Dods,  vol.  ii,  p.  118.  Edinburgh,  1871. 
On  the  subject  of  Antipodes  we  may  refer  the  reader  to  the  view  of  Cosmos 
Indicopleustes,  an  Egyptian  of  the  middle  of  the  6th  century.  See  Draper's 
Conflict  between  Religion  and  Science,  p.  65,  and  the  opinion  of  the  Venerable 
Bede,  cited  by  the  same  author.  See  further  Bancroft's  Native  Eaces  of  the 
Pacific  States,  vol.  v,  pp.  1-8,  and  Ogilby's  America,  pp.  6-7. 


ARABIC  LEARNING  IN   THE  EIGHTH   CENTURY.  133 

centuries,  such  was  the  power  of  the  ban  put  upon  investigation 
which  ran  counter  to  the  pre-expressed  opinions  of  a  dark  age. 
The  theories  of  Tascanelli  and  the  observations  of  Columbus  on 
the  polar  star  prepared  the  way  for  the  great  triumph  achieved 
by  De  Gama  in  1497-8,  in  his  voyage  around  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope  ;  and  the  question  of  the  globular  form  of  the  earth  was 
forever  set  at  rest  twenty-two  years  afterwards  by  the  voyage 
of  Magellan.1  When  it  was  definitely  determined  that  America 
was  a  continent  of  itself  and  not  the  eastern  extremity  of  India, 
the  fact  that  it  was  inhabited  gave  rise  to  speculations  which 
have  since  been  often  repeated.  Through  an  unaccountable 
misapprehension,  not  only  the  questions  of  the  origin  of  the 
Americans,  but  the  manner  of  their  separation  from  the  rest  of 
the  race,  together  with  the  routes  they  pursued  in  reaching  the 
new  world — all  were  thought  to  be  capable  of  solution  by  the 
light  of  Scripture.  The  education  of  the  early  writers  enables 
us  to  account  for  the  intolerance  with  which  they  looked  upon 
any  other  solution  of  the  problem  than  that  which  alone  would 
conform  to  the  teachings  of  the  church.2 

It  is  true  that  the  natural  nobility  of  character  possessed  by 
such  writers  as  Las  Casas,  Duran  and  a  few  others,  tempered  the 
fanaticism  which  had  been  inculcated  by  education,  and  enabled 

1  R.  H.  Major's  Prince  Henry  of  Portugal,  chap.  xxi.    London,  1868,  8vo. 
Draper's  Conflict,  pp.  163-5. 

2  The  narrowness  of  the  attainments  of  the  "  educated  "  in  Spain  in  the 
17th  century  is  portrayed  by  Buckle  :  "  Books,  unless  they  were  books  of  devo- 
tion, were  deemed  utterly  useless ;  no  one  consulted  them,  no  one  collected 
them ;  and  until  the  18th  century,  Madrid  did  not  possess  a  single  public 
library.    *    *    *    De  Torres,  who  was  himself  a  Spaniard,  and  was  educated  at 
Salamanca  early  in  the  18th  century,  declares  that  he  had  studied  in  the  uni- 
versity for  five  years  before  he  had  heard  that  such  things  as  the  mathematical 
sciences  existed.     So  late  as  the  year  1771,  the  same  university  publicly  refused 
to  allow  the  discoveries  of  Newton  to  be  taught ;  and  assigned  as  a  reason,  that 
the  system  of  Newton  was  not  so  consonant  with  revealed  religion  as  the  system 
of  Aristotle."— History  of  Civilization  in  England,  vol.  ii,  pp.  72-3.     New  York, 
1861.     Of  course  these  remarks  apply  to  Spain's  period  of  misfortune  and  decline, 
but  it  must  also  be  remembered  that  the  spirit  of  intolerance  which  alone 
brought  about  that  condition  was  at  its  height  about  the  time  of  the  discovery 
of  America. 


134       OPINION  AS  TO   THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  AMERICANS. 

them  to  furnish  invaluable  information  concerning  the  real  con- 
dition and  traditions  of  the  so-called  Indians.  But,  upon  the 
other  hand,  there  were  great  numbers  of  blind,  unscrupulous 
ecclesiastics  who  either  destroyed  outright  the  manuscripts  and 
picture-writing  of  the  natives,  committing  them  to  the  flames, 
or  so  warping  tradition  in  order  that  it  might  conform  to  their 
mistaken  theology,  that  in  many  cases  the  most  precious  infor- 
mation is  irretrievably  lost.  Such  men  could  hardly  be  expected 
to  have  treated  calmly  and  with  any  degree  of  liberality  the 
question  before  us — one  which  has  so  often  been  asked,  but  as 
yet  never  satisfactorily  answered,  and  one  which  in  the  present 
state  of  knowledge  cannot  be."  1 

The  unanimity  with  which  the  most  celebrated  writers  on 
the  Americans  during  three  centuries  following  the  discovery, 
fixed  upon  a  solution  of  the  problem,  will  be  best  illustrated  in 
the  following  pages  :  One  of  the  most  ingenious  and  at  the 
same  time  most  calmly  expressed  opinions  on  the  origin  problem 
is  that  recorded  by  Father  Duran,  a  native  of  Tezcuco  in 
Mexico,  in  his  History  of  New  Spain,  written  in  the  year  1585.2 

1  Mr.  Bancroft  has  illustrated  the  spirit  of  this  latter  class  by  quoting  a 
passage  from  Garcia's  Origende  Los  Indios,  Madrid,  1729,  p.  248.   It  is  certainly 
one  of  the  most  venomous  and  narrow-minded  utterances  on  record.     See  Ban- 
croft's Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  4. 

2  Historia  Antigua  de  la  Nueva  Espana  con  Noticias  de  los  Ritos  y  Costum- 
bres  de  los  Indios  y  Explication  del  Calendario  Mexicano,  por  F.  Diego  Duran, 
Escrita   en  el  ano  de  1585  ;  MS.  in  three  vols.  folio  of  upwards  of  1000  pp. 
each.     On  p.   507,  torn,  iii,  we  find  notice  of  December,  1579,  as  the  date  at 
which  that  stage  of  the  work  was  reached.     Copy  in  the  library  of  Congress  at 
Washington.    From  Beristain's  Biblioteca  Hispano- Americana,  Septentrional, 
torn,  i,   p.  442,  Mexico,  1816,  we  quote  the  following :     "  Duran  (F.  Diego) 
a  quien  el    Illmo.  Eguara,  p.   324,  de  su  Biblioteca  da  equivocadamente  el 
nombre  de  Pedro,  y  a  quien  el  Jesuita  Clavigero  llama  Fernando  con  igual 
equivocacion.     Fue   natural  de  Tezcuco,  antigua  corte  de  los  Emperadores 
Megicanos  ;  y  Profeso  el  Orden  de  Santo  Domingo,  en  el  Convento  Imperial  de 
Megico,  a  8  de  Margo  de  1556.    Era  varon  Docto  en  Theologia,  y  de  vasta 
erudicion  en  la  historia  antigua  de  los  Indios ;  pero  molestado  de  enfermeda- 
des  en  sus  anos  ultimos,  no  pudo  dar  a  luz  publica  los  bellos  libros,  que  tenia 
compuestos,  los  mas  amenos  y  gustosos,  que  hasta  entonces  se  habian  escrito 
sobre  las  cosas  de  Indias,  como  se  explica  el  Illmo.  Daila  Padilla,  y  repetieron 
despues  los  criticos  franceses  Querif  y  Echard.    El  referido  Arzo-Bispo  aiiade, 


LOST  TRIBES  OP  ISRAEL. 


135 


He  was  convinced  that  the  natives  had  a  foreign  origin,  and  that 
they  performed  a  long  journey  of  many  years  duration  in  their 
migration  to  the  new  world.  He  arrived  at  these  conclusions  on 
account  of  several  considerations,  some  of  which  are  as  follows : 
The  natives  had  no  definite  knowledge  of  their  origin,  some 
claiming  to  have  proceeded  from  fountains  and  springs  of  water, 
others  that  they  were  natives  of  certain  caves,  and  others  that 
they  were  created  by  the  gods,  while  all  admit  that  they  had 
come  from  other  lands.  Furthermore,  they  preserved  in  their 
traditions  and  pictures  the  memory  of  a  journey  in  which  they 
had  suffered  hunger,  thirst,  nakedness  and  all  manner  of  afflic- 
tions, "with  which,"  he  adds,  "my  opinion  and  supposition  is 
confirmed  that  these  natives  are  of  the  ten  tribes  of  Israel  that 
Salmanasar,  king  of  the  Assyrians,  made  prisoners  and  carried 
to  Assyria  in  the  time  of  Hoshea,  king  of  Israel,  and  in  the 
time  of  Hezekiah,  king  of  Jerusalem,  as  can  be  seen  in  the 
fourth  Book  of  the  Kings,  seventeenth  chapter,  where  it  says 
that  Israel  was  carried  away  from  their  land  to  Assyria,  etc., 
from  whence,  says  Esdras,  in  Book  Fourth,  chapter  third,  they 
went  to  live  in  a  land,  remote  and  separated,  which  had  never 
been  inhabited,  to  which  they  had  a  long  and  tedious  journey 
of  a  year  and  a  half,  for  which  reason  it  is  supposed  these 
people  are  found  in  all  the  islands  and  lands  of  the  ocean  consti- 
tuting the  Occident." l  The  preceding  opinion  was  concurred  in 

que  el  P.  Juan  de  Torar,  Jesuita  Megicano,  en  cuyo  poder  paraban  los  manu- 
scritos  de  su  paisano  Duran,  se  los  dio  al  P.  Jose  de  Acosta  a  quien  servieron 
mucho  para  su  Historia  Natural  y  Moral  de  las  Indias,  en  lo  qual  convienen 
Pinelo  y  D.  Nicolas  Antonio.  Los  dichos  MSS.  eran  :  Historia  de  los  Indios 
de  la  N.  E.  AntiguaMas  de  los  Indios  dela  N.  E. 

1  "  Cuanto  a  lo  primero  tendremos  por  principal  fundamento  el  ser  esta 
Nacion  y  Gente  Indiana  advenediza  de  estrafias  y  remotas  regeiones,  y  que  en 
su  venida  a  poseer  esta  Tierra  liizo  un  largo  y  prolijo  camino,  en  el  cual  gasto 
mnchos  meses  y  anos  para  llegar  a  ella,  como  de  su  relacion  y  pinturas  se 
colige,  y  como  de  algunos  viejos  ancianos  de  muchos  dias  he  procurado  saber 
para  sacar  esta  opinion  en  limpio  ;  y  dado  caso  que  algunos  cuenten  algunas  falsas 
fabulas  conviene  a  saber,  que  nacieron  de  unas  fuentes  y  manantiales  de  agua  ; 
otros,  que  nacieron  de  unas  cuebas  ;  otros,  que  su  generacion  es  de  los  Dioses  ; 
lo  cual  clara  y  abiertamente  se  ve  ser  fabula,  y  que  ellos  mismos  ignoran  su 
origen  y  principle,  dado  caso  que  siempre  confiessan  habre  venido  de  tierras ;  y 


136  LOST  TRIBES  OF  ISRAEL. 

by  many  Spanish  writers  ;  but  the  first  English  writer  to  sup- 
port the  theory  was  Thorowgood,  in  his  work  entitled,  Jewes  in 
America.1  I/Estrange,  who  replied  to  this  work,  controverted 
the  theory  of  the  lost  tribes  of  Israel,  but  concluded  that  Shem 
was  the  progenitor  of  the  Americans  ;  that  he  was  ninety-eight 
years  old  at  the  time  of  the  flood,  and  was  not  present  at  the 
building  of  Babel.2  "  Thus  far,"  he  quaintly  remarks,  "  have  I 
offered  my  week  conceptions,  first,  how  America  may  be  collected 
to  have  bin  first  planted,  not  denying  the  Jewes  leave  to  goe 
into  America,  but  not  admitting  them  to  be  the  chief  or  prime 
planters  thereof,  for  I  am  of  opinion,  that  the  Americans  origi- 
nated before  the  captivity  of  the  ten  tribes,  even  from  Sem's  near 
progeny." 3  Garcia  presents  an  argument  in  favor  of  the  same 
theory,  based  upon  the  presence  of  Scripture  names  in  Peru  and 
Yucatan.  He  is  positive  that  the  word  Peru  has  the  same 
meaning  as  Ophir,  the  name  of  the  grandson  of  Heber,  from 
whom  the  Hebrews  derive  their  name.  In  Yucatan  he  also 
finds  the  name  lectan,  identical  with  that  of  Ophir's  father.4 

asi  lo  he  hallado  pintado  en  sus  antiguas  pinturas,  donde  senalan  grandes 
trabajos  de  hambre,  sed,  y  desnudez,  con  otras  innumerables  afliciones  que  en 
el  pasaron  hasta  llegar  a  esta  tierra  y  poblalla  ;  con  lo  cual  confirmo  mi  opinion 
y  sospechia  de  que  estos  Naturales  sean  de  aquellos  diez  Tribus  de  Isrrael  que 
Salmanasar,  Rey  de  los  Asirios  cautivo  y  transmigro  de  Asiria  en  tiempe  de 
Ozeas,  Rey  de  Isrrael,  y  en  tiempo  de  Ozequias,  Rey  de  Jerusalem,  como  se  prodra 
ver  su  el  cuarto  Libro  de  los  Reyes,  capitulo  diez  y  siete,  donde  dice  que  fue 
transladado  Isrrael  de  su  tierra  a  los  Asirios  hasta  el  dia  de  hoy,  etc.;  de  los  cuales 
dice  Esdras  en  el  Libro  cuarto,  capitulo  trece,  que  se  pasaron  a  vivir  a  una  tierra 
remota  y  apartada  que  nunca  habia  sido  habitada  ;  a  la  cual  habia  largo  y  pro- 
lijo  camino  de  ano  y  medio,  donde  agora  se  hallan  estas  Gentes  de  todas  las 
Islas  y  Tierra  firma  del  mar  oceano  hacia  la  parte  de  occidente. — Historia 
Antigua  de  la  Nueva  Espana,  torn,  i.,  pp.  1-2,  MS. 

1  London,  small  quarto,  1650 ;  we  have  both  this  and  the  edition  of  1660 
before  us. 

2  Harmon  L'Estrange,  Kt.,  Americans  No  Jewes;  or  Improbabilities  that  the 
Americans  are  of  that  Race,  p.  4.    1652  ;  quarto,  London.  3  Id.,  p.  13. 

4  "  De  suerte  que  aviendose  conservado  este  nombre  Piru,  que  es  lo  mismo 
que  Ophir,  en  aquellas  tierras,  y  hallandose  que  los  moradores  dellas  parecen  a 
los  Hebreos  en  muchas  cosas,  bien  se  signe  que  a  quellos  Indios,  y  los  demas 
proceden  de  Ophir  nieto  de  Heber  de  quien  los  Hebreos,  y  su  lengua  tomaron  el 
nombre.  Tambien  se  halla  el  nombre  de  lectan  padre  de  Ophir  en  la  provincia 


GARCIA  AND  HIS  SUCCESSORS.  137 

However,  with  a  determination  not  to  be  surpassed  by  any  other 
theorist  who  might  assume  the  unity  of  the  race  as  the  basis 
of  his  conjectures,  he  offers  a  plan  for  populating  the  new  world 
so  comprehensive  that  no  room  was  left  for  originality  in  any 
who  might  follow  him  in  the  same  field.  Hispaniola,  Cuba  and 
neighboring  isles,  he  believed  to  have  been  peopled  by  the  Car- 
thaginians. The  natives  of  other  parts  proceeded  from  the  ten 
lost  tribes  ;  others  from  the  people  whom  Ophir  commanded  to 
colonize  Peru;  others  from  the  people  living  in  the  isle  Atlantis; 
others  from  regions  adjoining  that  island,  and  by  means  of  it 
passed  to  America  ;  otbers  from  the  Greeks ;  otbers  from  the 
Phoenicians,  and  still  others  from  the  Chinese  and  Tartars.1 
Lescarbot  cites  five  opinions  on  the  subject,  all  based  more  or 
less  on  scriptural  authority,  and  adds  his  own  that  the  Ameri- 
cans were  the  descendants  of  Noah.  He  thinks  it  not  impossible 
for  voyagers  to  have  reached  the  western  continent  when  Solo- 
mon's ships  were  sent  on  voyages  of  three  years'  duration.2 
Herrera,  with  characteristic  soberness,  states  that  because  of  the 
lack  of  knowledge  concerning  the  proximity  of  the  continents  at 
the  "  ends  of  the  earth "  he  is  unable  to  say  positively  from 
whom  the  natives  were  descended,  but  it  seems  most  reasonable 
to  him  to  suppose  that  they  are  the  descendants  of  men  who 
passed  to  the  West  Indies  by  the  proximity  of  the  land.3  Vil- 
lagutierre  reiterates  the  same  opinion,  believing  that  Noah's 
descendants  were  able  to  reach  the  new  world  either  by  land  in 
some  unknown  quarter,  or  by  swimming,  or  by  embarking  in 
canoes  and  balsas,  for  short  distances.  He  supposes  that  animals 
reached  the  new  continent  in  the  first  two  ways.4  Torquemada, 
after  a  long  discussion  of  the  subject,  falls  in  with  this  view, 

que  oy  se  llama  Yucatan,  en  la  Nueva  Espana,  que  no  es  pequeno  fundemento 
para  provar  que  ya  que  no  pusiesse  aquel  nombre  lectan,  por  no  aver  ydo  a 
aquella  tierra,  pudo  ser  que  lo  diesse  su  hijo  Ophir." — Origen  de  los  Indios, 
p.  323.  Ed.,  Valencia,  1607. 

1  Origen  de  los  Indios,  ( Valencia,  1607),  p.  485. 

2  Hist,  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  lib.  i,  cap.  iii,  p.  25.     Paris,  1611. 

3  Ilistoria  General  de  los  Hechos  de  los  Castellanos,  Madrid,  1728-30,  fol. 
decada  1,  lib.  i,  cap.  vi. 

4  Historia  de  la  Conquista  Itza,  p.  27,  Madrid,  1701,  fol. 


138  ECHEVARRIA  Y  VEITIA. 

adding,  however,  the  opinion  that,  because  of  their  color,  they  in 
all  probability  were  descended  from  the  sons  and  grandsons 
of  Ham.1  Pineda  adopts  substantially  the  preceding  opinion, 
but  improves  upon  it  somewhat  by  pointing  out  the  particular 
branch  of  the  family  of  Ham,  to  which  we  may  trace  the  origin 
of  the  first  Americans.  For  some  reason,  perhaps  no  more 
apparent  to  himself  than  us,  he  designates  Naphtuhim,  son 
of  Mezraim  and  grandson  of  Ham,  as  their  progenitor.  He 
thinks  that  the  colonization  was  accomplished  soon  after  the 
confusion  of  tongues,  and  may  have  been  effected  in  any  of  the 
numerous  ways  we  have  previously  mentioned.  He  cites  the 
tradition  of  Yotan  as  a  proof.2  Siguenza  y  Gongora  and  Sister 
Agnes  de  la  Cruz,  according  to  Clavigero,  were  the  authors  of 
this  opinion,  who  further  designated  Egypt  as  the  starting-point 
for  that  important  expedition  of  colonists.3 

Echevarria  y  Veitia  treats  the  subject  fully,  tracing  it  through 
the  traditions  of  the  people.  He  cites  their  creation  and  flood 
myths,  their  account  of  the  building  of  the  Tower  of  Babel  and 
the  confusion  of  tongues,  their  dispersion  upon  the  face  of  the 
earth,  and  the  passage  of  seven  families  to  the  new  world  (to 
Hue  hue  Tlappalari)  by  means  of  balsas,  with  which  they  crossed 
rivers  and  arms  of  the  sea  which  they  encountered  in  their  jour- 
ney. Though  minute  in  his  details,  he  does  nothing  more  in 
this  respect  than  other  important  writers  to  whom  we  shall  refer 
in  a  further  chapter,  except  that  his  computations  by  means  of 
the  Mexican  calendar  have  enabled  him  to  assign  dates  to  some  of 
these  occurrences,  which,  though  they  probably  are  not  accurate, 
are  at  least  interesting.  His  study  of  the  Mexican  paintings  con- 
vinces him  that  the  natives  had  a  foreign  origin.4  The  same  author 

1  Aunque  la  veridad  es  que  ellos,  y  por  hablar  mas  propriamente  los  otros  de 
quien  descendieron,  por  Generacion  Natural,  son  de  los  Hijos  de  Noe     *    *    * 
j  segun  lo  que  tenemos  diclio,  en  otra  parte,  acerca  de  el  color  de  estas  gentes, 
no  tendria  por  cosa  descaminada,  creer  que  son  descendientes  de  los  Hijos,  u 
Nietos  de  Cham,  tercero  Hijo  de  Noe. — Monarquia,  Ind.,  torn,  i,  p.  30. 

2  Pineda  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.  Boletin,  1852,  p.  343 ;  see  tradition  of  Votan, 
this  work,  chap.  v. 

3  StoriaAnt.  del  Messico,  torn,  iv,  p.  17  ;  cited  by  Bancroft. 

4  Historia  del  origen  de  gentes  que  pdblaron  la  America  Septentrional  que 


ABBE  DOMENECH.  ^39 


in  a  part  of  his  work  refers  to  the  giants  as  the  first  inhabitants  of 
the  country,  but  fails  to  state  whether  they  came  from  the  old 
world  or  not.1  Ulloa  thinks  Noah's  long  and  aimless  voyage  in 
the  ark  was  not  without  fruit  to  the  science  of  navigation.  It 
gave  confidence  to  his  immediate  descendants,  who  no  doubt 
were  enterprising  enough  to  construct  similar  vessels  and  under- 
take voyages  in  them.  These,  falling  in  with  adverse  winds  and 
treacherous  currents,  were  driven  to  strange  islands  and  even  to 
the  new  world,  and  being  unable  to  return,  became  the  first 
colonists  in  these  remote  regions.  He  thinks  the  custom  of  eat- 
ing raw  fish,  common  to  the  American  tribes,  was  acquired  during 
long  sea  voyages.2  The  Abbe  Domenech's  opinion  has  been 
cited  by  Mr.  Bancroft  in  his  summary  of  the  views  of  this  class 
of  writers  ;  we  presume,  however,  only  for  the  amusement  of  the 
reader.3  The  Abbe,  less  than  a  score  of  years  ago,  committed 
himself  to  the  ludicrous  and  antiquated  theory  that  Ophir  had 
colonized  Peru.4  Clavigero  considers  the  creation,  flood,  and 

Hainan  la  Nueva  Espalia  con  noticia  de  los  primeros  que  ettablederon  la  Monar- 
quia,  que  en  ella  florecio  de  la  Nation  Tolteca,  y  notidas  que  alcanzaron  de  la 
creadon  del  Mundo  (date  at  end  of  first  vol.  1755,  and  end  of  third  1780),  par 
M.  Fer.  de  Echevarria  y  Veitia,  pp.  24-30,  chap,  i,  torn,  i,  MS.  Three  vols. 
folio,  in  Library  of  Congress  at  Washington.  About  one-fourth  of  the  work  is 
published  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Ant.,  torn.  viii. 

1  Ilistoria,   cap.  xii,  torn,  i,  p.  92,  MS. ;    of  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Ant., 
torn,  viii,  p.  189. 

2  Noticias  Americanos,  pp.  391-5,  405-7.     Cited  by  Bancroft,  Native  Races, 
vol.  v,  p.  10. 

3  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  11. 

4  Deserts,  vol  i,  p.  26.     But  what  else  could  be  expected  of  the  editor  of  that 
curiosity  of  Americo-Germanic  literature  executed  by  some  German  school-boy 
and  unearthed  in  the  Arsenal  Library  at  Paris,  entitled  Manuscript  Picto- 
graphique  Americain  precede  d'une  notice  sur  V Ideographic  des  Peaux-Rouges, 
par  1'Abbe  Em.  Domenech,  Paris,  1860.    Published  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Minister  of  State  and  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon  III.     See  also  Le  Lure  des 
Sauvages  au  Point  de  Veu  de  la  Civilization  Francaise,  Brussels,  1861.     The 
internal  evidences  of  this  remarkable  MS.  being  the  work  of  a  German  boy  are 
plain  to  any  one  having  the  slightest  knowledge  of  the  German  language. 
How  the  Abbe  and  the  Emperor  could  have  been  so  blinded  to  its  real  character 
we  cannot  imagine  ;  however,  it  would  be  unfair  to  leave  the  impression  that, 
because  of  the  theory  of  Ophir's  colonization  and  because  of  this  literary  blun- 
der, the  Abbe's  work  entitled  Seven  Years  Residence  in  the  Great  Deserts  of 


140  COMPARATIVELY  MODERN   VIEWS. 

Babel  myths  of  the  natives  sufficient  evidence  of  unity  of  origin. 
He,  however,  believes  that  the  migration  to  this  continent  began 
at  a  very  early  period.1 

These  few  writers  pretty  well  represent  the  opinions  of  their 
numerous  contemporaries  who,  though  they  wrote  voluminously 
enough  on  this  subject,  added  nothing  to  what  we  have  noted. 
The  opinions  of  modern  writers  are  as  diverse  as  those  of  Garcia, 
and  only  surpass  him  in  the  ingenuity  with  which  they  press 
their  favorite  theories.  Very  little  has  been  done  in  this  field 

North  America  is  without  value.  On  the  contrary,  it  contains  much  useful 
information.  The  following  passage  occurs  on  p.  66  of  the  above  work  :  "  The 
most  careful  study  concerning  the  origin  of  the  red-skins,  made  on  the  spot,  has 
confirmed  us  in  the  belief  that  there  is  nothing  in  science  to  contradict  the  Bible, 
which  represents  Adam  as  the  sole  stock  whence  sprung  the  three  great  races 
which  form  the  principal  types  of  the  human  family." 

1  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  iv,  p.  15.  We  quote  the  following  from  the 
translation  by  Cullan,  London,  1807  :  "  We  do  not  doubt  that  the  population  of 
America  has  been  very  ancient,  and  more  so  than  it  may  seem  to  have  been  to 
European  authors  :  1.  Because  the  Americans  wanted  those  arts  and  inventions, 
such,  for  example,  as  those  of  wax  and  oil  for  light,  which  on  the  one  hand 
being  very  ancient  in  Europe  and  Asia,  are  on  the  other  most  useful,  not  to  say 
necessary,  and  when  once  discovered  are  never  forgotten.  2.  Because  the 
polished  nations  of  the  new  world,  and  particularly  those  of  Mexico,  preserve 
in  their  traditions  and  in  their  paintings  the  memory  of  the  creation  of  the 
world  and  of  the  building  of  the  Tower  of  Babel,  the  confusion  of  languages 
and  the  dispersion  of  the  people,  though  blended  with  some  fables,  and  had  no 
knowledge  of  the  events  which  happened  afterwards  in  Asia,  in  Africa,  or  in 
Europe,  although  many  of  them  were  so  great  and  remarkable  that  they  could 
not  easily  have  gone  from  their  memories.  3.  Because  neither  was  there  among 
the  Americans  any  knowledge  of  the  people  of  the  old  continent,  nor  among  the 
latter  any  account  of  the  passage  of  the  former  to  the  new  world."  He  then  cites 
Votan.  See  further  on  early  views,  Gottfried  Wagner's  De  Originibus  Amer. 
Disertatio  Lipsice,  1669  ;  Hugo  Grotius's  Dissertatio  de  Origine  Gentium  Ameri- 
canorum  Amstelodami,  1642  ;  Jean  De  Laet's  Nota  ad  Diss.  H.  Grotii  de  Origi- 
nine  Gent.  Americ.,  1643  ;  Jean  De  Laet's  Responsis  ad  H.  Grotii  Diss.  de  Origine 
Gent.  Americ.,  1644  ;  Poisson's  Animadversiones  in  Originem  Peruvianorum  et 
Mexicanorum,  Parisiis,  1644;  Georgius  Hornius's  De  Originibus  Americanis 
Hagce,  1652  ;  Rocha's  Tratado  Unico  y  Singulars  del  Origin  de  los  Indios  Occi- 
dentales,  del  Peru,  Mexico,  Santa  Fe,  y  Chile ;  Lima,  1681  ;  Engel's  Essai  sur 
Cette  Question  :  Commet  I'Amerique  est-elle  ete  Peuplee  d'Hommes  et  d'Ammaux, 
Amsterdam,  1767 ;  Corn.  De  Pauw's  Recherche  sur  I'Amerique  et  les  Ameri- 
cains,  Berlin,  1774 ;  Vater's  Untersuchungen  uber  America's  Bevolkerung  aus  den 
alien  Continent,  Leipzig,  1810. 


PRE-COLUMBIAN  COLONIZATION  CLAIMS. 


with  a  true  scientific  spirit.  Each  has  been  an  advocate  rather 
than  an  inquirer  ;  has  had  his  theory  to  prove  sometimes  at  the 
expense  of  reason  and  fact,  and  it  is  remarkable  that  the  majority 
of  works  written  by  such  advocates  have  presented  the  familiar 
anomaly  of  more  learning  than  of  probability.  It  is  scarcely  the 
province  of  this  work  to  discuss  these  well-known  productions 
of  imaginative  and  too  often  credulous  writers.  To  more  than 
refer  to  them  would  be  to  lose  sight  for  the  time  of  the  object 
before  us. 

The  claims  for  the  Pre-Columbian  colonization  of  this  conti- 
nent of  course  include  most  of  those  already  mentioned,  and 
properly  are  of  two  classes  :  First,  those  which  fix  the  period  of 
colonization  remote  enough  to  account  for  the  old  civilization  or 
some  phases  of  it.  Second,  those  which  avowedly  are  too  recent 
to  have  accomplished  that  civilization.  Of  the  first-named  class 
there  are  about  a  dozen  thoroughly  elaborated  claims,  while  of 
the  second  there  are  less  than  half  that  number.  Mr.  Warden 
years  ago  treated  them  all  in  a  manner  and  with  a  fullness  which 
has  not  been  excelled  by  any  more  recent  writer.1  Though  it  is 
due  to  Mr.  Bancroft  to  say  that  never  before  has  the  subject 
been  so  exhaustively  handled  in  our  own  language  as  by  him.2 
As  nothing  new  has  been  developed  in  this  field  of  speculation 
since  Mr.  Bancroft,  and  we  might  add  since  Mr.  Warden  treated 
it,  and  as  nothing  could  be  contributed  either  to  the  sciences  of 
ethnology  or  archaeology  by  a  repetition  of  the  old  discussion 
here,  for  we  have  our  doubts  whether  any  of  the  claims  can  ever 
be  substantiated  at  all,  we  will  content  ourselves  with  the  simple 
enumeration  of  the  theories.  A  theory  which  rivals  in  antiquity, 
if  Egyptian  chronology  is  reliable,  the  claims  of  the  Fathers 
that  the  immediate  descendants  of  Noah  peopled  the  new  world 
shortly  after  the  deluge,  is  that  which  seeks  to  establish  the 
truth  of  the  tradition  told  to  Solon  by  the  Egyptian  priests  of 
Psenophis,  Sonchis,  Heliopolis  and  Sais  concerning  the  ancient 

1  D.  B.  Warden's  Recherches  sur  les  Antiquitcs  de  I'Amerique  du  Nord,  in 
Antiquites  Mencaines,  torn,  ii,  div.  ii.     Paris,  1834,  quarto. 

2  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  cliap.  i.     The  literary  apparatus  contained  in  the 
notes  accompanying  the  chapter  is  remarkably  full  and  valuable. 


142  THE  PLATONIC  ATLANTIS. 

island  Atlantis.  Critias,  whose  grandfather  had  heard  the  tra- 
dition from  Solon,  communicated  it  to  Socrates.  Plato  first 
committed  it  to  writing,  and  states  that  the  events  which  it 
described  occurred  nine  thousand  Egyptian  years  before  Solon 
heard  it.  After  speaking  of  the  "Atlantic  Sea/'  the  priest  adds 
"  that  sea  was  indeed  navigable,  and  had  an  island  fronting  that 
mouth  which  you  call  the  Pillars  of  Hercules  ;  and  this  island 
was  larger  than  Libya  and  Asia  put  together,  and  there  was  a 
passage  hence  for  travellers  of  that  day  to  the  rest  of  the  islands, 
as  well  as  from  those  islands  to  the  whole  opposite  continent 
that  suiTounds  the  real  sea.  For  as  respects  what  is  within  the 
mouth  here  mentioned,  it  appears  to  be  a  bay  with  a  kind  of 
narrow  entrance,  and  that  sea  is  indeed  a  true  sea,  and  the  land 
that  entirely  surrounds  it  may  truly  and  most  correctly  be  called 
a  continent."  The  priest  concludes  his  account  with  the  state- 
ment that  an  earthquake  in  a  single  night  buried  the  entire 
island  and  its  inhabitants.  This  mysterious  island  has  been 
sought  for  in  every  quarter  of  the  globe ;  but  the  fact  that  part 
of  the  description  seems  applicable  to  the  West  Indies  and  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  has  led  theorists  to  place  its  submerged  shores 
between  that  locality  and  the  Cape  Verde  or  Canary  groups.  It 
is  claimed  that  this  imaginary  land  bridge,  this  backbone  of 
earth  and  rock,  may  have  once  been  the  connecting  link  between 
the  two  continents.  The  claim  has  had  many  champions,  but 
none  so  celebrated  as  the  lamented  Abbe  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg. 
The  labors  of  this  learned  Americaniste  are  too  well  known  to 
require  comment.1  The  Codex  Chimalpopoca,  a  Nahua  MS.  of 
anonymous  authorship,  which  served  the  Abbe  as  the  chief 

1  "I  know  of  no  man  better  qualified  than  was  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  to 
penetrate  the  obscurity  of  American  primitive  history.  His  familiarity  with 
the  Nahua  and  Central  American  languages,  his  indefatigable  industry  and 
general  erudition,  rendered  him  eminently  fit  for  the  task,  and  every  word  writ- 
ten by  such  a  man  on  such  a  subject  is  entitled  to  respectful  consideration. 
Nevertheless  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  Abbe  was  often  rapt  away  from 
the  truth  by  the  excess  of  enthusiasm,  and  the  reader  of  his  wild  and  fanciful 
speculations  cannot  but  regret  that  he  has  not  the  opportunity  or  the  ability  to 
criticise  by  comparison  the  French  savant's  interpretation  of  the  original  docu- 
ments."— Bancroft's  Native  Races,  p.  127. 


THE  JEWISH  THEORY.  143 

authority  for  the  Toltec  Period  of  his  Histoire  des  Nations 
CiviliseeSj  is  the  basis  upon  which  he  rests  the  advocacy  of  his 
"  Atlantic  Theory."  This  singular  Codex,  which  appears  to  the 
eyes  of  the  uninitiated  to  be  only  "  A  History  of  the  Kingdoms  of 
Culhuacan  and  Mexico/'  he  considers  susceptible  of  an  allegor- 
ical interpretation,  in  which  he  reads  the  history  and  fate  of 
that  first  of  the  continents,  on  whose  soil  originated  all  civiliza- 
tion and  whose  inhabitants  were  the  genii  of  the  arts,  the  origin 
of  which  are  without  even  a  tradition.1 

The  popularity  of  the  Jewish  theory  at  an  early  date  has 
been  indicated  by  our  citations  from  some  of  the  Spanish  mis- 
sionaries. Garcia,  after  a  seven  years  residence  in  Peru,  wrote 
his  work  for  the  purpose  of  proving  conclusively  that  the  Jews 
had  been  the  chief  colonists  of  the  continent  at  an  early  date. 
He  elaborated  the  argument  set  forth  by  Father  Duran,2  which 
is  founded  on  passages  in  Esdras,  but  proceeded  to  prop  up  this 
theory  with  a  catalogue  of  analogies  between  the  Jews  and 
Americans,  some  of  which  are  so  remote  from  each  other  that 
the  very  attempt  to  assimilate  them  is  simply  puerile.  Garcia 
has  had  many  disciples,  some  of  whom  have  been  no  more  critical 
than  himself.3  The  illustrious  advocate  of  the  Jewish  coloniza- 
tion of  America  was  that  indefatigable  antiquary,  Lord  Kings- 
borough.  No  more  masterly,  no  abler  and  more  exhaustive 
defence  was  ever  made  in  behalf  of  a  hopeless  and  even  baseless 
claim  than  his  ;  and  as  the  result,  the  historian  and  antiquary 
has  placed  at  his  disposal  fac-simile  prints  of  most  of  the  impor- 
tant hieroglyphic  MSS.  of  Mexican  authorship  deposited  in  the 
various  libraries  of  Europe,  as  well  as  pictures  of  the  architecture 
and  stone  records  common  to  ancient  America.  We  must  con- 
fess that  the  work  itself,  with  its  curious  plates,  its  maze  of 

1  The  work  in  which  he  repudiates  his  first  interpretation  of  the  Codex 
Chimalpopoca,  and  in  which  he  advocates  the  allegorical  meaning  together  with 
the  theory  of  Atlantis,  is  entitled  Quatre  Lettres  sur  le  Mexique,  Paris,  1868. 

2  This  work,  p.  135. 

3  Among  these  we  may  cite  Adair's  History  of  the  American  Indians;  Jones' 
History  of  Ancient  America;  Giordan's  Tehuantepec ;  Rossi's  Souvenirs  d'un 
Voyage  en  Oregon,  pp.  276-7;  Ethan  Smith's  Views  of  the  Hebrews;  Thorow- 
good's  Jewes  in  America;  Domenech's  Deserts,  vol.  i,  ani  Simon's  Ten  Tribes. 


144  THE  BOOK  OF  MORMON. 

notes  and  references,  its  masterly  and  novel  discoveries  of  analo- 
gies, though  many  of  them  are  imaginary,  is  to  us,  after  pro- 
longed examination,  as  much  of  a  riddle  as  the  great  and 
improbable  theory  which  it  seeks  to  establish.1  Closely  allied  to 
the  theory  of  the  ten  lost  tribes,  is  the  claim  set  forth  in  that 
pretentious  fraud,  the  Book  of  Mormon,  which  attributes  the 
colonization  of  North  America,  soon  after  the  confusion  of 
tongues,  to  a  people  called  Jaredites,  who,  by  divine  guidance, 
reached  our  shores  in  eight  vessels,  and  developed  a  high  state 
of  civilization  on  our  soil.  These  first  colonists,  however,  be- 
came extinct  about  six  centuries  B.  c.,  because  of  their  social 
sins.  The  Jaredites  were  followed  by  a  second  colony,  this  time 
of  Israelites,  who  left  Jerusalem  in  the  first  year  of  the  reign 
of  Zedekiah,  King  of  Juda.  They  reached  the  Indian  Ocean 
by  following  the  shores  of  the  Ked  Sea,  where  they  built  a  vessel 
which  bore  them  across  the  Pacific  to  the  western  coast  of  South 
America.  Having  arrived  in  the  new  land  of  promise,  they  sepa- 
rated into  two  parties,  called  Nephites  and  Laminites  respec- 
tively, after  their  leaders.  They  grew  to  be  great  nations  and 
colonized  North  America  also.  Eeligious  strife  sprang  up  be- 
tween the  two  nations  because  of  the  wickedness  of  the  Lami- 
nites ;  the  Nephites,  however,  adhered  to  their  religious  traditions 
and  the  worship  of  the  true  God.  Christ  appeared  in  the  new 
world  and  by  his  ministrations  converted  many  of  both  peoples 
to  Him.  But  towards  the  close  of  the  fourth  century  of  our  era, 
both  Laminites  and  Nephites  backslid  in  faith  and  became 
involved  in  a  war  with  each  other  which  resulted  in  the  exter- 
mination of  the  latter  people.  The  numerous  tumuli  scattered 
over  the  face  of  the  country  cover  the  remains  "of  the  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  warriors  who  fell  in  their  deadly  strife.  Mormon 
and  his  son  Morani,  the  last  of  the  Nephites  who  escaped  by 
concealment,  deposited  by  divine  command  the  annals  of  their 
ancestors,  the  Book  of  Mormon  written  on  tablets,  in  the  hill 
of  Cumorah,  Ontario  County,  New  York,  in  the  vicinity  of  which 
the  last  battle  of  these  relentless  enemies  took  place.2  The 

1  Mexican  Antiquities,  London,  1831-48,  9  vols.  imperial  folio. 

2  The  tablets  remained  in  their  place  of  concealment  until  discovered  by 


PHOENICIANS  AND   CARTHAGINIANS.  145 


claim,,  of  course,  merits  mention  only  on  the  ground  of  its 
romantic  character,  and  not  on  the  supposition  for  a  moment 
that  it  contains  a  grain  of  truth.  The  Phoenician  and  Cartha- 
ginian colonization  of  this  continent  has  been  much  discussed 
and  credited  by  a  larger  number  of  Americanists  than  any  other 
theory,  except  that  which  refers  the  original  population  to 
those  parts  of  Asia  adjacent  to  Alaska.  This  claim  is  based  on 
the  maritime  achievements  of  that  nation  of  navigators.  The 
three-year  voyages  of  Hiram  and  Solomon's  fleet  to  Ophir  and 
Tarshish,  has  often  been  made  to  do  service  for  this  theory. 
Ophir  has  most  frequently  been  placed  by  its  advocates  in  Hayti 
or  Peru.1  Such  speculations,  however,  are  incapable  of  proof, 
and  are  scarcely  deserving  of  sober  consideration.  The  theory 
itself  is  one  of  the  few  that  command  respectful  attention, 
since  tradition,  history,  and  many  facts  in  natural  science,  seem 
to  point  to  its  probability.2  Mr.  Bancroft  refers  at  some  length 
to  the  voyage  of  Hanno,  a  Carthaginian  navigator,  whose  exploits 
beyond  the  pillars  of  Hercules,  with  a  fleet  of  sixty  ships  and 
thirty  thousand  men,  is  recorded  in  his  Periplus.3  With  true 
critical  insight,  Mr.  Bancroft  rejects  the  opinion  that  Hanno 
reached  America,  and  thinks  he  only  coasted  along  the  shores 
of  Africa.4  The  only  tradition  preserved  by  the  Americans  is 
that  of  the  mysterious  Yotan,  whom  some  have  sought  to 
assign  to  a  Phoenician  nativity.5  Of  late  years  the  theory 
of  the  Phoenician  colonization  has  failed  to  receive  its  share 
of  support  from  new  writers.  This  is  owing  probably  to  the 
fact  that  the  labors  of  Mr.  George  Jones,  embodied  in  his 

Joseph  Smith,  September  22,  1827.  Mr.  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  p.  97  et  tcq. 
(from  which  we  draw  the  above),  has  translated  a  full  account  of  this  wonder 
ful  claim  from  Bertrand's  Memoirs,  pp.  32  et  seq. 

1  Pineda's  De  Rehu*  Solomonis,  but  especially  Horn's  De  Origine  Gentium 
Americanarum. 

2  Some  of  these  features  will  receive  attention  in  a  following  chapter. 

3  Hudson's  Geographic  Veteris  Scriptores  Greed  Minores,  1698-1712,  8vo, 
and    Rev.    Thos.     Falconer's    Voyage    of  Hanno,    translated,    etc.,  Oxford, 
1797,  8vo. 

4  Native  Races,  p.  G6. 

5  Chap.  V.;  see  Tradition  and  Literature. 

10 


146  GEORGE  JONES. 


Original  History  of  Ancient  America  Founded  on  tlie  Ruins 
of  Antiquity  ;  the  Identity  of  the  Aborigines  with  the  People  of 
Tyrus  and  Israel,  and  the  Introduction  of  Christianity  ly  the 
Apostle  St.  Thomas,1  may  have  rendered  all  such  support  un- 
necessary. It  is  more  probable,  however,  that  the  assumption 
and  credulity  displayed  in  this  extraordinary  work  have  dis- 
couraged any  critical  writer  from  aspiring  to  the  honor  of 
having  his  name  transmitted  to  posterity  as  an  advocate  of 
the  Phoenician  theory,  side  by  side  with  that  of  the  author 
of  the  Original  History.  We  have  no  space  to  devote  to  so 
positive  a  writer,  except  to  state  that  he  colonizes  America  with 
a  remnant  of  the  inhabitants  of  Tyre  who  escaped  from  their 
island-city  when  it  was  besieged  by  Alexander  the  Great  in  332 
B.  c.  They  sailed  out  beyond  the  Pillars  of  Hercules  to  their 
colonies  in  the  Canaries,  whence  the  trade-winds  bore  them 
across  the  Atlantic  to  the  shores  of  Florida.  Ezekiel  xxvii.  26, 
is  quoted  as  proof :  "  Thy  rowers  have  brought  thee  into  great 
waters ;  the  east  wind  hath  broken  thee  in  the  midst  of  the 
seas." 2  The  theory  that  the  ancient  Americans  descended  from 
the  Greeks  has  been  incidentally  advocated  by  several  authors, 
most  of  the  arguments  being  based  upon  supposed  Greek  inscrip- 
tions. Two  advocates  of  the  theory  are,  however,  quite  decided  in 
its  defence,  namely,  Mr.  Pidegeon3  and  Mr.  Lafitau.4  The  latter 

1  By  George  Jones,  R.  S.  I.;  M.  F.  S.  V.,  etc.;  dedicated  by  permission  to  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  to  Frederick  William  the  Fourth,  King  of  Prus- 
sia.    London,  1843. 

2  Mr.  Jones  states  in  his  preface  that  to  furnish  a  list  of  the  works  from 
which  he  drew  his   material  would   be  pedantic,    and   adds :      "  Yet    being 
professedly  an  original  work,  the  volume  of  the  brain  has  been  more  largely 
extracted  from  than  any  writer  whose  works  are  already  before  that  public — 
to  whose  final  judgment   (upon  its  merits  or  demerits)  the  present  author 
submits  the  first  history  of  ancient  America  with  all  humility  ;  but  he  will 
yield  to  none  in  the  conscientious  belief  in  the  truth  of  the  startling  proposi- 
tions and  the  consequent  conclusions."     With  such  convictions  there  is  no 
opportunity  for  unbiased  investigation. 

3  Traditions  of  DecoodaJi  and  Antiquarian  Researches,  p.  16.    New  York, 
1858,  8vo. 

4  Mceurs  des  Sauvages  Ameriquains  Comparees  aux  Mceurs  des  Premiers 
Temps.    Paris,  1724. 


THE  GREEK  AND  EGYPTIAN  THEORIES.  147 

believing  that  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  the  Grecian  archi- 
pelago were  driven  from  their  country  by  Og,  king  of  Bashan, 
supposes  the  inhabitants  of  the  new  world  descended  from  that 
people,  and  cites  numerous  analogies  of  a  political  and  social 
nature.1  No  claim  has  been  advanced,  we  believe,  which  advo- 
cates an  actual  Egyptian  colonization  of  the  new  world,  but 
strong  arguments  have  been  used  to  show  that  the  architecture 
and  sculpture  of  Central  America  and  Mexico  have  been  in- 
fluenced from  Egypt,  if  not  attributable  directly  to  Egyptian 
artisans.  These  arguments  are  based  on  the  resemblance  between 
the  gigantic  pyramids,  the  sculptured  obelisks,  and  the  numerous 
idols  of  these  pre-historic  countries  and  those  of  Egypt.  It 
requires  no  practised  eye  to  trace  a  resemblance  in  general 
features,  though  it  must  be  said  that  the  details  of  American 
architecture  and  sculpture,  are  peculiarly  original  in  design.2 
The  principal  advocate  of  the  theory,  Delafield,  has  furnished 
many  comparisons,  but  we  think  no  argument  has  been  presented 
sufficiently  supported  by  facts  to  prove  that  American  architec- 
ture and  sculpture  had  any  other  than  an  indigenous  origin.3 
Turning  westward  our  attention  is  arrested  by  the  probability 
of  the  theory  which  claims  that  this  continent  was  peopled 
with  the  Tartars  and  nations  occupying  the  regions  of  North- 
western Asia.  No  one  can  consider  the  natural  certainty  of 
long-continued  communication  between  the  two  continents  at 
Behring's  Straits  without  being  impressed  with  the  truth  that 
that  narrow  channel  served  probably  as  the  first  highway  be- 
tween the  old  world  and  the  new,  and  vice  versa.  Certainly  a 
part  of  the  ancient  population  of  America  came  upon  our  soil  at 
that  quarter.  Mr.  Bancroft  remarks  :  "  The  customs,  manner 

1  See  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  p.  122  ;  the  Abbe  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg's 
discovery  of  the  Greek  Gods  in  America  (Landa,  Relation,  pp.  Ixx-lxxx)  will 
be  considered  further  on. 

2  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  pp.  55  et  seg.;  M'Culloch's  Researches,  pp.  171-2  ; 
Mayer's  Mexico  as  it  Was,  p.  186;   Humboldt's  Vues,  torn,  i,  pp.  120-4,  and 
Stephen's  Central  America,  vol.  ii,  p.  441  ;  Jones'  Hist.  Anc.  Am.,  pp.  122 


3  Delafield's  Inquiry  into  the  Origin  of  the  Antiquities  of  America,  Cincinnati, 
1839,  quarto. 


148  JAPANESE  AND  CHINESE  THEORIES. 

of  life,  and  physical  appearance  of  the  natives  on  both  sides 
of  the  straits  are  identical,  as  a  multitude  of  witnesses  testify, 
and  it  seems  absurd  to  argue  the  question  from  any  point.  Of 
course,  Behring's  Strait  may  have  served  to  admit  other  nations 
besides  the  people  inhabiting  its  shores  into  America,  and  in  such 
cases  there  is  more  room  for  discussion."  1  Nearly  as  plausible 
is  the  theory  which  claims  that  if  the  original  population  of  this 
continent  were  not  Japanese,  at  least  a  considerable  infusion  of 
Japanese  blood  into  the  original  stock  has  taken  place  from  time 
to  time,  either  by  intentional  colonization  or  by  the  accidents 
incident  to  navigation.  The  great  number  of  shipwrecks  which 
are  continually  being  cast  upon  our  Pacific  coast  by  the  Japanese 
current  or  Kuro-suvo  are  constant  and  substantial  witnesses  to 
the  reasonableness  of  the  claim.2 

The  Chinese  colonization  theory,  unfortunately,  does  not  date 
far  enough  back  to  account  for  the  oldest  American  civilization. 
It  is  nevertheless  remote  enough,  were  it  proven  true,  to  con- 
siderably antedate  the  Aztec  and  Inca  periods.  Upwards  of  a 
century  ago  the  learned  French  sinologist  Deguignes  announced 
that  he  had  found  in  the  writings  of  early  Chinese  historians  the 
statement  that  in  the  fifth  century  of  our  era  certain  adventurers 
of  their  race  had  discovered  a  country  which  they  called  Fusang.3 
He  further  expressed  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  country  described 
must  be  Western  America,  and  probably  Mexico.  The  original 
document  on  which  the  Chinese  historians  base  their  statements 
was  the  report  of  a  Buddhist  missionary  named  Hoei-Shin,  who 
in  the  year  499  A.  D.,  claims  to  have  returned  from  a  long  journey 
of  discovery  to  the  remote  and  unknown  east.  This  report, 
whatever  may  be  its  intrinsic  value,  was  accepted  as  true  by  the 
Chinese,  and  found  its  way  into  the  history  of  Li  yan  tcheon — 
written  at  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century  of  our  era.  In 

1  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  54.     In  a  note  an  excellent  collection  of  authorities 
1  is  quoted. 

2  Colonel  Kennon  in  Leland's  Fusang,  pp.  65  et  seq.    Also  C.  W.  Brooks  on 
Japanese  Race  in  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  51. 

3  In  Memoires  de  I' Academic  des  Inscriptiones  et  Belles  Lettres,  vol.  xxviii, 
1761. 


FUSANG   AND  HOEI-SHIN.  149 

1841,  Dr.  Neuman,  Professor  of  Oriental  Languages  and  History 
at  Munich,  after  a  residence  of  a  couple  of  years  at  Canton,  pub- 
lished a  translation  of  the  narrative  of  Hoei-Shin  with  comments 
upon  it.1  A  few  of  the  most  striking  passages  of  the  account 
given  by  this  Buddhist  missionary  are  as  follows  :  "  Fusang  is 
about  20,000  Chinese  li  in  an  easterly  direction  from  Tahan  and 
east  of  the  Middle  Kingdom.2  Many  Fusang  trees  grow  there 
whose  leaves  resemble  the  Dryanda  cordifolia  /  the  sprouts,  on 
the  contrary,  resemble  those  of  the  bamboo  tree,  and  are  eaten 
by  the  inhabitants  of  the  land.  The  fruit  is  like  a  pear  in  form, 
but  is  red.  From  the  bark  they  prepare  a  sort  of  linen  which 
they  use  for  clothing,  and  also  a  sort  of  ornamental  stuff.  The 
houses  are  built  of  wooden  beams  ;  fortified  and  walled  places 
are  there  unknown.  They  have  written  characters  in  this  land, 
and  prepare  paper  from  the  bark  of  the  Fusang.  The  people 
have  no  weapons  and  make  no  wars,  but  in  the  arrangement  of 
the  kingdom,  they  have  a  northern  and  southern  prison.  Trifling 
offenders  are  lodged  in  the  southern  prison,  but  those  confined 
for  greater  offences  in  the  northern.  The  name  of  the  king  is 
pronounced  Ichi.  The  color  of  his  clothes  changes  with  the 
different  years.  The  horns  of  the  oxen  are  so  large  that  they 
hold  ten  bushels.  They  use  them  to  contain  all  manner  of 
things.  Horses,  oxen,  and  stags  are  harnessed  to  their  wagons. 
Stags  are  used  here  as  cattle  are  used  in  the  Middle  Kingdom, 
and  from  the  milk  of  the  hind  they  make  butter.  No  iron  is 
found  in  the  land  ;  but  copper,  gold,  and  silver  are  not  prized, 
and  do  not  serve  as  a  medium  of  exchange  in  the  market.  Mar- 
riage is  determined  upon  in  the  following  manner :  the  suitor 
builds  himself  a  hut  before  the  door  of  the  house  where  the  one 
longed  for  dwells,  and  waters  and  cleans  the  ground  every  even- 

1  English  by  Chas.  G.  Leland  :  Fusang,  or  tlie  Chinese  Disco-eery  of  America. 
1875.     New  York. 

2  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  34,  note,  says  :  "  A  Chinese  li  is  about  one- 
third  of  a  mile  " — English,  we  suppose,  but  upon  what  authority  we  are  unable 
to  say.    Klaproth  adopted  850  li  to  a  degree,  while  D'Eichthal  fixes  it  at  400  to 
a  degree  in  the  sixth  century,  though  at  present  it  is  250  K  to  a  degree. 
Deguignes'  Memoir es  de  V Academic  des  Inscriptiones  et  Belles  Lettres,  vol. 
xxviii,  1761,  and  Leland's  Fusnng,  pp.  128  and  140. 


150  FUSANG  AND  HOEI-SHIN. 

ing.  When  a  year  has  passed  by,  if  the  maiden  is  not  inclined 
to  marry  him  he  departs  ;  should  she  "be  willing  it  is  completed. 
In  earlier  times  these  people  lived  not  according  to  the  laws  of 
Buddha,  but  it  happened  that  in  the  second  year — named  '  Great 
Light '  of  Song  (A.  D.  458) — five  beggar-monks  from  the  kingdom 
of  Kipin  went  to  this  land,  extended  over  it  the  religion  of 
Buddha,  and  with  it  his  early  writings  and  images.  They 
instructed  the  people  in  the  principles  of  monastic  life,  and  so 
changed  their  manners." 1  Dr.  Neuman  does  not  claim  that  the 
Chinese  Fusang  tree  is  identical  with  the  Maguay  plant,  but 
that  the  resemblance  between  it  and  the  great  numbers  of  the 
latter  found  in  Mexico  suggested  a  name  for  the  country  to  the 
discoverer.  Ths  uncertainty  as  to  the  distance,  arising  out  of 
our  inability  to  determine  what  was  considered  the  length  of  a 
Chinese  li  in  the  fifth  century,  is  of  course  an  obstacle  to  the 
satisfactory  solution  of  the  question.  The  amusing  and  pre- 
posterous statement  as  to  the  size  of  the  horns  of  oxen  is  no 
argument  against  the  general  truth  of  the  narrative,  since  we 
have  no  data  from  which  to  determine  the  capacity  of  the 
measure,  the  name  of  which  is  here  translated  bushel,  since  the 
widest  possible  difference  exists  between  the  ancient  and  modern 
Chinese  tables  of  measurement.  The  references  to  horses  and 
oxen  are  perplexing,  and  give  the  narrative  the  air  either  of  im- 
posture or  mistake,  since  both  were  brought  to  America  first  by 
the  Spaniards.2  The  argument  by  the  opponents  of  this  theory 
that  Fusang  was  Japan  stands  on  a  very  slender  foundation, 
since  at  a  very  early  period,  centuries  before  our  era,  Japan 
afforded  naval  stations  for  Chinese  ships.3  Klaproth,  and  later 
Dr.  E.  Bretschneider,  designated  the  island  of  Tarakai,  known 
as  Saghalien  on  our  maps,  as  the  Fusang  of  Hoei-Schin.4 

1  Leland's  Fusang,  pp.  25  et  seq.    This  translation  was  revised  by  Professor 
Neuman  himself,  and  is  more  literal  than  that  by  Klaproth. 

2  Klaproth's  Recherches,  in  Nouvelles  Annales  des  Voyages,  1831,  torn,  li, 
pp.  57  et  seq.    Humboldt's  Examen  Critique,  torn,  xi,  pp.  65-6. 

3  Sr.  Jose  Perez  in  Revue  Orientate  et  Americaine,  No.  4,  pp.  189-195. 

4  Dr.  E.  Bretschneider  in  the  fifth  number  of  the  Chinese  Recorder  and  Mis- 
sionary Journal,  vol.   iii,  published  at  Foochow,  October  1870.     The  article 
entitled  Fusang,  or  Who  Discovered  America,  is  copied  in  full  in  Leland's 


THE  MONGOL  THEORY. 


M.  D'Eichthal  and  Professor  Neuman  have  both  made  able 
arguments  in  defence  of  the  authenticity  and  reasonableness  of 
this  claim,  but  there  are  too  many  uncertainties  about  it  to 
admit  of  its  unqualified  acceptance.  We  are  more  disposed  to 
give  credence  to  the  theory  that  the  Chinese  discovered  America 
at  a  very  early  day,  than  to  attach  much  importance  to  the  par- 
ticular account  of  that  discovery  by  Hoei-Shin.  The  theory  is 
a  good  one,  with  an  abundance  of  geographical  and  ethnological 
testimony  in  its  favor.1 

Closely  allied  to  the  Chinese  theory  is  that  so  enthusiastically 
advocated  by  Banking,  who  maintains  that  the  Mongol  emperor 
Kublai  Khan,  in  the  thirteenth  century  sent  a  large  fleet  against 
Japan,  but  that  the  vast  armada  was  destroyed  by  a  tempest, 
and  a  portion  of  its  ships  were  wrecked  on  the  shores  of  Peru.2 
The  first  Inca  he  believes  was  the  son  of  Kublai  Khan.  It  is 
a  well-known  fact  that  the  Mongol  fleet  was  dispersed  by  a 
storm,  but  there  are  grave  objections  to  the  opinion  that  any  of 
the  vessels  were  cast  upon  the  shores  of  South  America.  No 
tradition  was  found  among  the  Peruvians  only  three  centuries 
later  concerning  the  Incas  or  any  other  people  having  reached 
their  shores  by  the  accident  of  shipwreck,  or  who  could  be  identi- 
fied as  of  Asiatic  origin.  It  is  true  the  Incas  may  have  designed 
to  keep  their  human  origin  as  well  as  their  misfortunes  a  secret, 
that  they  might  the  better  set  up  their  claim  to  imperial  and 
divine  honors  among  the  people  whom  they  sought  to  subjugate 
by  that  most  powerful  ally  to  ambition  —  superstition.  Mr. 
Eanking  wrote  a  very  plausible  book,  but  often  fell  into  errors 
of  credulity  and  unrestrained  enthusiasm  which  leaves  many  of 
his  statements  open  to  suspicion.  The  theory  cannot  be  accepted 

Fusang,  pp.  165  et  seq.  See  also  Dr.  Neuman's  Ost-  Asian  und  West  Amerika; 
in  Zeitschrifl  fur  Allgemeine  Erdkunde  for  April,  1864.  See  D'Eichthal  in 
Revue  Archccologique,  1832,  vol.  ii,  and  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  pp.  33 
ct  seq. 

1  The  strongest  proof  upon  which  the  Chinese  theory  rests  is  that  of  physical 
resemblance,  which  on  the  extreme  north-western  coast  of  America  is  very 
marked.     Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  37. 

2  John  Banking's  Historical  Researches  on  the  Conquest  of  Peru,  Mexico,  etc., 
by  the  Mongols.    London,  1827. 


152  BUDDHISM  IN  AMERICA. 


without  additional  and  more  satisfactory  proof.1  Should  it 
prove  to  be  true,  it  certainly  cannot  throw  light  upon  the  origin 
of  the  population,  but  only  on  a  phase  of  civilization.  Humboldt, 
Tschudi,  Viollet-le-Duc,  Count  Stolberg  and  other  writers  have 
pointed  out  striking  analogies  between  the  religion  of  Southern 
Asia,  especially  of  India  and  that  of  Mexico.2  If  the  argument 
from  analogy  is  to  be  relied  on,  there  is  abundant  reason  to  believe 
that  Buddhism  in  a  modified  form  had  permeated  the  religious 
systems  of  the  new  world  with  its  mystic  element  besides  grafting 
upon  them  some  of  its  better  and  more  humane  institutions. 

These  are  all  the  colonization  claims  worth  mentioning, 
which  date  back  far  enough  to  account  for  the  ancient  civiliza- 
tion. Of  the  second  class  (those  too  recent  to  have  made  much 
impression  on  the  existing  state  of  things)  there  are  three.  The 
earliest  of  these  as  to  date,  is  the  claim  which  credits  the  Irish 
with  the  colonization  of  the  Atlantic  coast  from  North  Carolina 
to  Florida.  "White-Man's  Land/'  so  often  located  in  this 
country,  is  no  doubt  imaginary.  The  obscure  and  unsatis- 
factory chronicle  which  forms  the  basis  of  this  claim  destroys 
its  own  authority  by  the  statement  that  White-Man's  Land  was 
six  days'  sail  from  Ireland.3  Another  legend  set  forth  by 
Broughton,  which  claims  that  St.  Patrick  preached  the  Gospel 
in  the  "  Isles  of  America,"  carries  its  own  refutation  upon  its 

1  Bancroft's  Natice  Races,  vol.  v,  pp.  44-50,  contains  a  good  review,  but 
Ranking  himself  must  be  examined  to  be  appreciated. 

2  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  pp.  40  et  seq.,  gives  a  brief  review.     The  subject  will 
be  fully  treated  in  its  proper  place. 

3  In  the  Landnama-book,  No.  107,  is  found  a  narrative  of  ARE  MARSON,  in 
Hvitramanna  Land.    Prof.  Rafn  (Antiquitates  Americance,^.  210  et  seq.},  trans- 
lates it  as  follows :  "  Ulvus  Strabo,  films  Hognii  Albi,  totum  occupavit  Rey- 
kjanesum  inter  Thorskafjordum  et   Hafrafellum  ;    uxorem  hahuit  Bjargam, 
filiam  Eyvindi  (Estmanni,  sororem  Helgii  Marci.     Eorum  films  Atlius  Rums, 
qui  uxorem  habuit  Thorbjargam,  sororem  Steinolvi  Humilis  ;  horum  films  erat 
Mar  de  Reykholis,  qui  uxorem  habuit  Thorkatlam,  filiam  Hergilsis  Hnapprassi 
(natibus  globosis).     Eorum  films  fuit  Arius,  qui  tempestate  delatus  est   ad 
Hvitramannalandiam  (Terrain  alborum  hominum),  quam  nonnueli  Irlandiam 
Magnum  appellant,  qui  en  oceano  occidentali  jacet  prope  Vinlandiam  Bonam, 
sex  dierum  navigatione  versus  occidentem  ab  Irlanda."     On  Hvitramannaland, 
see  Antiquitates  Americana,  pp.  162,  163,  183,  210,  212,  214,  447,  448,  and  De 
Costa's  Pre-Columbian  Discovery  of  America,  pp.  lii,  86,  63,  70,  87,  88. 


WHITE  MAN'S  LAND.  153 


face  by  the  use  of  the  word  America  in  its  text.1  The  Scandina- 
vian discovery  of  America  is  a  well-known  fact,  and  requires  no 
discussion  here.  The  Codex  Flatioiensis,  as  expounded  by  the 
learned  Prof.  Kafn  in  the  Aniiquitates  Americance,  has,  no 
doubt,  set  at  rest  the  whole  matter.  Humboldt,  in  reviewing  the 
evidence  upon  which  the  claim  is  founded,  sums  it  up  in  these 
words  :  "  The  discovery  of  the  northern  part  of  America  by 
the  Northmen  cannot  be  disputed.  The  length  of  the  voyage, 
the  direction  in  which  they  sailed,  the  time  of  the  sun's  rising 
and  setting,  are  accurately  given.  While  the  caliphate  of  Bag- 
dad was  still  flourishing  under  the  Abbassides,  and  while  the 
rule  of  the  Samanides,  so  favorable  to  poetry,  still  flourished  in 
Persia,  America  was  discovered  about  the  year  1000  by  Lief,  son 
of  Eric  the  Ked,  at  about  41J°  north  latitude."  No  evidence 
of  a  substantial  character  has  been  produced  to  show  that  the 
Scandinavians  left  any  impress  upon  the  American  civilization.  It 
is  true,  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  when  he  first  began  his  labors  in 
the  field  of  American  archaeology  expressed  such  an  opinion,  but 
we  believe  he  never  repeated  it  in  the  latter  years  of  his  life.2 
The  learned  Abbe  was  guilty  of  many  contradictions,  and  this 
may  be  considered  one  of  them.  The  most  positive  claims  in 
this  direction  are  advanced  by  two  recent  authors,  M.  Gravier3 
and  Prof.  Anderson,4  the  former  attributing  the  Aztec  civilization 
to  Norse  influence.  He  cites  the  discovery  in  Brazil  of  an  ancient 
city  near  Bahia,  in  which  was  found  the  statue  of  a  man  point- 
ing with  his  forefinger  to  the  North  Pole ;  of  course,  according 
to  M.  Gravier,  he  was  a  Northman.3  Several  authorities  for 

1  Monastikon  Britannicum,  pp.  131-2,  187-8.     Cited  by  De  Costa,  Pre-Col. 
Dis.  of  Am.,  p.  xviii. 

2  On  tins  subject  see  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  in  the  16th  vol.  of  the  sixth 
series  ofNouvelles  Annels  des  Voyages,  pp.  263,  281-9  ;  also  3d  vol.  of  same  work, 
sixth  series,  1855,  pp.  156-7,  and  in  New  York  Tribune  for  November  21,  1855. 

3  Decouverte  de  I'Amerique  par  les  Normands  au  Xe  siecle,  par  Gabriel 
Gravier,  Paris,  1864,  4to. 

4  America  Not  Discovered  by  Columbus,  by  R.  B.  Anderson,  Chicago,  1874, 

16mo. 

5  Gravier,  Decouverte  de  I'Amerique,  p.  235,  quotes  Dr.  Schuck  as  auth 
ity,  Societe  Royale  des  Antiquaires  du  Nord,  1840-43,  pp.  26-7  ;  also  1844,  p.  1* 


154  DISCOVERY  BY  THE  NORTHMEN. 

the  discovery  of  Norse  remains  in  the  United  States  might  be 
cited,  but  the  unwarrantable  arguments  of  most  of  them  add 
nothing  to  the  already  established  fact  of  Norse  colonization  in 
the  tenth  century  of  our  era.  Another  pre-Columbian  claim  to 
the  discovery  of  America  is  that  which  declares  Madoc-Ap-owen 
and  his  Welsh  countrymen  to  have  reached  this  continent  in 
1170  A.  D.  The  chronicle  on  which  the  claim  is  based,  is  want- 
ing in  authority.  A  translation  of  it,  taken  from  a  history 
of  Wales  by  Dr.  Powell,  was  published  by  Hakluyet,  in  1589. 
As  this  claim  can  have  no  relation  to  our  subject,  we  refrain 
from  a  discussion  of  it  here.1  The  only  remaining  theory,  and 
probably  the  most  important  of  all,  because  of  its  purely  scien- 
tific character,  which  presents  itself  for  our  consideration,  is 
that  which  not  only  considers  the  civilization  of  ancient  America 
to  have  been  indigenous,  but  also  claims  the  inhabitants  them- 
selves to  have  been  autochthonic  ;  in  a  word,  that  by  process 
of  evolution  or  in  some  other  way,  the  first  Americans  were 
either  developed  from  a  lower  order  in  the  animal  kingdom  or 
were  created  on  the  soil  of  this  continent.  As  the  latter  theory 
involves  a  denial  of  the  unity  of  the  race,  it  requires  a  separate 
and  critical  examination. 

1  Hakluyet's  Principal  Navigations,  Voyages,  etc.,  vol.  iii,  pp.  1  et  seg.;  see 
a  good  discussion  of  the  Welsh  claim  in  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  pp.  116 
et  seg. 


CHAPTEE    IV. 

THE    ORIGIN    OF    THE    AMERICANS    AS  VIEWED    FROM    THE 
STANDPOINT  OF  SCIENCE. 

Origin  Theories— Indigenous  Origin— Separate  Creation  Theory— Dr.  Morton's 
Theory — Agassiz's  Views — Dr.  Morton's  Cranial  Measurements  Classified 
— Prof.  Wilson's  Measurements — Dr.  Morton's  Theory  of  Ethnic  Unity 
Groundless  —  Ethnic  Relationships — Typical  Mound-skull  —  Crania  from 
the  River  Rouge — Dr.  Farquharson's  Measurements — Crania  from  Ken- 
tucky— Researches  in  Tennessee  by  Prof.  Jones— Measurements — Prof. 
Putnam's  Collection  of  Crania  from  Tennessee  Mounds — Low  Type  Crania 
from  the  Mounds — Development  Observable  in  Mound  Crania  —  Head- 
Flattening  Derived  from  Asia — Diseases  of  the  Mound-builders — Physiog- 
nomy of  the  Ancient  Americans — Languages — Evolution  and  its  Bearing 
on  the  Origin  of  the  American — Darwin  and  Haeckel  on  the  Indigenous 
American  —  The  Autochthonic  Hypothesis  Groundless  —  Unity  of  the 
Human  Family — Accepted  Chronology  Faulty. 

THE  want  of  evidence  for  the  theories  which  designate  par- 
ticular nations  as  the  first  colonizers  of  the  Western  Conti- 
nent, long  ago  produced  a  feeling  of  distrust,  which  led  some  to 
repudiate  all  claims  for  the  foreign  origin  of  the  first  inhabi- 
tants of  this  continent.  This  theory,  which  claims  for  the  most 
ancient  inhabitants  an  autochthonic  origin,  has  had  from  time 
to  time  among  its  advocates  some  of  the  most  respectable 
ethnologists.  The  character  of  their  attainments,  and  in  many 
cases  their  arguments  in  behalf  of  this  most  remarkable  hypoth- 
esis, command  the  respect  of  all  who  are  interested  in  this 
fascinating  field  of  speculation. 

At  first  it  was  maintained  that  the  Creator  had  placed  an 
original  pair  of  human  beings  here,  as  Scripture  teaches  that  He 
did  in  the  old  world.1  Other  writers  equally  confident  that  the 

1  "  I  think,  therefore  (as  mentioned  before),  we  do  not  at  all  derogate  from 
God's  greatness,  nor  in  any  ways  dishonor  the  sacred  evidence  given  us  by  His 


156  THEORIES  FOR  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  AMERICANS. 

first  ancestors  of  the  American  race  were  indigenous,  have  not  so 
definitely  expressed  themselves  as  to  the  manner  of  their  origin.1 
The  most  recent  phase  of  the  autochthonic  theory  is  that  which 
designates  evolution  as  the  means  by  which  the  continent  was 
populated  with  human  beings,  developed  from  its  own  fauna. 
This  latter  question  is  now  the  most  absorbing  of  all  that  occupy 

servants,  when  we  think  that  there  were  as  many  Adams  and  Eves  (every  one 
knows  these  names  to  have  an  allegorical  sense),  as  we  find  different  species 
of  the  human  genus  *  *  *  *  God  has  created  an  original  pair  here  as 
well  as  elsewhere." — Roman's  Concise  Nat.  Hist,  of  E.  and  W.  Florida,  p.  55, 
New  York,  1775.  "  We  will  candidly  confess  that  we  could  never  understand 
why  philosophers  have  been  so  pre-disposed  to  advocate  the  theory  which 
peoples  America  from  the  Eastern  hemisphere.  We  think  the  supposition  that 
the  Red  man  is  a  primitive  type  of  a  family  of  the  human  race,  originally 
planted  in  the  Western  Continent,  presents  the  most  natural  solution  of  the 
problem;  and  that  the  researches  of  physiologists,  antiquaries,  philologists 
and  philosophers  in  general,  tend  irresistibly  to  this  conclusion." — Norman's 
Rambles  in  Yucatan,  p.  251,  New  York,  1843,  8vo.  "  My  own  belief  is  that, 
whatever  was  the  origin  of  the  different  tribes  or  families,  the  whole  race 
of  American  Indians  are  native  and  indigenous  to  the  soil.  There  is  no  proof 
that  they  are  either  the  lost  tribes  of  Israel  or  emigants  from  any  part  of  the 
old  world.  They  are  a  separate  and  as  distinct  a  race  as  either  the  Ethiopian, 
Caucasian,  or  Mongolian.  In  the  absence  of  all  proof  to  the  contrary,  it  seems 
to  me  to  be  both  rational  and  consistent  to  assume  that  the  Creator  placed  the 
Red  race  on  the  American  Continent  as  early  as  He  created  the  beasts  and 
reptiles  that  inhabit  it." — Swan's  Northwest  Coast,  p.  206,  New  York,  1857. 
"  Dieu  a  cree  plusieurs  couples  d'etres  humains  differant  les  uns  des  autres 
interieurement  et  exterieureinent ;  chacun  de  des  couples  a  ete  place  dans  le 
climat  approprie  a  son  organisation." — Lord  Kames  in  Warden's  Recherches, 
p.  203. 

1  The  reader  who  has  not  given  special  attention  to  this  phase  of  the  subject, 
will  be  surprised  to  learn  how  generally  received  has  been  the  autochthonic 
theory  among  writers  in  this  field.  Mr.  Bancroft  has  given  several  quotations 
to  illustrate  this  fact.  See  Morelet's  Voyage,  vol.  i,  p.  177,  Paris,  1857 ;  Evens' 
Our  Sister  Republic,  p.  332 ;  Catlin's  North  American  Indians,  vol.  ii,  p.  232. 
We  prepared  extracts  for  insertion  at  this  point,  but  the  limit  of  our  space  will 
not  permit  a  full  consideration  of  the  question. 

Mr.  Bancroft  says  of  the  theory,  "If  we  may  judge  by  the  recent  results 
of  scientific  investigation,  [it]  may  eventually  prove  to  be  scientifically  correct. 
To  express  belief,  however,  in  a  theory  incapable  of  proof,  appears  to  me  idle. 
Indeed  such  belief  is  not  belief,  it  is  merely  acquiescing  in  or  accepting  a 
hypothesis  or  tradition  until  the  contrary  is  proved."— Native  Races,  vol.  v, 
pp.  130-1. 


SEPARATE  CREATION  THEORY.  157 

the  attention  of  the  American  Anthropologists.  But  to  go  Lack 
to  the  separate  creation  view,  we  find  it  expressed  in  general  and 
unscientific  utterances  at  first,  mostly  based  on  the  hasty  obser- 
vation of  travellers  who,  in  many  cases,  had  little  knowledge 
of  anthropologic  or  ethnic  principles.  In  fact,  the  subject  was 
not  fairly  discussed  and  its  advocacy  based  on  satisfactory  in- 
vestigation until  the  justly  celebrated  Dr.  Samuel  G.  Morton, 
of  Philadelphia,  issued  his  Crania  Americana,  containing  the 
results  of  the  most  diligent  researches  on  the  skulls  of  the  Mound- 
builders,  Mexicans,  Peruvians,  and  many  of  the  known  tribes 
of  the  Red  Indians.  In  the  face  of  abundant  proof  among  the 
crania  of  his  own  splendid  collection,  and  contrary  to  the  testi- 
mony of  his  numerous  measurements,  which  have  often  since  been 
used  against  his  theory,  this  diligent  investigator  arrived  at 
the  conclusion  that  the  Americans  were  a  distinct  race,  origi- 
nated in  this  continent,  having  a  uniform  cranial  type  (excepting 
only  the  Eskimo),  from  the  Arctic  Circle  to  Patagonia. 

A  division,  however,  of  this  supposed  homogeneous  race  was 
made  by  this  author  into  Toltecan  and  Barbarous  nations  ;  the 
former  appellative  comprising  all  the  semi-civilized  peoples, 
while  the  latter  embraced  the  wild  tribes.  All  were  believed  to 
have  had  the  same  origin  and  to  belong  to  the  same  cranial  type. 
"  It  is  curious  to  observe,  however,"  remarks  Dr.  Morton,  "  that 
the  Barbarous  nations  possess  a  larger  brain  by  five  and  a  half 
cubic  inches  than  the  Toltecans  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
Toltecans  possess  a  greater  relative  capacity  of  the  anterior 
chamber  of  the  skull  in  the  proportion  of  42.3  to  41.8.  Again  the 
coronal  region,  though  absolutely  greater  in  the  Barbarous  tribes, 
is  rather  larger  in  proportion  in  the  semi-civilized  tribes  ;  and 
the  facial-angle  is  much  the  same  in  both,  and  may  be  assumed 
for  the  race  at  75°."  l  In  conclusion,  the  author  is  of  the  opinion 
that  the  facts  contained  in  his  work  tend  to  sustain  the  follow- 
ing propositions:  (1)  "That  the  American  race  differs  essen- 
tially from  all  others,  not  excepting  the  Mongolian  ;  nor  do  the 
feeble  analogies  of  language,  and  the  more  obvious  ones  in  civil 
and  religious  institutions  and  the  arts,  denote  anything  beyond 
*  Crania  American^  p.  260.  Philadelphia,  18J-9.  Folio. 


158      CORRESPONDENCE  OF  PHYSICAL  LIFE  TO  NATURE. 


casual  or  colonial  communication  with  the  Asiatic  nations  ;  and 
even  these  analogies  may  perhaps  be  accounted  for,  as  Humboldt 
suggested,  in  the  mere  coincidence  arising  from  similar  wants  and 
impulses  in  nations  inhabiting  similar  latitudes."  (2)  "  That  the 
American  nations,  excepting  the  Polar  tribes,  are  one  race  and  one 
species,  but  of  two  great  families  which  resemble  each  other  in 
physical,  but  differ  in  intellectual  character."  (3)  "That  the 
cranial  remains  discovered  in  the  mounds,  from  Peru  to  Wiscon- 
sin, belong  to  the  same  race  and  probably  to  the  Toltecan 
family."  1  Among  the  several  ethnologists  and  naturalists  who 
accepted  without  question  the  conclusions  reached  by  Morton, 
the  chief  was  Agassiz,  who  adopted  them  as  auxiliary  to  his 
theory  of  the  correspondence  of  human  life  with  certain  associa- 
tions in  the  animal  kingdom.2  They  served  as  a  sure  foundation, 

1  Dr.  Morton  gives  the  following  comparative  table  showing  the  internal 
capacity  and  dimensions  of  the  crania  of  different  races  : 


RACES. 

Number 
of  Skulls. 

Mean 
Internal 
Capacity 
in  cubic  in. 

Laraest 
in  the 

Series. 

Smallest 
in  the 
Series. 

52 

87 

109 

75 

Mongolian  

10 

83 

93 

69 

Malay  

18 

81 

89 

64 

American                 ....        . 

147 

82 

100 

60 

Ethiopian  

29 

78 

94 

65 

2  After  presenting  several  arguments  together  with  accompanying  proofs, 
Agassiz  says  :  "  This  coincidence  between  the  circumscription  of  the  races  of 
man  and  the  natural  limits  of  different  zoological  provinces  characterized  by 
peculiar  distinct  species  of  animals,  is  one  of  the  most  important  and  unexpected 
features  in  the  Natural  History  of  Mankind,  which  the  study  of  the  geographical 
distribution  of  all  the  organized  beings  now  existing  upon  earth  has  disclosed  to 
us.  It  is  a  fact  which  cannot  fail  to  throw  light  at  some  future  time  upon  the 
very  origin  of  the  differences  existing  among  men,  since  it  shows  that  man's 
physical  nature  is  modified  by  the  same  laws  as  that  of  animals,  and  that  any 
general  results  obtained  from  the  animal  kingdom  regarding  the  organic  dif- 
ferences of  its  various  types  must  also  apply  to  man.  Now  there  are  only  two 
alternatives  before  us  at  present :  1st.  Either  mankind  originated  from  a  com- 
mon stock,  and  all  the  different  races  with  their  peculiarities,  in  their  present 
distribution,  are  to  be  ascribed  to  subsequent  changes — an  assumption  for  which 
there  is  no  evidence  whatever,  and  leads  at  once  to  the  admission  that  the  diver- 


THE   "AMERICAN  RACE"  DOES  NOT  EXIST.  159 

so  far  as  this  continent  is  concerned,  for  his  opinion  that  the 
races  originated  in  nations.  "  We  maintain,"  says  the  eminent 
naturalist,  "that,  like  all  organized  beings,  mankind  cannot 
have  originated  in  single  individuals,  but  must  have  been  created 
in  that  numerical  harmony  which  is  characteristic  of  each  species. 
Men  must  have  originated  in  nations,  as  the  bees  have  originated 
in  swarms,  and  as  the  different  social  plants  have  covered  the 
extensive  tracts  over  which  they  have  naturally  spread."  x  This 
view  has  been  enlarged  upon  by  Messrs.  Nott  and  Gliddon,  who 
argue  that,  "  if  it  be  conceded  that  there  were  two  primitive  pairs 
of  human  beings,  no  reason  can  be  assigned  why  there  may  not 
have  been  hundreds."2  The  uniqueness  of  the  so-called  Ameri- 
can race  not  only  fails  of  proof,  but  is  positively  disproven  by 
the  measurements  of  crania  accompanying  Morton's  plates,  and 
any  thoughtful  person  cannot  avoid  surprise  that  so  distinguished 
a  scholar  as  Agassiz  should  have  committed  himself  to  a  theory 
without  first  submitting  it  to  a  crucial  test.  That  there  is  a 
great  variety  of  type  observable  among  the  crania  figured  by 
Morton,  even  a  superficial  examination  will  show,  while  a  more 
careful  classification  presents  several  facts  of  interest.  For  this 
classification  we  consider  the  simple  division  of  the  crania  into 
long  and  short  skulls  sufficient.  The  question  of  other  divisions 
has  been  often  discussed,  but  with  Mr.  Huxley  we  content  our- 
selves with  the  simplest  classification.  Referring  to  a  particular 
instance,  he  says,  "  taking  the  antero-posterior  diameter  as  100, 

sity  among  animals  is  not  an  original  one,  nor  their  distribution  determined  by 
a  general  plan  established  in  the  beginning  of  the  creation ;  or  2d,  we  must 
acknowledge  that  the  diversity  among  animals  is  a  fact  determined  by  the  will 
of  the  Creator,  and  their  geographical  distribution  part  of  the  general  plan 
which  unites  all  organized  beings  into  one  great  organic  conception  ;  whence  it 
follows  that  what  are  called  human  races  down  to  their  specializations  as 
nations  are  distinct  primordial  forms  of  the  type  of  man."  *  *  *  He  concludes 
in  these  words  :  "  The  laws  which  regulate  the  diversity  of  animals  and  their  dis- 
tribution upon  earth  apply  equally  to  man  within  the  same  limits  and  in  ths, 
same  degree  ;  and  all  our  liberty  and  moral  responsibility,  however  spontaneous, 
are  yet  instinctively  directed  by  the  All-wise  and  Omnipotent  to  fulfill  the  great 
harmonies  established  in  Nature."—  Types  of  Mankind,  pp.  Ixxv  and  Ixxvi. 
1  Agassiz  in  Nott  and  Gliddon's  Types  of  Mankind,  p.  78.  -  Ibid. 


160  CEPHALIC  INDEX  OF  CRANIA. 


the  transverse  diameter  varies  from  98  or  99  to  62.  The  number 
which  thus  expresses  the  proportion  of  the  transverse  to  the 
longitudinal  diameter  of  the  brain-case  is  called  the  cephalic 
index.  Those  people  who  possess  crania  with  a  cephalic  index  of 
80  and  above  are  called  bracliycephali  (short-skulled),  those  with 
a  lower  index  are  dolichocepliali  (long-skulled)."1  Dr.  Meigs, 
while  accepting  the  classification  into  long  and  short  skulls, 
admits  that  it  is  open  to  the  objection  that  it  forces  into  either 
and  opposite  classes  crania  closely  related  to  each  other  in  type 
and  measurement.2  Yet  it  must  be  admitted,  that  in  propor- 
tion as  arbitrary  divisions  are  increased,  these  difficulties  are 
multiplied,  and  that  this  simple,  twofold  classification  presents 
the  fewest.3  In  the  following  tables,  which  contain  all  the 
measurements  accompanying  the  plates  in  the  Crania  Ameri- 
cana, the  cephalic  index  is  placed  in  the  left-hand  column. 
That  a  wide  difference  of  type  is  apparent  between  the  extremes 
of  the  dolichocephalic  and  brachycephalic  measurements,  cer- 
tainly cannot  be  denied. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  widest  range  is  found  between 
the  proportions  of  the  skull  of  the  Cayuga  chief  100  years  old 
(Plate  XXXV)  with  a  cephalic  index  of  only  65.4,  and  those 
of  some  of  the  Peruvian  crania  having  a  cephalic  index  of  over 
98.  The  supposed  Natchez  skull  (Plate  LIV)  is  so  artificially 
flattened  as  to  exclude  it  from  the  calculation.  The  mean 
cephalic  index  of  each  of  the  tables  exhibits  a  well-defined  type 

1  Manual  of  the  Anatomy  of  the  Vertebrated  Animals,  p.  420.     N.  Y.,  1872. 

2  Note  to  Retzius'  article  in  Smithsonian  Report,  1859,  p.  264. 

3  As  an  illustration  of    complex   classification,   we    have  the  following  : 
"  From  an  old  and  well-filled  European  graveyard  may  be  selected  specimens 
of  Tdimocephalic  (slope  or  saddle  skull),  conocephaliv  (cone-skull),  brachycephalic 
(short-skull),  dolichocephalic  (long-skull),  platycephalic  (flat-skull),  leptocephalic 
(slim -skull),  and  other  forms  of  crania  equally  worthy  of  penta  or  hexa-syllabic 
Greek  epithets."— Owen  (R.},  Anatomy  of  Vertebrates,  vol.  ii,  p.  570.    London, 
1866,  8vo.     Foster,  in  Pre-Historic  Races  of  the   United  /States,  in  addition  to 
the  long  and  short  skulls,  adopts  also  the  orthocephalie  (erect-head),  with  the 
longitudinal  diameter  100;    he  assumes  the  transverse  diameter  for  dolicho- 
cephalae  to  be  less  than  73  ;  for  orthocephalaB,  to  range  between  74  and  79,  and 
for  brachycephalae,  80  and  upwards. 


DR.   MORTON'S  MEASUREMENTS. 


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164 


MORTON'S  MEASUREMENTS  CLASSIFIED. 


of  the  long  and  the  short  skull  respectively.  The  former  74.7 
and  the  latter  87  are  both  far  enough  removed  from  the  divid- 
ing line  (80)  to  leave  no  doubt  that  the  types  are  distinct  and 
separate.  Additional  data,  materially  strengthening  the  conclu- 
sion of  the  variety  of  types  found  among  American  crania,  has 
been  furnished  by  that  eminent  authority  Dr.  Daniel  Wilson.1 
The  following  table  of  measurements  in  inches  is  based  upon  his 
extensive  researches  : 


No.  of 
Crania 
in  each 
Class. 

Description  of  Crania. 

Mean 
Longitu- 
dinal 
Diameter. 

Mean 
Parietal 
Diameter. 

Cephalic 
Index. 

8 

Mound  Crania  (two  from  Morton,  four  un- 
doubtedly from  the  mounds)  

6.54 

567 

867 

12 

662 

578 

85  7 

29 

Peruvian  Brachycephalic  Crania          . 

597 

5  12 

85  7 

16 

Peruvian  Dolichocephalic  Crania  

649 

495 

762 

8 

705 

541 

767 

7 

Mexican  Brachycephalic  Crania  .  .  . 

656 

5  51 

840 

31 
22 
12 

Dolichocephalic  Crania  of  Am.  Indians  
Brachycephalic  Crania  of  Am.  Indians,  .  .  . 
Livinjy  Alffonouins  BrachycephalsB 

7.24 
6.62 

725 

5.47 
5.45 
609 

75.5 
82.3 

827 

39 

West  Canadian  Hurons  (male)  

739 

550 

744 

It  requires  no  careful  examination  of  these  figures  to  observe 
that  the  type  of  skull  among  the  American  aborigines,  ancient 
or  modern,  was  in  no  sense  constant,  since  among  the  same  tribes 
long  and  short  skulls  occur  in  almost  equal  numbers.  This  fact 
is  especially  true  among  the  savage  Indians,  Among  the  semi- 
civilized  nations,  however,  as  among  the  Peruvians  and  Mexicans, 
the  long  and  short  skulls  mark  the  successive  existence  and 
destruction  of  distinct  peoples  having  physiological  characteris- 
tics peculiar  to  themselves.  The  Peruvian  elongated  crania  are 
always  found  with  large-boned  skeletons  having  strong  hands, 
while  the  short  or  rounded  crania  accompany  very  small  bones, 
such  as  were  unable  to  endure  labor  like  the  building  of  pyra- 
mids and  the  erection  of  such  edifices  as  are  found  in  Peru.2 


1  Pre- Historic  Man,  chap.  xx.    3d  ed.     London,  1876.    2  vols.  8vo. 

2  Dr.  Wilson's  American  Cranial  Type  in  Smithsonian,  Report,  1862,  pp.  250 
et  seq.    Dr.  Wilson  clearly  shows  that  in  one  set  there  is  the  characteristic 


EELATIONSHIP  OF  ANCIENT  AMERICAN  PEOPLES.         165 

It  is  with  the  utmost  deference  to  the  genius,  and  with  full 
recognition  of  the  valuable  researches  of  Dr.  Morton,  that  we  dis- 
agree with  his  conclusions  and  pronounce  his  theory  without 
foundation  in  fact.  There  is  no  evidence  furnished  by  the 
measurement  of  crania  that  an  American  race,  as  unique  in  itself 
and  distinct  from  the  rest  of  mankind,  ever  existed.1  One  of  the 
most  interesting  studies  connected  with  these  tables,  as  well  as 
other  measurements  made  more  recently,  is  the  question  of  rela- 
tionship between  the  various  semi-civilized  peoples  of  the  ancient 

Mongol  auxiliary  of  prominent  cheek  bones,  while  in  the  other  the  bones  of  the 
face  are  small  and  delicate.  In  twenty-six  measurements  he  finds  proof  that  the 
Peruvians  were  distinct  from  the  Mexicans.  Thirty-one  dolichocephalic  crania 
as  compared  with  twenty- two  brachycephalic  crania  convince  him  of  the  error  of 
Morton  and  establish  a  diversity  among'the  tribes  of  the  North-east.  He  thinks 
analogies  are  traceable  between  the  Esquimaux  and  the  type  of  elongated  skull ; 
at  all  events  he  is  satisfied  that  the  form  of  the  skull  is  as  little  constant  among 
the  tribes  of  the  new  world  as  among  those  of  the  old. 

1  This  author  (Dr.  Morton),  who  has  given  us  such  numerous  and  valuable 
facts,  as  well  as  the  linguists  who  have  studied  these  American  languages  with 
indefatigable  zeal,  have  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  both  race  and  language 
in  the  new  world  are  unique.  I  am  obliged  to  avow  that  the  facts  advanced  by 
Morton  himself,  and  that  the  study  of  numerous  skulls  with  which  he  has 
enriched  the  museum  of  Stockholm,  have  conducted  me  to  a  wholly  different 
result.  I  can  only  explain  the  fact  by  surmising  that  this  remarkable  man  has 
allowed  the  views  of  the  naturalist  to  be  warped  by  his  linguistic  researches. 
For,  if  the  form  of  the  skull  has  anything  to  do  with  the  question  of  races,  we 
cannot  fail  to  see  that  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  find  anywhere  a  more  distinct 
distribution  into  dolichocephalse  and  brachycephalae  than  in  America.  It  would 
be  only  necessary,  in  order  to  show  this,  to  direct  attention  to  certain  of  the 
delineations  in  his  own  work,  where  the  skull  of  the  Peruvian  infant  (PI.  2),  the 
Lenni-Lenape  (PI.  32),  the  Pawnee  (PI.  38),  the  Blackfoot  (PI.  40),  etc.,  as  clearly 
present  the  dolichocephalic  form  as  on  the  other  hand  his  Natchez  (PI.  30  and  31) 
and  the  greater  part  of  his  representations  of  the  skulls  of  Chili,  Peru,  Mexico, 
Oregon,  etc.,  are  distinct  types  of  the  brachycephalic.  Conclusive,  however,  as 
the  plates  are,  I  should  scarcely  have  ventured  to  advance  these  remarks,  if  the 
rich  series  of  our  own  collection,  and  the  numerous  and  excellent  figures  of 
Blumenbach,  Sandifort,  Van  der  Hoeven,  etc.,  did  not  declare  in  favor  of  my 
opinion.  (Retzius  in  Smithsonian  Report,  1859,  p.  264.) 

Latham,  in  Natural  History  of  the  Varieties  of  Man,  p.  452,  says  :  "As  to 
the  conformation  of  the  skull,  a  point  where  (with  great  deference)  I  differ  with 
the  author  of  the  excellent  Crania  Americana,  the  Americans  are  said  to  be 
6raMy-kephalic,  the  Eskimo  doWMo-kephalic."  He  quotes  Morton's  tables  to 
contradict  his  (Morton's)  conclusions. 


166  TYPICAL  MOUXD  SKULL. 

period.  First  and  most  naturally  the  type  of  the  mound  crania 
attracts  attention,  and  calls  for  comparisons  with  the  Indian 
type  and  with  that  of  the  remarkable  people  of  the  more  southern 
civilization. 

The  "  Scioto  Mound  "  skull  figured  by  Dr.  Davis  in  Plates 
xlvii  and  xlviii  of  The  Ancient  Monuments  of  the  Mississippi 
Valley,  was  pronounced  by  Dr.  Morton  in  Dr.  Meigs'  catalogue 
of  the  human  crania  in  the  collection  of  the  Academy  of  Natural 
Sciences  of  Philadelphia,  as  "  perhaps  the  most  admirably  formed 
head  of  the  American  race  hitherto  discovered/' 

The  most  important  measurements  are  as  follows  : 

Longitudinal  diameter 6.5  inches. 

Parietal  "         6.0      " 

Vertical  "         6.2      " 

Inter-mastoid  arch 16.0      " 

Horizontal  circumference 19.8      " 

Cephalic  index 92.3      " 

The  chief  features  as  pointed  out  by  the  above-named  author, 
are  :  the  elevated  vertex,  flattened  occiput,  great  inter-parietal 
diameter,  ponderous  bony  structure,  salient  nose,  large  jaws  and 
broad  face.  These  he  pronounces  to  be  characteristics  of  the 
American  cranium.  Dr.  Wilson  has  shown  that  Dr.  Morton  has 
contradicted  his  own  previous  definition  of  what  that  type  is  as 
well  as  the  description  given  by  Humboldt.1  The  propriety  of 
selecting  any  single  cranium  as  typical  of  the  Mound-builders 
would  be  as  questionable  in  this  connection  as  it  was  for  Dr. 
Morton  and  the  authors  of  the  Types  of  Mankind  to  designate 
the  Scioto  Mound  skull  as  a  type  of  the  American  cranium. 
Until  within  a  few  years  but  few  genuine  mound  skulls  were 

1  "  Tried  by  Dr.  Morton's  own  definitions  and  illustrations,  the  Scioto  Mound 
skull  differs  from  the  typical  cranium  in  some  of  its  most  characteristic  features. 
Instead  of  the  low,  receding,  unarched  forehead,  it  has  a  finely-arched  frontal 
bone  with  corresponding  breadth  of  forehead.  The  wedge-shaped  vertex  is 
replaced  by  a  well-rounded  arch  curving  equally  throughout ;  and  with  the 
exception  of  the  flattened  occiput,  due  to  artificial  though  probably  undesigned 
compression  in  infancy,  the  cranium  is  a  uniformly  proportioned  example  of  an 
extreme  brachycephalic  skull." — Pre-Historic  Man,  vol.  ii,  p.  127. 


CRANIA  FROM   THE   RIVER  ROUGE. 


1G7 


accessible,  and  considerable  suspicion  was  reasonably  attached 
to  the  genuineness  of  several,  including  three  or  four  of  the  so- 
called  mound  skulls  in  the  Crania  Americana.  Recent  explora- 
tions by  the  most  competent  persons  has  brought  to  light  a 
considerable  number  in  different  parts  of  the  Mississippi  Valley, 
which  we  have  reason  to  believe  are  genuine. 

From  a  number  of  measurements  only  is  it  possible  for  us 
to  approximate  the  type  of  the  mound  skull.  We  have  already 
referred  to  the  low  type  skulls  secured  by  Gen.  H.  W.  Thomas 
from  a  mound  in  Dakota  Territory.1  Unfortunately  we  are 
without  measurements,  but  from  the  description  we  observe  that 
the  forehead  is  decidedly  receding,  and  the  orbital  ridges  are 
excessively  developed.  The  inferior  maxillary  is  of  unusual 
prominence  and  much  more  massive,  as  is  the  entire  bony  struc- 
ture, than  in  the  common  Indian  cranium.  Another  cranium 
of  similar  characteristic  was  exhumed  from  the  great  mound  on 
the  River  Rouge  near  its  junction  with  the  Detroit  River,  Michi- 
gan, by  Mr.  Henry  Gillman.  From  this  mound  several  crania 
were  taken,  of  which  one  (though  evidently  adult)  presented  the 
hitherto,  I  think  I  may  say,  unprecedented  feature  of  its  capacity 
being  only  fifty-six  cubic  inches.  The  mean  given  by  Morton 
and  Meigs  of  the  Indian  cranium  is  eighty-four  cubic  inches, 
the  minimum  being  sixty-nine  cubic  inches.  This  cranium,  for- 
warded with  other  relics  to  the  Peabody  Museum,  presents 
(though  in  no  wise  deformed)  the  further  peculiarity  of  having 
the  ridges  for  the  attachment  of  the  temporal  muscle  only  .75  of 
an  inch  apart,  in  this  respect  resembling  the  cranium  of  the 
chimpanzee.  It  is  rarely  that  in  human  crania  those  ridges 
approach  each  other  within  a  distance  of  two  inches,  while  they 
vary  from  that  to  four  inches  apart.2  Eight  crania  were  ex- 
humed by  Mr.  Gillman  from  the  great  mound  on  Rouge  River, 
which  furnished  him  the  following  measurements  : 

1  Chapter  II,  p.  127. 

2  Henry  Gillman,  The  Ancient  Men  of  the  Great  Lakes,  in  Proceedings  of 
the  American  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  24th  meeting,  at 
Detroit,  1875,  p.  317  ;  also  American  Journal  of  Arts  and  Science,  1874,  vol.  cvii, 
p.  1  et  seq.,  and  Sixth  Annual  Report  of  Peabody  Museum,  pp.  12-20. 


168 


CRANIA  FROM  THE  RIVER   ROUGE. 


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RESEARCHES  OF  DR.  FARQUHARSON. 


169 


We  observe  that  only  three  of  these  crania  are  brachycephalic, 
while  the  remaining  five,  and  the  mean  of  all,  fall  under  the 
class  of  dolichocephalic  crania,  according  to  our  classification. 
Mr.  Gillman  would  call  some  of  them  Orthocephalic,  and  the 
mean  of  the  eight  crania  giving  a  cephalic  index  of  .786  and  .802 
as  an  index  of  height  might  properly  be  so  classified.  The  same 
gentleman  exhumed  from  an  ancient  mound  on  Chambers  Island, 
Green  Bay,  Wisconsin,  six  crania,  which  as  to  type  were  equally 
divided  into  long  and  short  skulls,  while  the  mean  cephalic 
index,  .817,  assigned  them  to  the  brachycephalic  class.  The 
long  skulls  were  not  far  removed,  however,  from  the  dividing 
line  between  the  classes  (.80).  The  energetic  and  intelligent 
labors  of  Dr.  K.  J.  Farquharson  of  the  Davenport,  Iowa,  Academy 
of  Sciences,  has  placed  within  our  reach  measurements  upon 
twenty-five  mound  crania.1  The  following  are  the  most  impor- 
tant measurements  in  inches  : 


***  £» 
If 

1  • 

Is! 

CKANIA. 

•if4 

ll 

li 

It 

ifl 

*! 

fS 

II 

II 

|S 

Mean  of  Nine  Crania  from  Albany,  111.  .  . 

19.8 

6.8 

5.1 

68. 

.768 

Mean  of  Eleven  from  Rock  River,  111.  ... 

20.15 

7.0 

5.4 

74.48 

.771 

Mean  of  Four  from  Henry  County,  111  ... 

19.5 

7.0 

5.2 

74.47 

.743 

One  from  Davenport                 .    .  . 

19  5 

70 

5  25 

76  20 

752 

This  table  introduces  a  new  feature  into  the  investigation  in 
hand  ;  the  brachycephalic  or  the  near  approximation  to  the 
short  skull  is  displaced  by  a  mean  cephalic  index  of  .758,  indi- 
cating the  well-marked  dolichocephalic  type.  The  mean  internal 
capacity  73.3  inches  falls  considerably  below  the  mean  of  mound 
crania  as  measured  by  Squier  and  Davis,  Wilson  and  others, 
from  localities  farther  south. 

1  Recent  Explorations  of  Mounds  near  Davenport,  Iowa,  in  Proceedings  of 
American  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  24th  meeting,  1875, 
pp.  297  et  seq. 


170 


RESEARCHES  BY  DR.  FARQUH ARSON. 


The  mean  results  of  Dr.  Farquharson's  measurements1  show 
a  greater  vertical  than  transverse  diameter,  a  peculiarity  of  most 
Mississippi  mound  skulls,  distinguishing  them  from  Peruvian 
crania.  In  the  Ohio  Valley  the  brachycephalic  type  is  quite 
decided,  though  the  general  features  of  high  receding  forehead, 
flattened  occiput,  and  great  transverse  diameter,  establish  their 
relationship  to  all  other  North  American  mound  crania  yet  dis- 
covered. Three  Ohio  Yalley  mound  skulls,  as  to  the  genuine- 
ness of  which  no  suspicion  can  be  entertained,  namely  the  Scioto 
Mound  cranium  and  two  crania  from  the  Grave  Creek  Mound, 
give  the  following  measurements  in  the  mean :  Longitudinal 

1  Dr.  Farquharson  considers  that  some  of  his  measurements  in  inches  are 
scarcely  accurate  enough,  and  gives  the  following  table  in  the  decimals  of  a 
metre : 

MEASUREMENTS  OF  MOUND  SKULLS;    ALSO  OF  SIOUX  SKULLS  IN  DECIMALS 

OF  A  METRE. 

FORAMINAI,  DISTANCE   TAKEN  WITH  WTMAN'S  INSTRUMENT. 


No. 

?! 

j 

, 

,1 

- 

, 

Mounds. 

's  § 

R 

S?  g 

•Sis 

'S"§  § 

§  § 

§:'"§ 

•sH 

*i 

1 

II 

^  53 

Cs        § 

O     O 

1* 

i* 

"«  1 

1 

.546 

200 

.120 

140 

1190 

600 

Albany,  111 

2 

.483 

.162 

.128 

.140 

1190 

.062 

.382 

.790 

Albany,  111. 

3 

.495 

.174 

.130 

.135 

1020 

.077 

.442 

.752 

Albany,  111. 

7 

.503 

.170 

140 

125 

823 

Albany  111 

8 

.495 

.175 

.135 

.140 

1249 

.065 

.370 

.771 

Davenport,  Mound  No.  9. 

9 

.508 

.171 

.140 

.140 

1334 

.062 

.362 

.818 

Rock  River,  111. 

10 

.508 

.167 

.148 

.140 

1135 

.070 

.419 

.886 

Rock  River,  HI. 

11 

.533 

.180 

.150 

.145 

1362 

.833 

Rock  River,  HI. 

12 

.457 

.167 

.128 

.140 

1021 

.766 

Rock  River,  111. 

13 

.522 

.185 

.130 

.150 

1362 

.089 

.427 

.702 

Rock  Rivet,  111. 

14 

.483 

.171 

.138 

.140 

1192 

.079 

.460 

.807 

Henry  County,  111. 

15 
16 
17 

.508 
.457 
.533 

.185 
.170 
.185 

.138 
.130 
.135 

.145 
.140 
.140 

1306 
1135 
1249 

.081 
.078 
.072 

.443 

.448 
.389 

.745 
.764 
.703 

Henry  County,  111, 
Henry  County,  111. 
Henry  County,  111. 

18 

.508 

.180 

.140 

Rock  River,  111. 

19 

.533 

196 

140 

140 

704 

Rock  River,  111. 

20 

.200 

.128 

.640 

Rock  River,  111. 

21 

.180 

.137 

761 

Henry  County,  HI. 

23 

.178 

.140 

.140 

073 

.410 

.730 

Albany,  111. 

24 

.184 

.139 

.150 

088 

.478 

.755 

Rock  River.  HI. 

26 

.200 

Shell  Bed,  Rock  Island. 

27 

.482 

.170 

.125 

.140 

936 

076 

.388 

.735 

Albany,  111. 

28 

.177 

.135 

.140 

.762 

Albany,  111. 

29 

.507 

.177 

.130 

.145 

1137 

088 

.440 

.734 

Albany,  El. 

.503 

.179 

.134 

.140 

1188 

.075 

.432 

.755 

Mean. 

18 

24 

22 

21 

15 

14 

14 

22 

No.  of  skulls  measured. 

RESEARCHES  OF  PROF.  JONES  IN  TENNESSEE. 

diameter,  6.5  inches ;  parietal  diameter,  6  inches ;  vertical 
diameter,  5.5  inches,  and  90.7  as  their  cephalic  index.  The 
mean  internal  capacity,  though  not  obtainable  with  any  degree 
of  accuracy,  in  this  instance  is  no  doubt  from  eight  to  ten 
cubic  inches  greater  than  in  the  Davenport  crania.  With  the 
general  characteristics  alike,  minor  differences  may  in  most 
instances  be  attributed  to  artificial  pressure.  A  valuable  collec- 
tion of  mound  crania  was  made  in  Kentucky  for  the  Smithsonian 
Institution  and  the  Peabody  Museum,  by  Mr.  S.  S.  Lyon,  and 
is  thoroughly  reliable  as  a  basis  for  measurements.  Professor 
Wyman,  in  the  Fourth  Annual  Report  of  the  Peabody  Museum, 
describes  them  as  follows  :  "  The  twenty-four  crania  measured 
(Table  VIII)  show  a  mean  capacity  of  1313  cubic  centimetres, 
which  is  greater  than  that  of  the  Peruvians,  but  less  than  that 
of  the  North  American  Indians  generally  (viz.,  1376  cubic  centi- 
metres, or  84  cubic  inches).  They  differ  also  from  those  of  the 
ordinary  Indians  in  being  lighter,  less  massive,  in  having  the 
rough  surface  for  muscular  attachments  less  strongly  marked. 
*  *  .  *  In  proportions  they  present  a  very  considerable  varia- 
tion among  themselves.  Assuming  the  length  of  the  skull  to 
be  1.000,  the  breadth  ranges  from  0.712  to  0.950  of  the  length. 
The  average  proportion  is  0.857,  which  places  them  in  the 
short-headed  group." 

We  have  already  called  attention  to  the  extensive  and  thor- 
ough work  performed  by  Professor  Joseph  Jones  in  Tennessee, 
the  report  of  which  was  published  in  1876  by  the  Smithsonian 
Institution  in  a  "contribution"  entitled  Explorations  of  the 
Aboriginal  Remains  of  Tennessee.  Professor  Jones  secured 
above  a  hundred  mound  and  stone  grave  crania,  mostly  in  the 
valley  of  the  Cumberland  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Big  Harpeth 
Kiver.  Some  of  the  skeletons  accompanying  these  crania  were 
of  gigantic  stature,  a  fact  which  is  at  variance  with  the  opinion 
that  they  were  related  to  the  diminutive  race  of  Inca  Peruvians.1 
On  the  contrary,  however,  a  strong  argument  for  the  relationship 

1  Dr.  Jones  found  skeletons  six  feet,  and  in  one  instance  seven  feet  in  length. 
(Antiquities  of  Tennessee,  pp.  44  and  53.) 


172 


PROFESSOR  JONES'  MEASUREMENTS. 


between  the  Mound-builders  and  the  Peruvians  is  found  in  the 
frequent  occurrence  of  the  Inca-bone  (os  inca)  so-called,  on  the 
mound  crania.1  Mr.  Henry  Gillman  found  this  same  bone  in 
one  of  the  crania  exhumed  by  him  from  the  great  mound  of 
Kouge  Kiver,  Michigan,  with  a  disposition  to  its  formation  in 
several  others.2  Professor  Jones  is  convinced  of  the  unity  of 
the  mound  race  throughout  the  entire  Mississippi  Basin.  The 
following  table  of  measurements,  published  in  the  Antiquities 
of  Tennessee,  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  which  has  yet  been 
prepared  : 


g 

*- 

•§8 

a 

°s 

3 

i 

<-i 

\ 

Jl 

II 

IIS 

|l 

li 

ii 

li 

•S 

ll 

!«• 

3 

|2 

Jl 

ll 

g  e 

fl 

c  I* 

ll 

l-s 

-33 

||N 

n 

i| 

!| 

1 

1 

1 

ll 

3| 

^ 

1 

76.5 

75. 

6.3 

5.4 

4.3 

5.5 

15. 

5. 

13.5 

19. 

7.5 

5.1 

2 

80. 

78. 

6. 

5.6 

4.4 

5.4 

146 

5.1 

13.2 

18.9 

7.2 

5.2 

3 

75. 

78. 

6.1 

5.7 

4.3 

5.6 

15. 

5.2 

13. 

19. 

7.3 

5.3 

4 

.... 

82. 

6.2 

5.7 

4.1 

5.5 

15.2 

5.4 

14. 

19. 

5.2 

5 

77.' 

84. 

6.5 

5.8 

4.4 

5.8 

15.5 

5.2 

14.3 

19.9 

7.4 

5.3 

6 

76. 

68. 

6.4 

4.9 

3.9 

5.5 

13.9 

4.5 

13.8 

18.2 

7.1 

4.6 

7 

81. 

103. 

7. 

5.9 

4.8 

6.4 

16.8 

5.3 

15.7 

20.8 

7.8 

5.5 

8 

80. 

80. 

6.6 

5.6 

4.3 

5.5 

15. 

4.6 

13.8 

19.3 

7.2 

5.2 

9 

78. 

79. 

7. 

5.2 

3.9 

5.8 

14.7 

4.6 

15.2 

19,5 

7.4 

5. 

10 

81. 

76. 

6.3 

6. 

4.4 

5.4 

15.7 

4.6 

13.8 

19.4 

6.8 

5.3 

11 

80. 

90. 

6.9 

5.6 

4.3 

6. 

15.7 

4.8 

14.8 

20.3 

7.6 

5.5 

12 

77. 

80. 

6.8 

52 

4.1 

5.8 

15. 

4.7 

14.4 

19.5 

7.8 

5.2 

13 

82. 

81. 

6.9 

5.5 

4.3 

5.7 

15. 

4.8 

14. 

19.6 

7.8 

5. 

14 

92. 

6.1 

6.4 

4.4 

6. 

16.5 

5.4 

13.8 

19.8 

15 

79. 

6.1 

5.8 

4.6 

5.5 

15. 

4.8 

13.4 

189 

16 

7.2 

5^7 

46 

5^9 

16. 

4.6 

15.2 

20.8 

17 

6.1 

5,5 

4  1 

4.5 

14. 

136 

19. 

18 

6.5 

5.8 

4^5 

4.6 

15. 

19.4 

19 

82." 

79.2 

6,7 

5.5 

4.2 

5.5 

15. 

4.4 

13.5 

19.1 

*7.8 

'5.2 

20 

75. 

81.4 

6.5 

5.7 

4. 

5.6 

14.4 

5. 

13.3 

19.2 

7.1 

5.3 

21 

82. 

80.5 

6.4 

5.9 

4.6 

5.7 

15. 

4.9 

14. 

19. 

7.3 

5.4 

Max.. 

82. 

103. 

7.2 

6.4 

4.8 

6.4 

16.8 

5.4 

15.7 

20.8 

7.8 

5.5 

Min.. 

75. 

68. 

6. 

4.9 

3.9 

4.5 

13.9 

4.4 

13. 

18.2 

6.8 

4.6 

Mean 

78.8 

81.44 

6.5 

5.68 

4.21 

5.56 

15.0 

4.57 

13.88 

19.8 

7.4 

5.2 

The  most  noticeable  feature  in  the  table  aside  from  the  mean 
cephalic  index  .874  is  the  great  internal  capacity  of  cranium 
No.  7,  which  was  found  in  a  stone  grave  in  a  mound  near  Nash- 
ville, with  a  skeleton  over  six  feet  long.  The  occiput  is  but 
slightly  flattened,  and  the  general  contour  of  the  head  is  sym- 

1  Antiquities  of  Tennessee,  p.  72  ;  also  note  other  similarities  on  p.  119. 

2  Ancient  Men  of  the  Great  Lakes.    Proceedings  of  the  American  Associa- 
tion for  Advancement  of  Science,  meeting  of  1375,  pp.  322-3. 


PROFESSOR  PUTNAM'S  CRANIA  FROM  TENNESSEE.        173 


metrically  oval.  Morton  gives  as  the  mean  internal  capacity  of 
fifty-two  Caucasian  skulls  87  cubic  inches  ;  the  largest  of  the 
series  measured  109  cubic  inches,  and  the  smallest  75  cubic 
inches.  This  remarkable  cranium  gives  an  internal  capacity  of 
103  cubic  inches,  vastly  above  the  mean  European  skull,  and 
only  falling  six  cubic  inches  below  the  largest  measured  by 
Morton.  As  we  observed  a  considerable  increase  in  capacity  in 
the  Scioto  Mound  cranium,  with  its  ninety  cubic  inches,  over  the 
crania  of  the  north-west  and  north,  of  Michigan  and  Davenport, 
so  here  a  most  remarkable  advance  upon  the  capacity  of  the 
Scioto  cranium  is  presented.  The  evidence  of  considerable 
development  in  the  size  of  the  cranium  in  this  same  race  is  clear  ; 
and  taken  with  other  testimony,  such  as  the  great  improvement 
in  art  and  architecture,  indicates  probably  a  movement  from 
north  to  south,  and  that  the  mound  race  was  older  in  the  former 
region  than  in  the  latter. 

In  September,  1877,  Prof.  F.  W.  Putnam  and  Mr.  Edwin 
Curtiss  exhumed  sixty-seven  crania  from  stone  graves  located 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Nashville,  Tennessee.  These  crania 
were  measured  by  Miss  Jennie  Smith  and  Mr.  Lucian  Carr,  and 
the  latter  has  tabulated  and  described  them  in  the  Eleventh 
Annual  Report  of  the  Peabody  Museum  (pp.  361  et  seq.,  Cam- 
bridge, 1878).  As  some  interesting  features  occur  in  the  tables, 
we  insert  here  Mr.  Carr's  mean  measurements.  It  will  be 
observed  that  the  classification  in  this  instance  is  threefold, 
besides  the  distinct  position  assigned  to  the  "  much  flattened " 
crania. 

MEAN  MEASUREMENTS  OF  SIXTY-SEVEN  CEANIA  FROM  STONE  GRAVES 
IN  TENNESSEE. 


Number  of 
Crania. 

i 

f 

s 

3 

Vs 

§1 

^  sP 
^  ft^ 

.716 
.775 
.856 
.973 

b^ 

§s 

34 

!a 

Index  of 
Breadth. 

1 

2 

3 
4 

Dolichocephali  
Orthocephali  
Brachycephali  
Much  Flattened.  .  . 

5 

18  - 
29 
15 

2 
1325 
6 

1346 
15 
1284 

7 
1461 

5 
184 
18 
172 
29 
165 
15 
156 

5 
132 
16 
134 
28 
141 
15 
152 

3 
142 
11 
141 
18 
142 
8 
145 

.775 
.819 
.865 
.907 

5 
94 

18 
89 
29 
90 
15 
93 

.730  and  under. 
.740  ©  .800 
.800  ©  .900 
.900  and  over. 

174       MOUND  CRANIA  UNLIKE  THOSE  OF  RED  INDIANS. 

Mr.  Carr  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  while  the  classified 
crania  as  a  whole  are  brachycephali,  still  from  twenty- three  to 
thirty-three  per  cent,  of  the  whole  cannot  be  considered  as  falling 
within  that  group.  Whether  the  five  dolichocephali  in  the  table 
belonged  to  the  same  race  cannot  be  determined.  They  were 
buried  together,  for  Prof.  Putnam  found  a  long  and  a  short 
skull  side  by  side  in  the  same  grave.  Mr.  A.  J.  Conant  (see 
Commonwealth  of  Missouri,  St.  Louis,  1877,  Svo,  pp.  106-7) 
discovered  in  a  mound  in  South-eastern  Missouri  two  crania 
belonging  to  skeletons  buried  in  regular  order,  with  a  large 
number  of  other  skeletons  at  the  bottom  of  the  mound,  which 
differed  strangely  from  all  others  found  in  that  locality.  The 
forehead  was  entirely  wanting,  and  the  contour  of  the  top  of  one  of 
the  skulls  was  almost  flat.  It  closely  resembles  the  Neanderthal 
skull.  Mr.  Conant  thought  it  at  first  to  be  an  intrusive  burial, 
but  careful  examination  proved  it  to  have  been  placed  in  posi- 
tion before  the  building  of  the  mound,  and  to  have  been  interred 
with  as  much  care  as  was  bestowed  upon  any  of  the  other  occu- 
pants of  the  mound.  Vases,  drinking  vessels  and  food-pans 
accompanied  it  as  they  did  all  the  other  skeletons. 

Mr.  Carr  thinks  such  crania  as  he  has  pointed  out  belonged 
to  individuals  who  were  conquered  in  war,  or  adopted  or  intro- 
duced into  the  tribe  by  intermarriage.  Mr.  Conant  considers 
that  the  low  type  cranium  which  he  discovered  belonged  to  a 
very  ancient  race,  the  predecessors  of  the  Mound-builders,  and 
not  far  removed  from  the  paleolithic  races  of  Europe. 

The  mound  skulls  are  readily  distinguishable  from  those  of  the 
Ked  Indian.  Only  in  the  Davenport  crania  and  the  five  dolicho- 
cephali from  Tennessee  do  we  see  any  approximation  as  to  form. 
However,  the  remaining  characteristics  of  the  Davenport  crania 
establish  the  fact  that  they  belonged  to  people  of  the  mounds. 
In  our  classification  of  Dr.  Morton's  measurements,  it  will  be 
observed  that  only  two  supposed  mound  skulls  appear  among 
the  dolichocephali  (long  skulls,  A),  and  too  much  doubt  is 
attached  to  their  genuineness  to  admit  of  their  use  in  drawing 
inferences.  All  the  remainder  belong  to  the  savage  tribes  except 
three  Peruvians  of  the  ancient  race  of  the  region  of  Titicaca. 


COMPARISON  OF  CRANIA.  175 

In  the  table  of  br achy ceph all  but  few  of  the  savage  tribes  are 
represented,  except  those  which  practice  artificial  compression 
to  the  extent  of  deformity.  The  mound  skull  as  compared  with 
the  Inca  Peruvian  presents  few  resemblances,  except  that  both 
generally  belong  to  the  brachycephalic  class,  and  the  singular 
and  important  fact  already  mentioned  that  the  Inca  bone  has 
been  found  in  North  American  mound  crania.  It  is  possible 
that  when  more  extensive  research  is  made,  this  distinguish- 
ing feature  may  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  races  were 
one  or  closely  related.  On  the  other  hand,  the  massive  bony 
'structure  of  some  of  the  mound  crania  does  not  correspond  with 
the  facial  bones  of  the  Inca  crania,  which  are  very  light  and 
delicate.  Prof.  Wilson  has  pointed  out  the  additional  fact  that 
the  vertical  diameter  of  the  Peruvian  short  crania  is  not  so  great 
as  that  of  the  mound  and  Mexican  short  skulls,  but  a  reference 
to  the  Professor's  own  tables  shows  that  the  mean  difference 
amounts  only  to  thirty-seven-hundredths  of  an  inch,  altogether 
too  small  a  variation  to  serve  as  the  basis  for  ethnic  generaliza- 
tions.1 Few  if  any  similarities  can  be  traced  between  the  doli- 
chocephali  of  Peru  and  the  brachycephalic  Mound-builders, 
the  only  resemblances  being  the  heavy  bony  structure  possessed 
in  common  by  both  races.  The  crania  of  the  dolichocephali  of 
Peru  are  pronounced  of  a  Mongol  cast  and  form,  and  are  in  every 
respect  unlike  the  mound  crania.  Turning  our  attention,  how- 
ever, to  the  ancient  Mexican  crania,  we  find,  so  far  as  we  are 
able  to  judge  from  the  limited  number  of  skulls  which  have 
come  into  the  possession  of  ethnologists,  a  parallelism  in  meas- 
urements and  resemblance  in  the  various  distinctive  features, 
such  as  flattened  occiput,  broad  transverse  diameter,  retreating 
forehead,  strong  bony  structure,  and  a  remarkable  agreement  in 
vertical  diameter  with  those  of  the  mounds  of  the  Mississippi 
Basin,  which  point  unmistakably  to  the  closest  relationship. 
Seven  Mexican  brachycephali  measured  by  Prof.  Wilson  in  the 
Boston  and  Philadelphia  collections  previously  referred  to,  gave 
a  mean  vertical  diameter  of  5.55  inches.2  Four  Mound-builder 

1  Pre-Historic  Man,  vol.  ii,  chap,  xx,  pp.  145,  158, 165. 

2  The  Aztecs  are  represented  in  our  museum  by  three  skulls  found  in  an 


176  COMPARISON  OF  CRANIA. 

crania  measured  by  the  same  investigation  gave  precisely  the 
same  result,  while  the  remaining  measurements  varied  from  each 
other  but  slightly.  In  confirmation  of  this  result  it  is  worthy 
of  notice  that  the  mean  vertical  diameter  of  the  twenty-one 
mound  and  stone  grave  crania  from  Tennessee  varied  from  that 
of  the  Mexican  crania  by  only  one  one-hundredth  of  an  inch  (5.56). 
When  Dr.  Morton  began  his  investigations,  he  was  disposed 
to  recognize  the  existence  of  distinct  races,  represented  by  the 
dolichocephalic  and  brachycephalic  crania  of  Peru.1  But  in 
later  years,  and  at  a  period  subsequent  to  the  issue  of  his  justly 
celebrated  work,  he  concluded  that  the  Peruvian  elongated  head 
was  the  product  of  artificial  compression  and  not  the  distinguish- 
ing mark  of  an  ancient  race  which  long  antedated  the  Incas.2 
Prof.  Wilson  has  thoroughly  discussed  this  subject,  and  from  a 
series  of  investigations,  conducted  on  a  much  more  extensive 
scale  than  those  of  Dr.  Morton,  he  has  shown  conclusively  that 
the  distinguished  craniologist  was  quite  mistaken  as  to  the  facts 
upon  which  he  based  his  later  views.3  Much  valuable  informa- 
tion was  afforded  Prof.  Wilson  by  the  researches  and  collections 
of  John  H.  Blake,  Esq.,  made  during  that  gentleman's  residence 
in  Peru,  as  well  as  the  extensive  collection  of  Dr.  J.  C.  Warren 
of  Boston.  Prof.  Wilson  points  out  the  essential  difference 
between  the  compressed  and  the  naturally  dolichocephalic  cra- 
nium in  these  words  :  "  Few  who  have  had  extensive  opportunities 
of  minutely  examining  and  comparing  normal  and  artificially 
formed  crania,  will,  I  think,  be  prepared  to  dispute  the  fact  that 
the  latter  are  rarely,  if  ever,  symmetrical.  The  application  of 

ancient  cemetery  near  Mexico,  which  was  uncovered  in  digging  intrenchments 
to  protect  the  Mexican  capital  against  the  armies  of  the  United  States.  They 
are  remarkable  for  the  shortness  of  their  axis,  large  flattened  occiput,  obliquely 
truncated  behind,  the  height  of  the  semicircular  line  of  the  temples,  the  short- 
ness and  trapezoid  form  of  the  parietal  plane.  They  present  an  elevation  or 
ridge  along  the  sagittal  suture ;  the  base  of  the  skull  is  very  short,  the  face 
slightly  prognathic,  as  among  the  Mongol  Kalmucs.  (Retzius  in  Smithsonian 
Report,  1859,  p.  268.) 

1  Crania  Americana,  p.  98.  , 

2  See  Dr.  Morton  in  Nott  &  Gliddon. 

3  Pre-Historic  Man,  vol.  ii,  chap.  xx. 


REVIEW  OF  THE  FACTS.  177 

pressure  on  the  head  of  the  living  child  can  easily  be  made  to 
change  its  natural  contour,  but  it  cannot  give  to  its  artificial  pro- 
portions that  harmonious  repetition  of  corresponding  develop- 
ments on  opposite  sides  which  may  be  assumed  as  the  normal 
condition  of  the  unmodified  cranium.  But  in  so  extreme  a  case 
as  the  conversion  of  a  brachycephalic  head  averaging  about  6.3 
inches  longitudinal  diameter  by  5.3  inches  parietal  diameter  into 
a  dolichocephalic  head  of  7.3  by  4.9  inches  diameter,  the  re- 
tention of  anything  like  the  normal  symmetrical  proportions  is 
impossible.  Yet  the  dolichocephalic  Peruvian  crania  present 
no  such  abnormal  irregularities  as  could  give  plausibility  to  the 
theory  of  their  form  being  an  artificial  one,  while  peculiarities 
in  the  facial  proportions  confirm  the  idea  that  it  is  of  ethnic 
origin  and  not  the  product  of  deformation."  Besides  these 
differences  there  are  peculiarities  of  a  structural  nature  sufficient 
in  themselves  to  distinguish  the  Peruvian  long  from  the  short 
crania.  The  former  is  small,  narrow  and  decidedly  long ;  the 
forehead  is  low  and  retreating,  and  two-thirds  of  the  brain- 
cavity  lies  behind  the  occipital  foramen.  The  superior  maxillary 
is  protruding  and  holds  the  incisor  teeth  obliquely.  The  weight 
of  the  bony  structure  also  exceeds  that  in  the  brachycephalic. 
Though  both  classes  are  found  artificially  compressed,  yet  they 
are  always  distinguishable  from  each  other.  One  of  the  best  illus- 
trations of  this  fact,  and  one  already  used  by  Prof.  Wilson,  is 
afforded  in  contrasting  two  dolichocephalic  crania,  both  obtained 
by  Mr.  Blake  in  his  explorations  of  the  ancient  cemeteries  of 
Arica  and  Atacama.  Both  are  evidently  of  children  ;  one  is  in 
its  normal  condition,  symmetrical,  and  when  viewed  from  above 
presents  the  outlines  of  a  graceful  oval  form,  while  the  other  was 
subjected  to  such  compression  as  to  throw  the  volume  of  the 
brain  backward  and  to  greatly  deform  the  frontal  bone.1  A 
slight  tendency  to  assume  the  dog-shaped  head  of  the  Chinooks 
of  the  Columbia  Kiver  is  manifest,  where  deformation  is  carried  to 
such  an  extent  as  to  produce  monstrosities.  However,  even  then, 
the  normal  brachycephalic  type  of  skull  of  the  Chinooks  is  not 

1  See  especially  Eleventh  Annual  Report  Pcabody  Museum,  pp.  294-304. 
12 


178  ARTIFICIAL    HEAD  FLATTENING. 

transformed  to  the  dolichocephalic,  since  the  base  of  the  cranium 
remains  comparatively  unaffected  while  distension  takes  place  in 
a  posterior  and  upward  direction.  Mr.  Squier  in  his  Peru 
(p.  580,  Appendix),  has  shown  that  circular  compression  pro- 
dftces  a  symmetrical  effect  in  the  same  direction. 

The  custom  of  artificially  flattening  the  head  has,  upon  inves- 
tigation, been  shown  not  to  be  peculiar  alone  to  the  aborigines  of 
America,  but  to  have  been  practised  by  many  of  the  semi-civilized 
peoples  of  antiquity  in  different  parts  of  Europe  and  Asia.  Hip- 
pocrates, in  his  treatise  De  Aeris  Aquis  et  Locus,  has  described 
this  savage  practice  among  a  people  whom  he  calls  MachrocepJicdi, 
supposed  to  have  inhabited  the  region  near  the  Palus  Maeotis, 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  Caucasus.  He  says,  "  The  custom  stood 
thus  :  as  soon  as  the  child  was  born,  they  immediately  fashioned 
its  soft  and  tender  head  with  their  hands,  and  by  the  use  of 
bandages  and  proper  arts,  forced  it  to  grow  lengthwise,  by  which 
the  spherical  figure  of  the  head  was  prevented  and  the  length 
increased."  Strabo  refers  to  a  people  occupying  a  portion 
of  Western  Asia,  who  were  addicted  to  the  same  custom  and 
had  foreheads  projecting  beyond  their  beards.1  Pliny  places 
them  in  Asia  Minor,2  while  Pomponius  Mela  places  the  Machro- 
cephali  on  the  Bosphorus.3  Blumenbach  has  figured  in  his  first 
decade,  a  compressed  skull  obtained  by  him  from  Russia  and 
probably  originally  from  one  of  the  tumuli  of  the  Crimean 
Bosphorus,  where  it  is  supposed  to  have  been  exhumed  during 
the  Russian  occupation.  In  1843,  Eathke  figured  and  described 
in  Miiller's  Archiv  fur  Anatomic,  another  example  of  the  com- 
pressed human  crania,  obtained  from  an  ancient  grave  near 
Kertsch  in  the  Crimea.  In  1820,  Count  August  von  Brenner 
obtained  on  his  estate  at  Fuersbrunn  near  Grafenegg  in  Austria, 
a  skull  of  similar  characteristics.  This  was,  upon  examination, 
decided  to  have  belonged  to  an  Avarian  Hun.  Prof.  Retzius 
described  it  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Academy  of 
Sciences  of  Stockholm  in  1844)  adducing  arguments  to 

1  Geography,  book  i,  cliap.  ii,  §  35,  and  book  xi,  chap,  xi,  §  7. 

2  Natural  History,  book  vii,  chap,  iv. 

3  De  Situ  OrVs,  lib.  i,  chap,  xix,  1.  73  (ed.  1782). 


HEAD  FLATTENING.  179 


strengthen  that  supposition.  Dr.  Tschudi,  however,  conceived 
the  idea  that  it  might  have  been  a  Peruvian  skull  which  had 
been  brought  to  Europe  as  a  curiosity  during  the  reign  of 
Charles  V.  and  afterwards  thrown  aside.  His  communication 
appeared  in  Muller's  Archiv  fur  Anatomie.  The  opinion  of  the 
learned  traveller  was,  however,  subsequently  reversed  by  the  dis- 
covery at  Atzgerrsdorf,  near  Vienna,  of  another  and  similar 
cranium.  More  recently  others  have  come  to  light  at  the 
Village  of  St.  Koman  in  Savoy,  and  in  the  Valley  of  the  Doubs 
near  Mandense.  Dr.  Fitzinger  has  probably  investigated  this 
subject  with  more  thoroughness  than  any  other  writer,  and  lias 
shown  in  his  articles  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Imperial  Academy 
of  Vienna,  that  this  custom  was  native  to  the  Scythian  region 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  Mcetian  Moor,  and  prevailed  in  the  Cau- 
casus and  along  the  shores  of  the  Black  and  Caspian  seas  and 
the  Bosphorus.  Among  the  most  interesting  relics  cited  as  sus- 
taining his  views  is  an  ancient  medal  struck  in  commemoration 
of  the  destruction  of  Aquileia  by  Attila  the  Hun  in  A.  D.  452, 
and  bearing  the  bust  of  that  "  Scourge  of  God."  The  head 
represented  in  profile  is  of  precisely  the  same  shape  as  those 
of  the  other  Avir  skulls,  having  a  flattened  form  in  a  vertical 
and  oblique  direction.  Thierry  in  his  Attila  has  traced  the 
origin  of  the  custom  of  flattening  the  skull,  to  the  Huns,  who, 
descending  from  their  home  upon  the  steppes  of  Northern  Asia, 
left  their  remains  upon  many  a  field  in  Europe.  One  of  these 
deformed  skulls  was  discovered  in  1856  by  J.  Hudson  Barclay, 
in  a  large  cavern  near  the  Damascus  Gate  at  Jerusalem.  The 
skeleton  was  of  unusually  large  size  and  decayed,  but  the  skull, 
which  was  pretty  well  preserved,  was  brought  to  this  country 
and  is  preserved  in  the  collection  of  the  Academy  of  Natural 
Sciences  of  Philadelphia.1  Dr.  J.  Atkinson  Meigs  concluded, 
upon  careful  examination,  that  its  occiput  had  been  flattened  by 
pressure  during  childhood.  The  testimony  of  Dr.  Tschudi,  ren- 

1  Description  of  a  Deformed  Fragmentary  Skull  found  in  an  Ancient 
Quarry-cace  at  Jerusalem,  by  Dr.  J.  A.  Meigs,  Transactions  of  Philadelphia 
Academy  of  Natural  Sciences,  1859. 


180  HEAD  FLATTENING. 


dered  undesignedly,  amounts  to  the  best  of  evidence  of  the 
transition  of  this  custom  from  the  eastern  shores  of  Asia  to 
Peru,  and  this  isolated  instance  has  been  strengthened  beyond 
question  or  doubt  by  the  abundant  proof  which  has  been  brought 
to  light  since  attention  was  directed  to  the  subject.1 

In  referring  to  the  methods  by  which  artificial  compression 
was  brought  about  in  America,  Prof.  Wilson  remarks  :  "Trifling 
as  it  may  appear,  it  is  not  without  interest  to  have  the  fact 
brought  under  our  notice  by  the  disclosures  of  ancient  barrows 
and  cysts,  that  the  same  practice  of  nursing  the  child  and  carry- 
ing it  about,  bound  to  a  flat  cradle-board,  prevailed  in  Britain 
and  the  North  of  Europe  long  before  the  first  notices  of  written 
history  reveal  the  presence  of  man  beyond  the  Baltic  or  the 
English  Channel,  and  that  in  all  probability  the  same  custom 
prevailed  continuously  from  the  shores  of  the  German  Ocean  to 
Behring  Straits." 2  Dr.  L.  A.  Gosse  testifies  to  the  prevalence 
of  the  same  custom  among  the  Caledonians  and  Scandinavians 
of  the  earliest  times,3  and  Dr.  Thurman  has  treated  the  same 
peculiarity  of  the  early  Anglo-Saxon.4  It  is  a  matter  of  no 
little  surprise  to  the  inquirer  in  this  field  to  learn  that  this 
system  of  skull  distortion  introduced  into  Southern  Europe  by 
the  Asiatic  hordes  which  overran  it  in  the  fifth  century  has  been 
perpetuated,  though  somewhat  modified,  and  at  present  is  in 

1  We  can  no  longer  doubt,  then,  that  this  practice  of  giving  an  artificial 
form  to  the  skull  has  subsisted  from  a  remote  epoch  among  the  Oriental  nations. 
As  Thierry,  moreover,  pronounces  it  to  be  a  Mongol  usage,  I  have  submitted  the 
question  in  the  memoir  before  spoken  of,  whether  this  fact  does  not  speak  in  favor 
of  an  ancient  communication  between  the  old  and  the  new  world  ?    Such  a  com- 
munication seems,  indeed,  to  be  now  placed  beyond  doubt  by  the  proofs  which 
have  been  accumulated  from  time  to  time,  through  the  efforts  of  numerous  and 
zealous  inquirers.     It  would  seem  likely  that  the  usage  in  question  has  been 
introduced  by  the  Mongols  into  America,  where  it  has  become  diffused  even 
among  tribes  not  of  the  Mongol  stock.     (Retzius  in  Smithsonian  Report,  1859, 
p.  270 ;  also  the  same  author  in  Arch,  des  Sciences  Naturelles,  Geneva,  1860 ; 
Proceedings  of  American  Association  for  Advancement  of  Science,  1867,  and 
Edinburgh  Phil.  Journal,  new  series,  vol.  vii.) 

2  Smithsonian  Report,  1862,  p.  286. 

3  Essai  sur  les  Deformations  Artificielles  du  Crane,  p.  74. 

4  Crania  Britannica,  chap,  iv,  p.  38. 


HEAD  FLATTENING.  181 


vogue  in  the  south  of  France.1  The  distinguished  Dr.  Foville, 
in  charge  of  the  Asylum  for  Insane  in  the  Department  Seine- 
Inferieure  and  Charendton,  has  figured  this  process  in  his  work 
on  the  Anatomy  of  the,  Nervous  System,  as  well  as  a  number  of 
skulls  which  have  striking  Peruvian  resemblances.  The  artificial 
form  in  this  case  is  produced  by  the  use  of  peculiar  head-dresses 
or  bandages.2  The  Egyptians  placed  a  pillow  under  the  neck 
and  not  for  the  head  ;  hence  the  elongated  crania  characteristic 
of  the  race,  and  it  is  not  a  little  remarkable  that  the  IJeejee 
Islanders  have  the  same  custom  at  the  present  day.  The  Kan- 
kas  of  the  Sandwich  Islands  produce  the  flattened  occiput  by 
supporting  the  infant's  head  always  in  the  palm  of  the  hand.a 
The  South  Sea  Islanders  have  a  flattened  occiput;  as  Pickering 
describes  it,  projecting  but  slightly  beyond  the  line  of  the  neck.4 
Prof.  Wilson  comments  upon  this  fact  as  follows :  "  Traces  of 
purposed  deformation  of  the  head  among  the  islanders  of  the 
Pacific,  have  an  additional  interest  in  their  relation  to  one  possi- 
ble source  of  the  South  American  population  by  Oceanic  migra- 
tion, suggested  by  philological  and  other  independent  evidence. 
But  for  our  present  purpose  the  peculiar  value  of  these  modified 
skulls  lies  in  the  disclosures  of  influences  operating  alike  unde- 
signedly,  and  with  a  well-defined  purpose,  in  producing  the  very 
same  cranial  conformation  among  races  occupying  the  British 
Islands  in  ages  long  anterior  to  earliest  history,  and  among  the 
savage  tribes  of  America  and  the  simple  islanders  of  the  Pacific 
in  the  present  day/'5  It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  flattening  the 
skull  has  prevailed  from  the  earliest  times  in  most  parts  of  the 
American  Continent,  especially  on  the  Pacific  coast.  From  the 
extreme  north  to  Southern  Peru,  flattening  the  skulls  was  re- 
garded as  an  artistic  improvement  on  nature  and  was  practised 


1  Retzius,  Smithsonian  Report,  1859,  pp.  269-70. 

2  Prof.  Wilson,  Pre-Historic  Man,  vol.  ii,  p.  221,  and  Retsius  in  the  Reviews 
referred  to  in  note  1,  p.  180. 

3  J.  B.  Davis  in  Crania  Britannica,  decade  iii. 

4  Races  of  Man  (Bohn),  p.  45 ;  Dr.  Nott  in  Types  of  Mankind,  p.  436 ; 
Wilson's  Pre-Historic  Man,  vol.  ii,  p.  221. 

5  Smithsonian  Report,  1862,  p.  291. 


182 


AMERICAN  HEAD  FLATTENING. 


with  a  maternal  solicitude,  if  we  judge  from  the  customs  of  the 
modern  Chinooks,  deserving  of  a  higher  aim.  More  centrally 
and  toward  the  Atlantic  border  the  custom  was  not  so  carefully 
and  generally  practised,  unless  we  may  except  the  case  of  the 
Natchez,  who  carried  it  to  almost  the  extreme  reached  at  present 
by  the  Columbia  Kiver  tribes.  The  object  of  this  strange 
transformation  is  believed  to  have  been  twofold,  "  to  give,"  as 
Torquemada  supposes,  in  referring  to  the  Peruvians,  "  a  fierce 
appearance  in  war,"  and  to  obtain  the  mark  of  a  royal  and  domi- 
nant '  race,  a  fashion  which  seems  to  have  been  transmitted 


CHINOOKS  (FLAT-HEADS),  AFTER  CATLIN. 

without  a  variation,  from  its  Mongol  source.  The  Chinooks 
consider  it  the  mark  of  superiority,  and  will  not  permit  the 
tribes  subject  to  them  to  practise  it.  Mr.  Paul  Cane,  has 
illustrated  this  subject  with  drawings  made  during  his  visit 
to  the  Columbia  and  Vancouver's  Island,  while  Dr.  Picker- 
ing, Mr.  Hale  and  others,  have  described  the  hideous  and 
beastly  aspect  of  the  singular  people  practising  the  deformation. 
Skull  flattening  among  the  American  tribes  may  be  classified 
as  intentional  and  unintentional.  To  the  class  of  intentionally 


AMERICA^  HEAD   FLATTENING.  183 

flattened  skulls  we  may  assign  those  of  the  twenty  or  more 
tribes  of  the  North-west  coast,  the  Natchez,  the  ancient  Mayas, 
the  Peruvians,  and  some  of  the  more  central  and  eastern  South 
American  tribes.  The  North-western  flatheads  subject  the 
head  of  a  child  during  the  first  eight  or  ten  months  of  its 
life  to  pressure  produced  by  means  of  a  cradle  or  cradle-board, 
provided  with  a  board  which  rests  upon  the  forehead  and  tied 
down  upon  it  by  means  of  corcls  extending  to  the  foot  of  the 
cradle,  while  the  other  end  is  connected  to  the  head  of  the 
cradle  with  a  hingelike  attachment. 

The  Natchez  produced  the  artificial  form  by  bandaging  the 
infant's  head  to  a  well-cushioned  cradle-board  by  means  of  strips 
of  deer-skin.1  The  Caribs  bandaged  the  head  with  pieces  of 
wool,  and  gave  it  a  very  quadrangular  shape.  The  Choc  taws 
produced  artificial  compression  by  means  of  a  bag  of  sand.2  The 
unintentional  flattening  of  the  skull  arose  from  the  quite  general 
use  of  the  cradle-board  without  any  board  for  pressure,  or  the 
custom  common  among  many  American  tribes  of  the  mother 
suckling  the  child  over  her  shoulder,  a  practice  widely  prevalent 
in  Africa  and  among  savage  nations.  In  the  former  instance  it 
is  but  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  form  of  a  tender  and  pliable 
skull  would  be  modified  more  or  less  by  the  shape  of  the  hard 
cradle-board,  and  by  the  position  in  which  it  was  placed  upon 
its  rest.  This  fact  accounts  for  the  slight  occipital  compression 
of  the  mound  skulls  and  also  for  the  irregularity  of  the  flattening 
in  many  cases.  The  latter  process,  that  of  nursing  the  child 
from  its  position  on  the  shoulder  or  back  would  no  doubt  subject 
the  head  to  a  slight  pressure,  perhaps  in  most  cases  in  a  lateral 
direction. 

The  general  prevalence  of  the  unnatural  custom  of  flattening 
the  skull  on  the  eastern  border-land  of  Europe  and  among  the 
numerous  tribes  of  the  western  coast  of  America,  together  with 
its  presence  in  Polynesia  as  a  connecting  link,  we  think  justifies 
us  in  concluding  that  it  originated  among  the  wild  hordes  of  the 
northern  steppes  of  Asia,  from  which  centre  it  spread  in  lines  of 

1  Du  Pratz's  History  of  Louisiana,  vol.  ii,  p.  162. 

2  Adair's  History  of  American  Indians,  p.  284. 


184  DISEASES  OP  THE   MOUND-BUILDERS. 

radiation  until  it  reached  the  remote  localities  in  which  recent 
research  has  found  it.1  This  fact  is  suggestive  of  a  remote  inter- 
course between  peoples  separated  by  seas  and  mountains,  if  it 
does  not  serve  as  an  argument  for  the  unity  and  common  origin 
of  the  human  family. 

A  careful  examination  of  the  remains  of  the  pre-historic  races 
other  than  the  measurement  of  crania  has  contributed  largely  to 
our  fund  of  information  concerning  their  life  and  habits.  Science 
has  rendered  us  pretty  familiar  with  some  of  the  diseases  to  which 
they  were  subject.  Dr.  Farquharson  has  described  a  singular 
manifestation  of  disease  of  the  cervical  vertebras,  shown  in  a  pecu- 
liar roughening  of  the  articular  surfaces,  and  also  by  a  true  or 
bony  anchylosis  of  these  points.  He  concludes  that  the  people  of 
the  mounds  must  have  been  possessed  of  a  considerable  degree  of 
civilization  and  facilities  for  the  care  of  the  sick  during  a  long 
period,  in  order  to  have  effected  the  cure  which  the  condition  of 
the  bones  indicate  had  taken  place.2  One  of  the  most  alarming 
discoveries,  however,  is  that  which  apparently  shows  the  general 
prevalence  of  syphilis.  That  this  loathsome  disease  was  common 

1  On  skull  flattening,  see  Wilson's  P re-Historic  Man,  vol.  ii,  chap.  xxi. 
Prof.  Jones'  Antiquities  of  Tennessee,  Smithsonian  Contributions,  1876,  pp.  118 
et  seq.     Landa's  Relation,  p.  181.     Catlin's  North  American  Indians,  vol.  ii, 
p.  40  and  other  places.     Townsend's  Tour  to  the  Columbia  River,  pp.  178  et  seq. 
Bancroft's  Native  Races  as  follows :  I,  151,  158, 180,  210,  226-8,  256-7  ;  Among 
the  Mexicans,  I,  651 ;  II,  231 ;  Central  Americans,  I,  717,  754 ;  II,  681-2,  731-2, 
802  ;  IV,  304,  and  the  accompanying  literary  apparatus. 

2  "This  is  certainly  not  a  common  disease  now,  and  although  rare,  the 
instances  of  cure  by  bony  anchylosis  (the  only  way  in  which  a  true  cure  can 
take  place),  are  even  yet  more  rare.     Nelaton,  in  his  Pathologie  Chirurgicale, 
has  only  been  able  to  note  twenty-five  recorded  cases  of  such  an  event.     Now, 
as  the  space  of  one  year  is  the  shortest  possible  time  allowed  by  authorities  for 
such  a  cure  to  take  place,  and  as  during  all  this  time  the  parts  must  be  kept 
absolutely  at  rest,  and  the  person  so  afflicted  being  entirely  helpless,  the  infer- 
ence is  a  strong  one  that  these  people  were  not  in  a  savage  state.     They  must 
necessarily  have  been  in  such  a  state,  in  the  progress  of  advancement  in  civili- 
zation, as  to  be  possessed  of  an  accumulation  of  food,  the  requisite  leisure  of 
persons  nursing  the  sick,  and  of  dwellings  sufficiently  comfortable  to  protect 
them  from  inclemency  of  the  weather  in  this  latitude  ;  without  those  elements 
of  civilization  those  persons  would  inevitably  have  perished." — Dr.  Farquharson 
in  Proceedings  of  Am.  Association  for  Advancement  of  Science,  vol.  xxiv,  p.  314. 


PLATYCNEMISM.  185 


among  the  various  tribes  of  Equinoctial  America  is  attested  to  by 
the  discoverers  and  their  successors;  and  has  been  much  com- 
mented upon,  and  held  by  some  authors  to  have  been  of  Amer- 
ican origin.  The  most  recent  supporter  of  this  view  is  Professor 
Jones,  to  whom  we  have  already  referred.1  He  found  in  most  of 
the  mounds  which  he  explored  in  Tennessee  bones  bearing  syphi- 
litic nodes,  and  believes  them  to  be  the  oldest  traces  of  the  disease 
in  existence.  Dr.  Farquharson  made  similar  discoveries  in  the 
Iowa  and  Illinois  mounds.  Prof.  Putnam,  however,  attributes  the 
nodes  to  other  diseases.  That  flattening  of  the  leg-bone  or  tibia, 
peculiar  to  pre-historic  man  in  Europe,  and  perhaps  the  result 
of  rugged  exertion  in  climbing  mountains  and  traversing  the 
country  with  that  rapidity  which  the  chase  required  where  the 
horse  is  wanting,  is  more  noticeable  in  the  remains  of  some  of 
the  Mound-builders  than  in  any  ofher  people.  This  peculiarity 
of  the  tibia  called  platycnemism,  is  probably  a  provision  of 
nature,  securing  a  firmer  and  better  defined  process  upon  which 
the  muscles  of  the  leg  could  fasten  themselves,  and  its  promi- 
nence among  the  people  of  the  mounds  indicates  the  possession 
of  great  pedestrian  powers.2 

The  singular  custom  of  perforating  the  skull  after  death  (and 


1  Prof.  Jones,  Antiquities  of  Tennessee,  gives  a  good  summary  of  the  discus- 
sion from  the  first  writers  to  the  present  time,  p.  65  et  seq. 

2  ''This  flattening  of  the  leg-bone  was  of  a  degree  unheard  of— I  might 
almost  say  undreamt  of— in  any  other  part  of  this  country  or  of  the  world.     In 
many  of  the  more  extreme  cases  of  those  flattened  tibiae  with  sabre-like  curva- 
ture which  I  had  exhumed  at  the  Rouge,  the  transverse  diameter  was  only  0.48 
of  the  antero-posterior,  less  than  half,  while  in  that  most  marked  and  isolated 
case  recorded  by  Broca,  from  the  cave  at  Cro-Magnon,  France,  it  was  0.60.    In 
ths  chimpanzee  and  gorilla  the  compression  is  0.67.     Shortly  afterward,  even 
this  extreme  degree  of  compression  was  cast  in  the  shade  by  my  bringing  to 
light  from  a  mound  on  the  Detroit  River,  rich  in  relics,  among  a  number  of  the 
flattened  tibia?,  two  specimens  of  this  bone  in  which  the  latitudinal  indices 
were  respectively  0.42  and  0.40."— Henry  Gillman  in  Proceedings  American 
Association  for  Advancement  of  Science,  vol.  xxiv,  pp.  316-17.     The  Sixth 
Annual  Report  of  the  Pedbody  Museum  of  Archceology  and  Ethnology,  Dr. 
Jeffries  Wyman.    The  American  Journal  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  3d  series,  vol.  vii, 
January  1874.     Gillman  in  Smithsonian  Report- for  1873,  and  Dr.  Farquharson 
in  Proceedings  of  A.  A.  A.  S.,  vol.  xxiv,  p.  313.     1875. 


186  COLOR  OF  THE  HAIR. 

possibly  during  life)  is  shown  to  have  been  in  vogue  by  the  dis- 
covery of  a  number  of  crania  at  the  Kiver  Kouge  Mound  in  Michi- 
gan with  artificial  apertures.     No  light  as  yet  has  been  thrown 
upon  the  significance  of  this  strange  practice.1     The  nearest  ap- 
proach to  the  natural  condition  and  characteristic  physiognomy  of 
the  pre-historic  inhabitants  of  this  continent,  is  observable  in  the 
Peruvian  mummies  collected  in  latitude  18°  30'  S.,  on  the  shore 
of  the  Bay  of  Chacota,  near  Arica,  by  Mr.  Blake;  and  transferred 
by  him  to  Boston.     Many  others  have  since  been  exhumed,  and 
though  embalmed  and  buried  in  a  climate  which  preserves  the 
brightest  colors  of  the  garments  with  which  they  were  enshrouded, 
still  the  shrivelled  condition  of  the   corpses  furnishes  us  the 
assurance  that  their  type  of  features  can  never  be  truly  recovered 
from  nature.     Dr.  Morton  has  figured  the  head  of  one  of  these 
mummies  in  Plate  I  of  the  Crania  Americana,  from  which  the 
physiognomy  may  be  partially  restored  by  the  aid  of  a  vivid 
imagination.     Notwithstanding  the  temptation  which  presents 
itself,  and  one  which  has  been  sufficiently  indulged  already,  it 
would  certainly  be  idle  to  speculate  as  to  what  that  type  might 
have  been.     However,  one  feature  of  the  Peruvian  mummies  has 
been  preserved  true  to  life,  and  is  of  the  greatest  value  in  deter- 
mining ethnic  relations.     The  silicious  sand  and  marl  of  the 
plain  southward  of  Arica,  where  the  most  remarkable  cemeteries 
are  situated,  is  slightly  impregnated  with  common  salt  as  well 
as  nitrate  and  sulphate  of  soda.     These  conditions,  together  with 
the  dry  atmosphere  rivalling  that  of  Egypt,  and  in  which  fleshy 
matter  dries  without  putrefaction,  the  human  hair  has  been  per- 
fectly preserved,  and  comes  to  us  as  one  of  the  best  evidences  of 
the  diversity  of  the  American  races  yet  produced.     In  general 
it  is  a  lightish  brown,  and  of  a  fineness  of  texture  which  equals 
that  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race.2     Straight,  coarse,  black  hair  is 

1  Gillman  in  American  Naturalist  for  August,  1875,  and  Proceedings  of 
A.  A.  A.  Science,  1875,  p.  327. 

2  Prof.  Wilson  has  pathetically  described  the  disinterment  of  a  Peruvian 
family,  consisting  of  the  father,  mother  and  child,  and  has  especially  dwelt 
upon  the  color  and  qualities  of  the  hair  as  distinguishing  them  from  the  Red 
Indians.  (Pre-Historic  Man,  pp.  440  ct  seq.} 


MOUND  SCULPTURES.  187 

universally  characteristic  of  the  Keel  Indians,  and  is  known  to  be 
one  of  the  last  marks  of  race  to  disappear  in  intermarriage  with 
Europeans.  The  ancient  Peruvians  appear,  from  numerous 
examples  of  hair  found  in  their  tombs,  to  have  been  an  auburn- 
haired  race.  Garcilasso,  who  had  an  opportunity  of,  seeing  the 
body  of  the  king  Yiracocha,  describes  the  hair  of  that  monarch 
as  snow-white.1  Haywood  has  described  the  discovery  at  the 
beginning  of  this  century  of  three  mummies  in  a  cave  on  the 
south  side  of  the  Cumberland  Kiver,  near  the  dividing  line  of 
Smith  and  Wilson  Counties  in  Tennessee.  They  were  buried  in 
baskets,  as  Humboldt  has  described  some  of  the  Peruvians  to 
bury,  and  the  color  of  their  skin  was  said  to  be  fair  and  white, 
and  their  hair  auburn  and  of  a  fine  texture.2  The  same  author 
refers  to  several  instances  of  the  discovery  of  mummies  in  the 
limestone  and  saltpetre  caves  of  Tennessee  with  light  yellowish 
hair.3  Prof.  Jones  supposes  that  the  light  color  of  these  so-called 
mummies  of  Tennessee  and  Kentucky  was  due  to  the  action  of 
lime  and  saltpetre.4 

We  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  men  of  the  mounds 
were  capable  of  executing  in  sculptures  reliable  representations 
of  animate  objects.  The  perfection  of  the  stone  carvings,  as  well 
as  the  terra-cotta  moulded  figures  of  animals  and  birds  obtained 
from  the  mounds,  have  excited  the  wonder  and  admiration  of 
their  discoverers.  It  was  evidently  a  favorite  pastime  for  those 
primitive  artists  to  reproduce  the  human  features,  for  effigies 
and  masks  have  often  been  exhumed  together  with  other  sculp- 
tures. The  perfection  of  the  animal  representations  furnish  us 
the  assurance  that  their  sculptures  of  the  human  face  were 
equally  true  to  nature.5  The  accompanying  figures  of  sculpture 

1  Commentaries  Reales,  book  v,  chap,  xxix  ;  book  iii,  chap.  xx. 

2  Haywood's  Natural  and  Aboriginal  History  of  Tennessee,  p.  191. 

3  Haywood,  op.  cit.,  pp.  163-6,  169,  100, 148-9,  338-9.     On  the  mummies  of 
Lexington,  Kentucky,  see  At  water's  ArcJuzologia  Americana,  p.  318.     Mam- 
moth Cave,  p.  359,  et  passim.  4  Antiquities  of  Tennessee,  p.  5. 

5  Squier  and  Davis'  Ancient  Monuments  of  Mississippi  Valley,  pp.  243  et  seq. 
Wilson's  Pre-Historic  Man,  vol.  i,  pp.  365  et  seq.  Charles  Rau,  Smithsonian 
Contributions  No.  287,  1876,  pp.  84,  55.  Prof.  Joseph  Jones'  Aboriginal  Re- 
mains of  Tennesssee,  passim,  Smithsonian  Contributions,  No.  250. 


188 


MOUND   SCULPTURES. 


MOUND  SCULPTURES  FROM  TENNESSEE. 

and  masks  together  with  those  found  in  the  sculpture  of  the 
Mayas  and  Nahuas,  shown  in  a  future  chapter,  furnish  us  with 
a  twofold  argument :  first,  that  an  American  type  of  physiog- 
nomy as  such  did  not  exist  ;  that,  upon  the  contrary,  it  was  as 
variable  and  diversified  as  can  now  be  found  among  the  peoples 


COLOR  OF  THE  ANCIENT  AMERICANS.  189 

of  Europe  or  elsewhere ;  second,  that  a  strong  resemblance 
between  some  of  the  sculptures  of  the  mounds  and  those  of 
Mexico  exist.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  those  of  Palenque  fur- 
nish the  most  striking  likeness  to  those  of  the  Mississippi  Valley.1 
There  is,  perhaps,  no  means  of  ascertaining  of  what  color  the 
pre-historic  Americans  were,  certainly  not  of  the  Mound-builders ; 
but  judging  from  the  great  variety  of  tints  and  shades  that  pre- 
vail among  the  wild  tribes  of  North  America  alone,  we  may 
conclude  that  no  argument  in  favor  of  an  American  race  can  be 
based  upon  color.2 

The  Menominees,  sometimes  called  the  "White  Indians," 
formerly  occupied  the  region  bordering  on  Lake  Michigan,  around 
Green  Bay.  The  whiteness  of  these  Indians,  which  is  compared 
to  that  of  white  mulattoes,  early  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
Jesuit  missionaries,  and  has  often  been  commented  upon  by 
travellers.3  While  it  is  true  that  hibridy  has  done  much  to 
lighten  the  color  of  many  of  the  tribes,  still  the  peculiarity  of 
the  complexion  of  this  people  has  been  marked  from  the  first 
time  a  European  encountered  them.  Almost  every  shade,  from 
the  ash  color  of  the  Menominees,  through  the  cinnamon  red, 
copper  and  bronze  tints,  may  be  found  among  the  tribes  formerly 
occupying  the  territory  east  of  the  Mississippi — the  remnants  of 
some  of  which  are  now  in  the  Indian  Territory  and  others  in  the 
North-west — until  we  reach  the  dark-skinned  Kaws  of  Kansas, 
who  are  nearly  as  black  as  the  negro.  The  Indians  in  Mexico 
are  known  as  the  "  black  people,"  an  appellation  designed  to  be 

1  Bryant's  History  of  United  States,  vol.  i,  chap.  ii. 

2  Prichard,  Researches  into  the  Physical  Hist,  of  Mankind,  4th  ed.,  1841,  vol.  i, 
p.  289,  after  reviewing  the  question  of  the  unity  of  the  American  race,  remarks  : 
"  It  will  be  easy  to  prove  that  the  American  races,  instead  of  displaying  a  uni- 
formity of  color  in  all  climates,  show  nearly  as  great  a  variety  in  this  respect 
as  the  nations  of  the  old  continent ;  that  there  are  among  them  white  races 
with  a  florid  complexion  inhabiting  temperate  regions,  and  tribes  black  or  of 
very  dark  hue  in  low  and  inter-tropical  countries  ;  that  their  stature,  figure  and 
countenances  are  almost  equally  diversified.     Of  these  facts  I  shall  collect  suffi- 
cient evidence  when  I  proceed  to  the  ethnography  of  the  American  nations." 
He  fulfils  this  promise  ably  enough  in  vol.  v,  pp.  289,  874,  542,  and  other  places. 
We  respectfully  rofer  the  reader  to  the  facts  there  accumulated. 

3  Wilson's  Pre-Historiz  Man,  vol.  ii,  p.  189. 


190  VARIETY  OF  LANGUAGES. 

descriptive  of  their  color.  Viollet  le  Due  is  of  the  opinion  that 
the  builders  of  the  great  remains  in  Southern  Mexico  and 
Yucatan  belonged  to  two  different  branches  of  the  human  family, 
a  light-skinned  and  dark-skinned  race  respectively.1  The  variety 
of  complexion  is  as  great  in  South  America  as  among  the  tribes 
of  the  northern  portion  of  the  continent. 

Probably  one  of  the  most  incontrovertible  arguments  against 
American  ethnic  unity  is  that  which  rests  upon  the  unparalleled 
diversity  of  language  which  meets  the  philologist  everywhere. 
The  monosyllable  and  the  most  remarkable  polysyllables  known 
to  the  linguist ;  synthetic  and  analytic  families  of  speech,  sim- 
plicity and  complexity  of  expression,  all  seern  to  have  sprung  up 
and  developed  into  permanent  and  in  some  cases  beautiful  and 
grammatical  systems  side  by  side  with  each  other  until  the  Babel 
of  the  Pentateuch  is  realized  in  the  indescribable  confusion  of 
tongues.  The  actual  number  of  American  languages  and  dialects 
is  as  yet  unascertained,  but  is  estimated  at  nearly  thirteen  hun- 
dred, six  hundred  of  which  Mr.  Bancroft  has  classified  in  his  third 
volume  of  the  Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States.  It  is  true  that 
the  American  languages  present  a  few  features  quite  peculiar  to 
themselves  (which  will  be  treated  hereafter),  but  as  language  is 
never  constant,  is  not  a  pyramid  with  its  unchanging  architectural 
plan,  but  is  a  plant  which  passes  through  such  transitions  in 
the  process  of  its  growth  as  to  lose  entirely  some  of  the  elements 
which  it  possessed  at  first,  so  we  may  as  reasonably  expect  that 
in  the  course  of  time  certain  peculiarities  incident  to  certain 
climatic  conditions,  certain  phases  of  nature  and  certain  types 
of  civilization,  should  develop  themselves  as  distinguishing  fea- 
tures of  the  speech  of  the  continent.  The  very  fact  that  lan- 
guage is  unstable— is  a  matter  of  growth — renders  the  argument 
that  these  peculiarities  indicate  unity  of  the  American  race 
valueless  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  fact  that  here  we  have 
a  greater  number  and  variety  of  languages  than  is  to  be  found 
in  any  of  the  other  grand  divisions  of  the  earth,  is  strong  evi- 
dence of  a  diversity  more  radical  than  that  which  simply  arises 

1  Bee  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  p.  262,  note,  where  reference  is  made  to  Charnay, 
Ruines  Amer.,  pp.  32,  45,  97, 103. 


VIEWS  OF  HELLWALD.  191 

from  tribal  affiliations.  In  view  of  the  wide  differences  existing 
between  the  native  Americans  themselves  in  every  feature  which 
admits  of  being  subjected  to  a  scientific  test,  we  are  forced  to 
the  conclusion,  solely  resting  on  the  evidence  in  the  case,  that 
the  theory  of  American  ethnic  unity  is  a  delusion,  an  infatuating 
theory  which  served  only  to  blind  its  advocates  as  to  the  plain 
facts,  and  led  them  into  grave  errors  which  will  become  all  the 
more  palpable  as  scientific  investigation  progresses. 

As  yet  no  substantial  reason  for  considering  the  ancient 
occupant  of  this  continent  as  peculiar  in  himself,  and  as  unlike 
the  rest  of  mankind,  has  been  set  forth.  Nothing  in  the  Amer- 
ican's physical  organization  points  to  an  origin  different  from 
that  to  which  each  of  the  species  of  the  genus  homo  may  be 
assigned.  Whatever  truth  there  may  be  in  the  diverse  origin 
of  the  black  and  white  race,  the  separate  creation  theory,  in  so 
far  as  it  maintains  that  the  Creator  originated  upon  the  soil  of 
this  continent  a  peculiar  and  separate  race  of  men,  must  in  the 
eyes  of  this  age  of  criticism  lack  evidence,  and  be  assigned  to  its 
place  with  thousands  of  others  which  from  time  immemorial 
have  been  contributing  to  the  construction  of  a  foundation  reef 
which  will  ultimately  rise  like  a  bold  headland  above  the  dark 
waters  of  uncertainty  into  the  realm  of  truth. 

A  few  students  of  American  Anthropology  have  solved  the 
question  of  the  origin  of  the  ancient  population  upon  the  hy- 
pothesis of  its  having  developed  from  a  lower  order  in  the  animal 
kingdom,  itself  indigenous  to  the  Western  Continent.  One  of 
the  most  distinguished  representatives  of  this  school,  perhaps,  is 
Frederick  von  Hellwald  of  Vienna,  who  states  his  views  as 
follows  :  "  I  am  unable  to  give  in  my  adhesion  to  the  theory 
which  assumes  that  the  original  seat  of  the  human  races  must 
be  sought  in  higher  Asia  or  somewhere  else,  whence  mankind 
are  supposed  to  have  spread  themselves  gradually  over  the  whole 
globe  ;  an  assumption  which  is  contradicted  in  the  most  decisive 
manner  by  the  peopling  of  the  new  world.  It  is  impossible  to 
enter  here  into  all  the  hypotheses  which  have  been  framed  for 
the  explanation  of  a  fact  so  perplexing  to  the  Biblical  students 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  of  course  later  times  ;  it  is  enough 


192  AUTOCHTHONIC  ORIGIN  OP  THE  ABORIGINES. 

to  say  that  thus  far  not  one  of  them  have  been  found  to  corres- 
pond even  approximately  to  the  demands  of  science,  and  that 
theory  is  probably  in  every  point  of  view  the  most  tenable  and 
exact  which  assumes  that  man,  like  the  plant,  a  mundane  being, 
made  his  appearance  generally  upon  earth  when  our  planet  had 
reached  that  stage  of  its  development  which  unites  in  itself  the 
conditions  of  man's  existence.  In  conformity  with  this  view,  I 
regard  the  American  as  an  Autochthon."  1  This  subject  resolves 
itself  into  two  questions  :  (1)  Is  the  origin  of  the  human  race 
by  the  processes  of  development  from  a  lower  order  of  animal  an 
ascertained  fact  ?  (2)  If  so,  does  the  American  continent  fur- 
nish any  species  of  ape  or  any  known  fauna  from  which  man 
could  have  developed  ?  It  is  taken  for  granted  that  the  reader 
is  fully  familiar  with  Darwinism  (the  origin  of  species  by  means 
cf  natural  selection,  the  joint  result  of  the  independent  researches 
of  Darwin  and  Wallace)  and  Lamarckism  (the  theory  of  man's 
descent  from  the  ape),2  both  of  which  have  been  so  enthusias- 
tically advocated  by  Spencer,  Huxley,  Heeckel  and  many  others. 
Their  works  and  the  magnificent  array  of  facts  which  their 
patient  researches  have  accumulated  command  our  admiration, 
even  if  full  assent  cannot  be  given  to  all  their  conclusions. 

The  first  question :  Is  the  origin  of  the  human  race  ~by  the 
processes  of  development  from  a  lower  order  of  animal  an 
ascertained  fact  ?  would  at  first  seem  to  require  a  lengthy  dis- 
cussion at  our  hands.  But  in  a  special  work  on  a  subject 
altogether  foreign  to  the  question,  such  a  discussion  would  cer- 
tainly be  out  of  place.  Even  if  this  were  not  true,  the  above 
question  as  stated  requires  no  discussion.  We  believe  that  no 
advocate  of  the  hypothesis  of  evolution  could  be  found  so 
sanguine  or  so  unguarded,  who  would  come  forward  and  answer 
the  question  in  the  affirmative.  On  the  contrary,  we  believe  the 
question  would  call  forth  an  honest  negative  from  the  great  body 
of  scientists  who  hold  to  the  hypothesis  of  evolution.  Perhaps 

1  The  American  Migration,  by  Frederick  von  Hellwald.    Smithsonian  Report 
for  1866,  pp.  329,  330. 

2  Jean  Lamarck,  Philosophic  Zoologique,  etc.,  Paris,  1809,  2  vols.,  and  Il'st. 
Nat.  des  Animaux  sans  Vertebres,  1815. 


AUTOCHTHONIC  ORIGIN  OF  THE  ABORIGINES.  193 

it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  groups  of  facts  which  have  been 
brought  to  our  knowledge,  the  occasional  well-marked  transi- 
tional forms  *  which  are  turning  up,  the  unquestionable  tendency 
in  species  to  vary,  and  possibly  of  their  varieties  slowly  to  form 
new  species  under  modified  surroundings,  point  to  a  principle,  a 
law  in  nature,  which  may  be  characterized  as  the  law  of  develop- 
ment or  evolution.  But  on  the  other  hand,  the  hypothesis  that 
such  a  law  exists,  or,  if  you  please,  the  fact  that  it  exists,  does 
not  imply  that  it  is  universal  in  its  application  or  that  it  has 
extended  through  all  the  realm  of  nature.  Indeed,  pure  justice 
to  the  advocates  of  the  hypothesis  requires  the  statement  that 
they  have  never  made  such  a  claim.2  The  fact  that  such  emi- 
nent scientists  as  Mivart  and  Wallace  deny  the  development  of 
man  from  a  lower  order,  is  sufficient  evidence  that  the  hypothesis 
in  its  widest  bearing  is  not  accepted  by  all,  much  less  an  ascer- 
tained "  fact/'  It  appears,  therefore,  that  the  first  question  being 
unsettled,  and  as  yet  incapable  of  solution,  the  argument  turns 
upon  the  second  question  :  Does  the  American  Continent  furnish 
any  species  of  ape  or  any  known  fauna  from  which  man  could 
have  developed?  Before  answering  the  question  in  the  light 
of  present  knowledge,  it  will  be  of  interest  to  note  the  reply 
made  by  the  late  Professor  Joseph  Henry  to  the  view  of  Freder- 
ick von  Hellwald,  quoted  on  a  preceding  page.  His  estimate 
of  the  probabilities  of  man  developing  from  the  lower  orders  of 
animals  in  more  than  one  locality  on  the  globe  is  expressed  as 
follows  :  "  The  spontaneous  generation  of  either  plants  or  ani- 
mals, although  a  legitimate  subject  of  scientific  inquiry,  is  as  yet 
an  unverified  hypothesis.  If,  however,  we  assume  the  fact  that 
a  living  being  will  be  spontaneously  produced  when  all  the 
physical  conditions  necessary  to  its  existence  are  present,  we 
must  allow  that  in  the  case  of  man,  with  his  complex  and  refined 
organization,  the  fortuitous  assembly  of  the  multiform  conditions 

1  See  Hseckel,  History  of  Creation,  vol.  ii,  pp.  255-6,  and  Professor  Huxley's 
reference  to  the  genus  Equus  (embracing  the  horse,  ass  and  zebra  from  speci- 
mens collected  by  Prof.  Marsh).  New  York  Lectures,  September,  1876. 

9  Dr.  McCosh  in  Popular  Science  Monthly,  November,  1876,  p.  88  ;  Darwin's 
Descent  of  Man,  vol.  i,  p.  192  (New  York  ed.). 
13 


194  AUTOCHTHONIC  ORIGIN  OF  THE  ABORIGINES. 


required  for  his  appearance  would  be  extremely  rare,  and  from 
the  doctrine  of  probabilities  could  scarcely  occur  more  than  at 
one  time  and  in  one  place  on  our  planet ;  and  further,  that  this 
place  would  most  probably  be  somewhere  in  the  northern  tem- 
perate zone.  Again,  the  Caucasian  variety  of  man  presents  the 
highest  physical  development  of  the  human  family ;  and  as  we 
depart  either  to  the  north  or  south,  from  the  latitude  assumed  as 
the  origin  of  the  human  race  in  Asia,  we  meet  with  a  lower  and 
lower  type  until  at  the  north  we  encounter  the  Esquimaux,  and  at 
the  south  the  Bosjesman  and  the  Tierra  Fuegian.  The  deriva- 
tion of  these  varieties  from  the  original  stock  is  philosophically 
explained  on  the  principle  of  the  variety  in  the  offspring  of  the 
same  parents,  and  the  better  adaptation  and  consequent  chance 
of  life  of  some  of  these  to  the  new  conditions  of  existence  in  a 
more  northern  or  southern  latitude." 1  As  a  direct  answer  to  the 
question,  however,  we  can  do  nothing  more  than  refer  to  the 
opinions  of  the  two  greatest  advocates  of  evolution.  "  In  order 
to  form  a  judgment  on  this  head,"  says  Mr.  Darwin,  "  with 
reference  to  man,  we  must  glance  at  the  classification  of  the 
Simiada3.  This  family  is  divided  by  almost  all  naturalists  into 
the  Catarhine  group,  or  old  world  monkeys,  all  of  which  are 
characterized  (as  the  name  expresses)  by  the  peculiar  structure 
of  the  nostrils,  and  by  having  four  pre-molars  in  each  jaw  ;  and 
into  the  Platyrhine  group  or  new  world  monkeys  (including  two 
very  distinct  sub-groups),  all  of  which  are  characterized  by 
differently  constructed  nostrils  and  by  having  six  molars  in  each 
jaw.  Some  other  small  differences  might  be  mentioned.  Now 
man  unquestionably  belongs,  in  his  dentition,  in  the  structure 
of  his  nostrils,  and  in  some  other  respects,  to  the  Catarhine  or 
old  world  division  ;  nor  does  he  resemble  the  Platyrhines  more 
closely  than  the  Catarhines  in  any  characters,  excepting  in  a  few . 
of  not  much  importance  and  apparently  of  an  adaptive  nature. 
Therefore,  it  would  be  against  all  probability  to  suppose  that 
some  ancient  new  world  species  had  varied,  and  had  thus  pro- 
duced a  man-like  creature  with  all  the  distinctive  characters 

1  Smithsonian  Report,  1866. 


THE  AUTOCHTHONIC  HYPOTHESIS  GROUNDLESS.  195 

proper  to  the  old  world  division,  losing  at  the  same  time  all  its 
own  distinctive  characters.  There  can,  consequently,  hardly  be  a 
doubt  that  man  is  an  offshoot  from  the  old  world  Simian  stem, 
and  that  under  a  genealogical  point  of  view  he  must  be  classed 
with  the  Catarhine  division/' l  Such  was  Mr.  Darwin's  opinion  in 
1871 ;  and  that  the  views  of  evolutionists  have  not  changed  since 
that  time  as  to  this  question,  we  call  attention  to  the  words  of  the 
distinguished  Professor  Hgeckel  in  his  History  of  Creation,  which 
are  as  follows  :  "Probably  America  was  first  peopled  from  North- 
eastern Asia  by  the  same  tribe  of  Mongols  from  whom  the  Polar 
men  (Hyperboreans  and  Esquimaux)  have  also  branched.  This 
tribe  first  spread  in  North  America,  and  from  thence  migrated 
over  the  isthmus  of  Central  America  down  to  South  America,  at 
the  extreme  south  of  which  the  species  degenerated  very  much 
by  adaptation  to  the  very  unfavorable  conditions  of  existence. 
But  it  is  also  possible  that  Mongols  and  Polynesians  emigrated 
from  the  west  and  mixed  with  the  former  tribe.  In  any  case  the 
aborigines  of  America  came  over  from  the  old  world,  and  did 
not,  as  some  suppose,  in  any  way  originate  out  of  American 
apes.  Catarhine  or  narrow-nosed  apes  never  at  any  period 
existed  in  America." 2  The  same  argument  holds  good  if  it  be 
ascertained  that  both  man  and  apes  developed  from  a  common 
ancestor.  With  these  authoritative  utterances  from  the  most 
celebrated  representatives  of  the  development  school,  we  shall 
rest  the  fanciful  hypothesis  of  the  autochthonic  origin  of  the 
ancient  American  population.  Some  who  may  not  concur  in  our 
opinion  as  to  the  question  of  man's  development  from  lower 
animal  forms,  may  be  willing  to  admit  that  the  Americans  had 
an  old  world  origin,  which  certainly,  in  the  light  of  facts,  is  the 


1  Descent  of  Man,  vol.  i,  p.  188.    Also,  "  The  Simiadae  then  branched  off  into 
two  great  stems,  the  new  world  and  old  world  monkeys,  and  from  the  latter, 
at  a  remote  period,  man,  the  wonder  and  glory  of  the  universe,  proceeded." — 
Descent  of  Man,  vol.  i,  p.  204.    Again,  "  We  thus  learn  that  man  is  descended 
from  a  hairy  quadruped,  furnished  with  a  tail   and  pointed  ears,  probably 
arboreal  in  its  habits  and  an  inhabitant  of  the  old  world."— Descent  of  Man, 
vol.  ii,  p.  372. 

2  History  of  Creation,  (N.  Y.  ed.),  1876,  vol.  ii,  p.  318. 


196  UNITY  OF  STYLE  IN  SAVAGE  ART. 

only  rational  view.1  The  unity  of  the  human  family  is  a  theory, 
if  not  a  fact,  which  is  supported  by  a  mass  of  testimony  of  the 
most  diversified  character.  The  habits  and  customs,  the  sympa- 
thies, the  wants  and  fears,  the  simpler  arts,  as  well  as  most 
bodily  proportions,  point  to  a  relationship  which  finds  its  easiest 
explanation  in  a  unity  of  origin.  It  is  chiefly,  however,  in  the 
ruder  arts  that  this  correspondence  of  style  or  type  is  observable. 
No  better  illustration  of  this  offers  itself  than  the  similarity  of 
form  or  forms  in  which  flint  arrow-heads  are  found  in  all  parts 
of  the  world.  It  would  be  impossible  for  the  most  expert 
archaeologists  to  assign  a  promiscuous  collection  of  flint  weapons  to 
the  various  quarters  of  the  globe  from  which  they  may  have  been 
gathered,  simply  on  the  ground  of  characteristic  forms.2  The  com- 
mon methods  of  producing  fire  by  means  of  friction,  employed  with 
but  slight  variation  among  people  the  most  remotely  separated,3  is 
an  inexplicable  fact,  except  on  the  ground  of  an  early  community 
of  residence  or  identical  inventive  genius.  The  universality  of 
certain  architectural  forms  such  as  the  pyramid,  and  the  singular 
fact  that  they  have  generally  been  used  for  places  of  sepulture, 
offers  an  argument  in  the  same  direction.  The  fact  indicates 
either  an  early  community  of  residence  or  identity  of  mental 
organization.  The  physical  resemblances  of  all  races  in  certain 
stable  features  which  have  never  been  known  to  change,  indicate 
a  divergence  from  a  common  centre — from  one  type.  The  slight 
differences  in  the  type  of  skull  which  characterize  some  nations 

1  "  Nowhere  can  lines  of  demarcation  be  so  clearly  drawn,  so  imperceptibly 
do  the  families  of  mankind  blend  at  their  circumferences.     The  various  classi- 
fications which  have  been  attempted  are  so  many  proofs  of  unity  of  origin ;  and 
their  connection  shows  the  fallacy  of  the  theory  of  diversity.    *    *    *    *    We 
cannot  admit  that  mankind  can  have  diversity  of  origin  while  so  united  by  one 
great  plan.     If  a  species  or  variety  of  the  genus  homo  sprang  up  in  Europe  and 
another  in  America  by  agency  of  conditions  existing  in  those  localities,  if,  would 
be  beyond  probability  that  they  should  both  be  formed  on  the  same  plan."- 
H.  Tuttle's  Origin  and  Antiquity  of  Physical  Man  Scientifically  Considered, 
pp.  34-5.     Boston,  1866,  12mo. 

2  Darwin's  Descent  of  Man,  vol.  i,  p.  224,  and  Nilsson's  Tlie  Primitive  In- 
habitants of  Scandinavia,  Lubbock's  trans.,  1868,  p.  104. 

3  See  Early  History  of  Fire,  by  Prof.  N.  Joly  of  the  Faculty  of  Toulouse  in 
Popular  Science  Monthly,  November,  1876,  p.  17  ;  also  Darwin,  as  above  cited. 


DIFFERENCES  IN   COLOR  AND  THEIR  ORIGIN.  197 

from  others,  is  no  argument  against  original  unity,  since  those 
peculiarities  are  certainly  of  more  recent  origin  than  the  un- 
known events  which  at  a  remote  period  scattered  men  over  the 
face  of  the  earth.1  Probably  no  difference  between  the  races  of 
men  has  been  considered  so  essential  as  that  of  color,  for  none 
has  furnished  such  reasonable  ground  for  the  views  of  polygen- 
ists  as  the  marked  contrast  between  the  African  and  Caucasian 
types.  Years  ago  the  view  that  color  was  the  result  of  tropi- 
cal climate  was  abandoned,2  for  the  Eskimo  and  Lapps  are 
almost  as  dark  as  many  Africans,  and  their  residence  under  the 
arctic  circle  has  continued  from  a  remote  antiquity.  Upon  the 
other  hand  every  variation  in  color,  from  the  darkest  to  the  light- 
est possible  shades,  exist  among  African  tribes.  The  antiquity 
of  the  negro  type  as  we  now  see  it,  is  unquestionably  consider- 
able. As  proof  of  this  we  have  the  oft -referred  to  argument 
from  Egyptian  paintings.  In  a  temple  at  Beyt-el-Welee,  in 
Nubia,  constructed  in  the  reign  of  Barneses  II,  is  a  painting 
which  has  been  reproduced  by  Bonomi,  in  which  a  negro  kneels 
at  the  feet  of  Sethos  I,  father  and  predecessor  of  Eameses  II. 
All  the  peculiarities  of  the  Negroid  type  are  conspicuous ;  the 
blackness  of  the  color,  the  thickness  of  lips,  flatness  of  nose  and 
woolliness  of  hair  which  pertain  to  the  African  of  to-day  are 
unquestionably  present.3  The  painting  representing  this  re- 
markable ethnic  fact  is  3200  years  old,  dating  from  1400  years 
before  Christ.  The  Duke  of  Argyll,  on  the  authority  of  Prof. 
Lepsius,  states  that  in  earlier  representations  of  the  negro, 
referable  to  the  "  Twelfth  Dynasty "  or  about  1900  B.  c.,  the 
negro  color  is  strongly  marked,  but  not  the  negro  features.4  It 
is  a  question  whether  this  fact  indicates  a  transition  from  one  type 
to  another,  or  whether  the  painting  is  a  true  representation  of 


1  Waltz's  Anthropology,  Eng.  trans.,  pp.  226-28. 

2  Pallas  was  the  first  to  show  the  fallacy  of  the  theory  in  A.ct.  Academic  St. 
Petersburg,  1780,  Part  II,  p.  69  ;  followed  by  Rudolph!  in  his  Beytrdge  zur 
Anthr  apologia,  1812,  and  especially  by  Godron,  De  I  'Espece,  1859,  vol.  ii,  p.  246 
et  seq. ;  see  Darwin's  Descent,  vol.  i,  p.  232. 

3  Nott  and  Gliddon's  Indigenous  Races  ;  Duke  of  Argyll's  Primeval  Nan,  p.  99. 

4  Primeval  Man,  p.  100. 


198  SURVIVAL  OF  THE  FITTEST. 

the  Nubians,  who  are  known  not  to  have  flat  noses  or  projecting 
lips.  It  is  supposed  also  that  the  unskillfulness  of  the  artists 
may  account  for  the  absence  of  the  typal  lines.1  Hieroglyphic 
writings  have  been  found  dating  about  2000  years  B.  c.,  in  which 
mention  is  made  of  the  employment  of  Negro  or  black  troops  by 
an  Egyptian  king  in  the  prosecution  of  a  great  war.3  At  that 
remote  period,  when  Abraham  was  almost  the  sole  representative 
of  the  Jewish  race,  the  negro  type  had  multiplied  and  developed 
into  strong  tribes,  which  were  important  factors  in  the  military 
contests  of  the  oldest  of  powers — the  Egyptian. 

Notwithstanding  this  seeming  permanence  of  type,  it  is  well 
known  that  of  all  physical  conditions,  color  is  the  most  liable  to 
change  in  every  organism.  Many  animals  under  domestication 
change  their  color  entirely.3  In  our  Southern  States  it  was 
observed  that  house-slaves  of  the  third  generation  presented 
quite  a  markedly  different  appearance  from  field  slaves.4  This 
was  owing  as  much,  no  doubt,  to  different  food  and  different 
habits  of  life  as  to  protection  from  the  sun,  though  many  dif- 
ferent races  have  quite  the  same  color  while  their  habits  of  life 
are  as  different  as  well  could  be  imagined.  Of  this  class,  the 
Eskimo,  Chinese,  and  Fuegeans  are  examples.  However,  the 
fact  that  color  is  variable  even  in  a  slight  degree,  indicates  that 
considerable  if  not  radical  changes  might  be  brought  about 
during  a  great  length  of  time.  Mr.  Darwin  has  furnished  the 
most  rational  solution  of  the  question,  which  he  describes  briefly 

1  "  We  ourselves,  when  visiting  the  famous  cavern  of  Abou  Simbel,  were  far 
from  finding  all  that  the  writings   of  certain  anthropologists  and  partisans 
of  Egyptian  art,  such  as  GUiddon,  Nott,  etc.,  had  promised  us.     Doubtless  one 
can  perfectly  distinguish  certain  types,  that  is  indisputable ;  but  to  desire  to 
find  a  people  in  each  portrait — Scythians,  Arabs,  Philistines,  Lydians,  Kurds, 
Hindoos,  Jews,  Chinese,  Tyrians,  Pelasgians,  lonians,  etc. — is  it  not  to  give  too 
great  an  influence  to  the  Egyptian  artists,  who  were  copyists  without  skill,  and 
but  clumsy  inventors  ?  "—Pouchet's  Plurality  of  the  Human  Race,  Eng.  trans., 
p.  50.    London,  1864. 

2  Duke  of  Argyll's  Primeval  Man,  p.  101. 

3  Darwin's  Variation  of  Animals  under  Domestication,  vol.  ii,  pp.  227-335, 
and  many  places. 

4  Harlan's  Medical  Researches,  p.  532,  and  Quatrefanges  (Unite  de  VEspece 
Humaine,  1861,  p.  128),  cited  by  Darwin,  Descent,  vol.  i,  p.  237. 


ACCEPTED   CHRONOLOGY  FAULTY.  199 

as  follows  :  "  Various  facts  which  I  have  elsewhere  given,  prove 
that  the  color  of  the  skin  and  hair  is  sometimes  correlated  in  a 
surprising  manner  with  a  complete  immunity  from  the  action 
of  certain  vegetable  poisons  and  from  the  attack  of  parasites. 
Hence  it  occurred  to  me  that  negroes  and  other  dark  races  might 
have  acquired  their  dark  tints  by  the  darker  individuals  escaping 
during  a  long  series  of  generations  from  the  deadly  influence  of 
the  miasmas  of  their  native  countries/' 1  This  doctrine  of  the 
survival  of  only  the  fittest,  while  all  the  weaker  and  perhaps 
lighter  complexioned  individuals  of  a  race  gradually  succumbed  to 
the  deadly  influence  of  climate,  no  doubt  will  explain  the  origin 
of  the  dark  races,  known  to  enjoy  a  special  immunity  against 
yellow  and  other  fevers.2  At  all  events,  the  formation  of  the 
distinctive  features  of  races  requires  a  great  lapse  of  time.  The 
geologist  asks  for  time  in  which  to  account  for  the  formation  of 
strata^  and  the  intelligent  world  now  grants  it  to  him  without 
limit,  and  just  as  reasonably  may  the  ethnologist  ask  for  time  in 
which  to  account  for  the  formation  of  racial  types.3  Nor  need 
the  most  literal  interpreter  of  Genesis  object  to  this  demand  on 
the  ground  of  any  conflict  with  the  letter  even  of  the  historic 
narrative  of  the  Pentateuch.  The  accepted  chronology,  based 
on  Archbishop  Usher's  interpretation,  is  no  part  of  the  text  of 
Genesis.  It  is  purely  the  product  of  his  inadvertence  and  the 
blindness  of  many  others  of  his  school  of  Biblical  chronologists. 
It  is  evident  that  the  rules  of  interpretation  applied  to  the  tenth 

1  Descent,  vol.  i,  p.  233,  Bradford  (A.  W.  )  discusses  the  origin  of  color  and 
other  racial  peculiarities,  and  attributes  to  the  tendency  of  a  species  to  vary,  and 
cites  the  production  of  Albinoes,  Xanthous,  and  Sedigidi  or  six-fingered  indi- 
viduals.    "  It  must  be  admitted,"  he  says,  "  that  this  theory  is  sufficiently  sup- 
ported by  an  irrefragable  mass  of  testimony  to  establish  the  original  unity  of 
the  human  race,  and  to  indicate  that  varieties  of  mankind  are  descended  from 
the  same  primitive  stock." — American  Antiquities,  pp.  238-9. 

2  See  instances  in  Darwin's  Descent,  vol.  i,  p.  234  ;  Nott  and  Gliddon's  Types 
of  Mankind,  p.  68,  and  especially  Pouchet's  Plurality  of  the  Human  Race 
(trans.),  p.  60. 

3  "  I  doubt  not  that  there  will  be  found  continuous  and  uninterrupted  causes 
which  shall  explain  all  the  diversities  of  the  different  branches  of  the  human 
family  without  the  necessity  of  resorting  to  independent  creations." — Foster's 
Pre-Historic  Races,  p.  355. 


200  ACCEPTED  CHRONOLOGY   FAULTY. 

chapter  of  Genesis,  according  to  which  the  names  of  the  descend- 
ants of  Noah's  sons  are  taken  to  represent  individuals  only,  can- 
not hold.  The  probabilities  are  that  they  represent  considerable 
tribes  or  nations.  This  probability  is  an  established  fact  in  the 
sixteenth  and  subsequent  verses.  In  the  fifteenth  verse  we 
learn  that  Canaan,  the  grandson  of  Noah,  "begat  Sidon,  his 
first-born,  and  Heth."  Here  the  writer  seems  to  refer  to  indi- 
viduals, but  it  is  probable  that  he  alludes  even  to  the  origin  of 
tribes.  In  the  sixteenth  verse  we  are  not  left  in  doubt  on  the 
subject,  for  there  he  no  longer  speaks  of  individuals  or  genera- 
tions but  of  the  growth  of  nations.  He  immediately  adds  after 
the  above  quotation,  "  and  [begat]  the  Jebusite,  and  the  Amor- 
ite,  and  the  Girgasite,  and  the  Hivite,  and  the  Arkite,  and  the 
Sinite,"  etc.,  etc.1  The  account  makes  no  pretensions  at  chro- 
nology or  at  furnishing  data  for  any  system,  and  the  constructions 
put  upon  its  condensed  account  of  the  origin  and  growth  of 
nations  during  an  indefinite  lapse  of  time  by  short-sighted  inter- 
preters, are  unwarranted  and  certainly  do  injustice  to  the  oldest 
of  our  histories.  When  we  go  back  of  the  birth  of  Christ  two 
thousand  years — to  the  time  of  Abraham — this  is  as  far  as  we 
can  tread  with  certainty  in  the  light  of  History.  This  period 
has  been  aptly  designated  by  the  Duke  of  Argyll  as  u  Time 
absolute."  But  when  we  go  back  of  2000  B.  c.,  we  are  compelled 
to  walk  in  a  twilight  glimmer,  with  only  the  dim  rays  from  occa- 
sional cuneiform  inscriptions,  and  the  condensed  accounts  con- 
tained in  Genesis,  falling  across  our  uncertain  pathway.  This 
period  the  above  able  writer  has  chosen  to  call  "  Time  relative," 
and  the  probabilities  are  that  its  measure  is  double  if  not  treble 
that  of  the  portion  of  "Time  absolute"  which  precedes  the 
Christian  Era.  An  additional  fact  in  this  connection  which 
strengthens  the  preceding  is,  that  the  three  most  ancient  versions 
of  the  Pentateuch — the  Hebrew,  the  Samaritan  and  the  Septua- 
gint — vary  considerably  in  their  statements  as  to  the  ages  of  many 
of  the  patriarchs  at  the  birth  of  their  sons.  So  wide  is  the  differ- 

1  See  an  excellent  treatment  of  this  subject  by  the  Duke  of  Argyll,  Primeval 
Man,  pp.  94  et  seq. 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  THE  PRECEDING.  201 

ence  in  this  respect  between  the  Hebrew  and  Septuagint  versions 
that  their  chronologies  cannot  be  reconciled  at  all,  the  latter 
allowing  a  period  of  eight  hundred  years  more  than  the  former 
from  Adam  to  Abraham ;  such  being  the  case,  it  is  impossible 
to  arrive  at  the  time  of  the  flood  or  the  origin  of  the  race.  These 
contradictions  in  versions,  however,  do  not  in  any  way  impeach 
the  historic  authority  of  the  Pentateuch,  since  it  is  in  no  sense  a 
chronology  any  more  than  it  is  a  work  on  geographic  or  astronomic 
science.  The  known  antiquity  of  Egypt  and  China,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  facts  revealed  by  geology  concerning  man's  an- 
tiquity, can  never  be  reconciled  with  Usher's  system,  which  is 
in  no  sense  the  true  chronology  of  any  known  version  of  the 
Pentateuch.1 

In  this  chapter  we  have  seen  that  there  is  nothing  to  indicate 
that  the  Americans  owe  their  origin  to  a  special  act  of  creation, 
and  further,  if  they  originated  by  the  process  of  development 
(for  which  there  is  no  sufficient  evidence),  that  it  was  not  upon 
the  American  continent.  We  are  supported  in  these  conclusions 
by  the  most  respectable  writers  on  American  Ethnology2  and 

1  «  When  speaking  in  a  former  work  of  the  distinct  races  of  mankind,  I 
remarked  that  if  all  the  leading  varieties  of  the  human  family  sprang  originally 
from  a  single  pair  (a  doctrine  to  which  then,  as  now,  I  could  see  no  valid  objec- 
tion),  a  much  greater  lapse  of  time  was  required  for  the  slow  and  gradual 
formation  of  such  races  as  the  Caucasian,  Mongolian,  and  Negro,  than  was 
embraced  in  any  of  the  popular  systems  of  chronology." — Sir  Charles  Lyell's 
Antiquity  of  Man,  p.  385.      Dr.  J^  P.   Thompson   says  :    "  For  such  works 
[alluding  to  Babel]  and  especially  for  founding  such  an  empire  as  was  ancient 
Egypt,  there  was  need  of  centuries  for  the  growth  of  a  population  in  numbers 
and  resources,  equal  to  the  gigantic  structures  that  crown  the  banks  of  the  Nile. 
The  less  than  two  centuries  between  Archbishop  Usher's  date  of  the  cessation 
of  the  flood,  and  Piazzi  Smith's  calculation  of  the  date  of  the  great  pyramid,  was 
far  too  short  an  interval  for  results  upon  a  scale  so  magnificent.  *    *    *    Either 
then  we  must  place  the  flood  much  farther  back  upon  the  chronological  scale,  or 
must  admit  not  only  that  it  was  not  universal  in  territorial  extent,  which  is  alto- 
gether probable,  but  that  it  was  not  universal  in  the  destruction  of  mankind, 
which  would  seem  to  contradict  both  the  letter  and  the  spirit  of  the  sacred 
record." — Man  in  Genesis  and  Geology,  p.  100.    New  York,  1870.     12mo. 

2  See  Humboldt's  Essai  Polit.,  vol.  i,  p.  79,  Paris,  1811.     He  considers  not 
only  the  Red  Indians,  but  the  Toltecs  and  Aztecs,  to  be  of  Asiatic  Origin.     See 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg's  Nat.  Civil.  Ant.,  torn,  i,  p.  27.    McCullough's  Researches, 


202  CONCLUSIONS. 


Antiquities.  That  the  American  population  is  of  old  world 
origin  there  can  be  little  doubt ;  but  from  whence  it  came,  and  to 
what  particular  people  or  peoples  it  owes  its  birth,  is  quite 
another  question.1  That  view  seems  open  to  least  objections 
which  maintains  that  the  Western  Continent  received  its  popu- 
lation at  a  comparatively  early  period  in  the  history  of  the  race, 
before  the  peoples  of  Western  Europe  and  Eastern  Asia  had 
assumed  their  present  national  characteristics  or  fully  developed 
their  religious  and  social  customs.2 

Phil,  and  Ant.,  pp.  175  et  seq.  Crowe,  The  Gospel  in  Central  America,  p.  61. 
Bradford,  American  Antiquities,  in  chapter  xii,  gives  liis  reasons  for  declaring 
the  Americans  to  have  been  a  "primitive  and  cultivated  branch  of  the  human 
family."  Mayer  (Brantz)  in  Mexico  as  it  Was,  p.  260,  expresses  his  agreement 
with  the  opinion  entertained  by  Bradford.  Carver,  in  Travels  through  the  Inte- 
rior Parts  of  North  America,  repeats  the  opinion  of  Charlevoix,  that  the  Amer- 
icans are  of  old  world  origin.  Tylor,  AnaJiuac,  London,  1861,  p.  104,  says : 
"  On  the  whole,  the  most  probable  view  of  the  origin  of  the  Mexican  tribes 
seems  to  be  the  one  ordinarily  held,  that  they  really  came  from  the  old  world, 
bringing  with  them  several  legends,  evidently  the  same  as  the  histories  recorded 
in  the  book  of  Genesis." 

1  La  teoria  de  la  diversidad  especifica  de  razas  es  tan  intenible,  que  sin  mas 
decir  podemos,  dejar  esta  cuestion,  la  cual  ultimamente,  en  especial  en  Norte- 
America,  ha  escitado  alguna  controversia.     Quedanos,  pues,  un  origen  primor- 
dial para  toda  la  raza  humana  y  entonces  la  cuestion  es,  saber  de  quo  tronco 
6  familia  del  antiguo  continente  se  poblo  el  nuevo,  6  bien  vice-versa,  que  tam- 
bien  es  possible,  aunque  improbable,  que  del  que  llamamos  nuevo  se  haya 
poblado  el  viego  continente." — Ezequiel  TTricoechea  in  Soc.  Mex.  Bol.  2d.  ep.  iv, 
1854,  p.  128.    "  For  my  own  part  I  have  long  been  convinced  of  the  consan- 
guinity between  the  brachycephala3  of  America  and  those  of  Asia  and  the  Pacific 
islands,  and  that  this  characteristic  type  may  be  traced  uninterruptedly  through 
the  long  chain  of  tribes  inhabiting  the  west  coast  of  the  American  Continent 
from  Behring  Straits  to  Cape  Horn." — Retzius,  Smithsonian  Report,  1859,  p.  267. 

2  "The  era  of  their  existence  as  a  distinct  and  isolated  race  must  probably 
be  dated  as  far  back  as  that  time  which  separated  into  nations  the  inhabitants 
of  the  old  world,  and  gave  to  each  branch  of  the  human  family  its  primitive 
language  and  individuality." — J.  C.  PricMrd's  Natural  History  of  Man,  p.  356. 
London,  1845. 


CHAPTER    Y. 

TRADITIONAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 

Ancient  Civilization  of  Tabasco  and  Chiapas — The  Tradition  of  Votan — The 
First  Emigrants  to  America — City  of  Nachan — The  Votanic  Document — 
Ordonez — Brasseur  and  Cabrera  on  the  Tzendal  Document — The  Empire  of 
the  Chanes — The  Oldest  Civilization — The  Earliest  Home  of  the  Mayas— 
The  Quiches— Their  Origin  Tradition — The  Quiche  Cosmogony — The  Crea- 
tion of  Man — The  Quiche  Migration — Tulan — Mt.  Hacavitz — Human  Sacri- 
fices instituted — Four  Tulans — Association  of  the  Mayas  and  Nahuas — 
Heroic  Period  of  the  Quiches— Xibalba  and  its  Downfall — Exploits  of  the 
Quiche  Chieftains — War  of  the  Sects — Xibalba  and  Palenque  the  same — 
Mayas  of  Yucatan  and  their  Traditions — Culture  Heroes — Zamna  and 
Cukulcan— Christ  Myth. 

rpHE  most  ancient  civilization  on  this  continent,  judging 
from  the  combined  testimony  of  tradition,  records,  and 
architectural  remains,  was  that  which  grew  up  under  the  favor- 
able climate  and  geographical  surroundings  which  the  Central 
American  Kegion  southward  of  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec 
afforded.  The  great  Maya  family  with  its  numerous  branches, 
each  in  time  developing  its  own  dialect  if  not  its  own  peculiar 
language,  at  an  early  date  fixed  itself  in  the  fertile  valley  of  the 
Kiver  Usumasinta,  and  produced  a  civilization  which  was  old 
and  ripe  when  the  Toltecs  came  in  contact  with  it.  Here  in  this 
picturesque  valley  region  in  Tabasco  and  Chiapas  we  may  look 
for  the  cradle  of  American  civilization.  Under  the  shadow  of  the 
magnificent  and  mysterious  ruins  of  Palenque  a  people  grew  to 
power  who  spread  into  Guatemala  and  Honduras,  northward 
toward  Anahuac  and  southward  into  Yucatan,  and  for  a  period 
of  probably  twenty-five  centuries  exercised  a-sway  which,  at  one 
time,  excited  the  envy  and  fear  of  its  neighbors.  We  are  fully 


204  THE  TRADITION  OF  VOTAN. 

aware  of  the  uncertainty  which  attaches  itself  to  tradition  in 
general,  and  of  the  caution  with  which  it  should  be  accepted  in 
treating  of  the  foundations  of  history  ;  but  still,  with  reference  to 
the  origin  and  growth  of  old  world  nations,  nothing  better  offers 
itself  in  many  instances  than  suspicious  legends.  The  histories 
of  the  Egyptians,  the  Trojans,  the  Greeks,  and  of  even  ancient 
Kome  rests  on  no  surer  footing.  It  is  certain  that  while  the 
legendary  history  of  any  nation  may  be  confused,  exaggerated, 
and  besides  full  of  breaks,  still  there  are  some  main  and  funda- 
mental facts  out  of  which  it  has  grown,  and  this  we  think  is 
especially  true  of  the  new  world  traditions.  Clavigero  says  : 
"  The  Chiapanese  have  been  the  first  peoplers  of  the  new  world, 
if  we  give  credit  to  their  traditions.  They  say  that  Votan,  the 
grandson  of  that  respectable  old  man  who  built  the  great  ark 
to  save  himself  and  family  from  the  deluge,  and  one  of  those 
who  undertook  the  building  of  that  lofty  edifice  which  was  to 
reach  up  to  heaven,  went  by  express  command  of  the  Lord  to 
people  that  land.  They  say  also  that  the  first  people  came  from 
the  quarter  of  the  north,  and  that  when  they  arrived  at  Soco- 
nusco,  they  separated,  some  going  to  inhabit  the  country  of 
Nicaragua  and  others  remaining  in  Chiapas."  1  The  tradition 
of  Votan,  the  founder  of  the  Maya  culture,  though  somewhat 
warped,  probably  by  having  passed  through  priestly  hands,  is 
nevertheless  one  of  the  most  valuable  pieces  of  information  which 
we  have  concerning  the  ancient  Americans.  Without  it  our 
knowledge  of  the  origin  of  the  Mayas  would  be  a  hopeless  blank, 
and  the  ruins  of  Palenque  would  be  more  a  mystery  than  ever. 
According  to  this  tradition,  Votan  came  from  the  East,  from 
Valum  Chivim,  by  the  way  of  Valum  Votan,  from  across  the 
sea,  by  divine  command,  to  apportion  the  land  of  the  new  conti- 
nent to  seven  families  which  he  brought  with  him.  It  appears 
that  he  had  been  preceded  in  America  by  two  others  named 
Igh  and  Imox,  if  the  researches  of  the  Abbe  Brasseur  cle  Bour- 
bourg  can  be  relied  upon.  In  the  Tzendal  calendar,  Votan's 
name  appears  as  that  of  the  third  day,  while  Igh  and  Imox  are 

1  Hist.  Ant.  del  Messico  (Eng.  trans.,  1807),  vol.  i. 


THE  CITY  OF  NACHAN.  205 

the  first  and  second  respectively.  If,  as  is  supposed,  the  names 
represent  the  true  succession  of  the  Maya  chiefs,  there  is  some 
ground  for  the  Abbe's  view.1  The  doubtful  portions  of  the 
tradition  which  may  be  interpolations  are  the  ambiguous  asser- 
tions that  he  saw  the  Tower  of  Babel,  and  was  present  at  the 
building  of  Solomon's  temple.  Probably  the  remains  only  of 
the  former  structure  may  be  referred  to. 

With  these  contradictions  we  have  nothing  to  do,  as  they  do 
not  in  any  way  affect  the  subsequent  history  of  the  Votanites,  or 
interfere  with  the  probability  of  their  old  world  origin.  To  at- 
tempt to  designate  the  point  from  which  Votan  started  or  the 
means  by  which  he  reached  the  new  world,  would  be  the  height 
of  folly.  Votan  is  said  to  have  made  four  journeys  to  the  land 
of  his  nativity.  His  achievements  in  the  new  world  were,  how- 
ever, as  great  as  those  of  any  of  the  heroes  of  antiquity.  His 
great  city  was  named  "  Nachan,"  (city  of  the  serpents),  from  his 
own  race,  which  was  named  Chan,  a  serpent.  This  Nachan  is 
unquestionably  identified  with  Palenque.  The  date  of  his  jour- 
ney is  placed  at  1000  years  B.  c.2  The  kingdom  of  the  serpents 

1  "  Quoique  Votan  sort  le  veritable  fondateur  de  la  civilisation  et  de  1'empire 
des  Quiches,  le  Codex  Chimalpopoca,  attribue  neanmoins  la  fondation  de  1 'em- 
pire a  son  Igh  on  Ik,  appele  par  les  Mexicains  Ehecatl  on  Cipactonac,  parceque 
ce  prince  vint  le  premir  amener  une  colonie  sur  le  continent  americain.   Cipatonac 
est  compose  de  Cipactli,  et  de  Tonacayo.     Le  premir  vient  de  ce  un,  Ipan,  sur 
ou  au-dessus,  et  tlactli,  qui  est  le  corps  liumain,  c'est-a-dire,  Un  homme  superieur 
aux  autres  Jiommes,  ou  encore  de  notre  race,  toutes  choses  qui  convennent  par- 
faitement  au  pere  de  la  race  des  chanes.     Tonacayo,  vent  dire  notre  chair  ou  le 
corps  humain,  le  mot  tout  cutier  Cipactonac  ayant  la  signification  suivante : 
'  Celui  qui  est  sorti  du  premier  de  notre  race.'    Ehecatl  est  en  mexicain  1'air, 
ou  le  souffle,   Igli  ou  Ik,  en  langua  maya  et  tzendale.    Dans  les  calendriers 
d'Oxaca,  Soconusco,  Chiappas  et  d'Yucatan,  il  suit  immediatemet  le  nom  de 
Nin,  Imos  ou  Imox,  comme  celui  d'Ehecatl  suit  dans  le  mexicain  celui  de 
Cipactli." — Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Cartas,  note,  p.  71.     He  then  proceeds  to 
sustain  his  conclusions  by  citing  analogies  between  the  name  and  its  signifi- 
cance among  the  Egyptians. 

2  Chimalpopoca,  MS.,  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Popol  Vuh.,  p.  Ixxxviii ;  see 
also  Memorias  para  la  Historia  del  Antigito,  Reyno  de  Guatemala,  por  Franc, 
de  Paula  Garcia  Pelaez  (Guatemala,  1851).    Pelaez  states  that  Votan  founded  the 
ancient  Culhuacan,  now  known  as  Palenque,  in  the  year  3000  of  the  world  and 
in  the  tenth  century  B.  c. 


206  THE  VOTANIC  DOCUMENT— ORDONEZ. 

flourished  so  rapidly  that  Votan  founded  three  tributary  mon- 
archies whose  capitals  were  Tulan,  Mayapan,  and  Chiquinrula.1 
The  former  is  supposed  to  have  been  situated  about  two  leagues 
east  of  the  town  of  Ococingo ;  Mayapan  is  well-known  to  have 
been  the  capital  of  Yucatan,  and  Chiqimula  is  thought  to  have 
been  Copan  in  Honduras.2  One  of  the  great  works  of  this  hero 
was  the  excavation  of  a  tunnel  or  e  snake  hole '  from  Zuqui  to 
Tzequil.  He  also  deposited  a  great  treasure  at  Huehuetan,  in 
Soeonusco,  which  he  left  under  the  vigilant  care  of  a  guard, 
directed  by  one  of  the  most  honorable  women  of  the  land. 
Finally,  he  wrote  a  book  in  which  he  recorded  his  deeds  and 
offered  proof  of  his  being  a  Chane  (or  serpent).  This  ancient 
document,  which  is  claimed  to  have  been  written  by  one  of 
Votan' s  descendants,  of  the  eighth  or  ninth  generation  and  not 
by  himself,3  was  in  the  Tzendal  language,  a  dialect  or  branch 
of  the  Maya,  spoken  in  Chiapas  and  around  Palenque.  Its 
history  is,  however,  quite  checkered,  and  the  information  which 
it  contained  comes  very  indirectly.  For  generations  the  Votanic 
document  was  scrupulously  guarded  by  the  people  of  Ta- 
coaloya,  in  Soconusco,  but  was  finally  discovered  by  Francisco 
Nunez  de  la  Vega,  Bishop  of  Chiapas.  In  the  preamble  of  his 
Constituciones,  §  xxx,4  he  claims  to  have  read  this  document,  but 
it  is  probable  that  only  a  copy,  still  in  the  Tzendal  language  but 
written  in  Latin  characters,  had  come  into  his  possession.5  He 
fails  to  give  any  definite  information  from  the  document  except 
the  most  general  statements  with  reference  to  Votan's  place  in 
the  calendar,  and  his  having  seen  the  Tower  of  Babel,  at  which 
each  people  was  given  a  new  language.  He  states  that  he  could 
have  made  more  revelations  of  the  history  of  Votan  from  this 

1  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Popol  VuJi.,  p.  Ixxxx,  on  the  authority  of  Ordonez. 

2  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  1 59. 

3  Ordonez,  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Popol  Vuh,  p.  Ixxxvii. 

4  Constituciones  Diocesanes  del  OUspado  de  Chiappas.    Rome,  1702. 

5  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  160:  "It  is  not  altogether  improbable 
that  a  genuine  Maya  document  similar  to  the  Manuscript  Troano  or  Dresden 
Codex,  preserved  from  early  times,  may  have  found  a  native  interpreter  at  the 
time  of  the  Conquest,  and  have  escaped  in  its  disguise  of  Spanish  letters  the 
destruction  which  overtook  its  companions." 


NUNEZ  DE  LA  VEGA.  207 

document  but  for  bringing  up  the  old  idolatry  of  the  people  and 
perpetuating  it.  With  the  zeal  of  a  true  Vandal,  the  bishop 
committed  the  dangerous  documents,  together  with  the  treasure 
which  he  claims  Votan  to  have  buried  in  the  dark-house,  to  the 
flames  in  1691.  There  seems  to  have  been  other  copies,  however, 
of  this  remarkable  manuscript,  for  about  the  close  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  Dr.  Paul  Felix  Cabrera  was  shown  a  document  in  the 
possession  of  Don  Kamon  de  Ordonez  y  Aguiar,  a  resident  of 
Ciudad  Keal  in  Chiapas,  which  purported  to  be  the  Votanic 
memoir.1  Ordonez,  at  the  time,  was  engaged  upon  the  compo- 
sition of  his  work  on  the  "  History  of  the  Heaven  and  Earth."  * 
It  appears  that  Cabrera  was  admitted  to  the  confidence  of  Ordo- 
nez, and  availed  himself  of  a  few  facts  communicated  to  him  by 
the  latter,  which  he  supplemented  by  drawing  from  his  imagi- 
nation for  the  rest  of  his  account.3  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg 
accuses  Cabrera  of  seriously  misrepresenting  Ordonez  and  of 
warping  his  account.4  The  following,  which  is  Cabrera's  ac- 

1  "  The  memoir  in  his  possession  consists  of  five  or  six  folios  of  common 
quarto  paper,  written  in  ordinary  characters  in  the  Tzendal  language,  an  evident 
proof  of  its  having  been  copied  from  the  original  in  hieroglyphics,  shortly  after 
the  Conquest.     At  the  top  of  the  first  leaf,  the  two  continents  are  painted  in 
different  colors,  in  two  small  squares,  placed  parallel  to  each  other  in  the  angles  ; 
the  one  representing  Europe,  Asia  and  Africa  is  marked  with  two  large  S'S 
upon  the  upper  arms  of  two  bars  drawn  from  the  opposite  angles  of  each  square, 
forming  the  point  of  union  in  the  centre  ;  that  which  indicates  America  has  two 
S'S  placed  horizontally  on  the  bars,  but  I  am  not  certain  whether  upon  the 
upper  or  lower  bars,  but   I  believe  upon  the  latter.     When  speaking  of  the 
places  he  had  visited  on  the  old  continent,  he  marks  them  on  the  margin  of  each 
chapter  with  an  upright  S  and  those  of  America  with  a  horizontal  S.     Between 
these  squares  stands  the  title   of   his  history :    '  Proof   that    I  am   Culebra 
(a  Snake)/  which  title  he  proves  in  the  body  of  the  work  by  saying  that  he  is 
Culebra  because  he  is  Chivim." — Cabrera,  Teatro  Critico  Amer.,  pp.  33-4. 

2  Title  of  Ordonez  in  brief :  Historia  de  la  Creadon  del  Cielo  y  de  la  Tierra* 
Conforme  al  Sistema  de  la  Gentilidad  Americana. 

3  See  his  Teatro  Critico  Americano,  p.  32  et  seq.,  in  Rio's  Description  of 
the  Ruins  of  an  American  City.    London,  1822,  quarto. 

4  "  Mais  il  y  defigura  completement  1'ouvrage  d'Ordoiiez  qu'il  ne  connaissait 
pas  assez  et  auquel  il  ajouta  des  opinions  extremement  hasardees.     D.  Ramon  se 
plaignit  amerement  de  ce  plagiat  et  des  fausses  idees  que  Cabrera  donnait  de 
son  travail,  obtint  contre  lui  un  jugement,  ou  le  plagiaire  fut  condamne  par  le 
tribunal  de  I'audiencs  royale  de  Guatemala,  le  30  Juin,  1794.     Mais  Cabrera, 


208   BRASSEUR  AND  CABRERA  ON  TZENDAL  DOCUMENT. 

count  may  be  of  interest  to  the  reader :  "  He  (Yotan)  states  that 
he  conducted  seven  families  from  Valum  Votan  to  this  continent 
and  assigned  lands  to  them;  that  he  is  the  third  of  the  Votans; 
that  having  determined  to  travel  until  he  arrived  at  the  root 
of  Heaven,  in  order  to  discover  his  relations,  the  Culebras,  and 
make  himself  known  to  them,  he  made  four  voyages  to  Chivim 
(which  he  expressed  by  repeating  four  times  from  Yalum  Votan 
to  Valum  Chivim,  from  Valum  Chivim  to  Valum  Votan);  that 
he  arrived  in  Spain,  and  that  he  went  to  Koine ;  that  he  saw  the 
great  house  of  God  building ;  that  he  went  by  the  road  which 
his  brethren,  the  Culebras,  had  bored  ;  that  he  marked  it,  and 
that  he  passed  by  the  houses  of  the  thirteen  Culebras.  He 
relates  that  in  returning  from  one  of  his  voyages  he  found  seven 
other  families  of  the  Tzequil  nation  who  had  joined  the  first  in- 
habitants, and  recognized  in  them  the  same  origin  as  his  own, 
that  is,  of  the  Culebras.  He  speaks  of  the  place  where  they 
built  the  first  town,  which,  from  its  founders,  received  the  name 
of  Tzequil ;  he  affirms  the  having  taught  them  refinement  of 
manners  in  the  use  of  the  table,  table-cloth,  dishes,  basins,  cups, 
and  napkins;  they  taught  him  the  knowledge  of  God  and  of  his 
worship  ;  his  first  ideas  of  a  king  and  of  obedience  to  Him  ;  that 
he  was  chosen  captain  of  all  those  united  families."  It  is  not 
necessary  for  us  to  point  out  the  hand  of  the  interpolator  in  this 
account ;  it  is  sufficiently  apparent.  However,  its  obnoxious 
prominence  need  not  destroy  our  faith  in  the  general  facts  of  the 
account.  The  interpretation  of  the  document  we  submit  to  the 
reader  with  the  simple  reminder  that  the  symbol  of  life  and 
power  among  the  Central  Americans  and  Mexicans  has  ever 
been  a  serpent,  a  fact  which  may  have  derived  its  significance 
from  the  meaning  of  the  name  of  the  Votanites  together  with 
the  power  attained  by  Palenque.1  Votan's  followers  were  called 

tout  en  pillant  les  idees  du  savant  antiquaire,  n'cn  rendait  pas  moins  justice  a 
son  talent  et  a  son  merite." — Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  on  Ordonez  MS.  Cartas,  p.  8. 
1  The  explanation  given  by  Cabrera  is  as  follows  :  "  Let  us  suppose  then, 
with  Calmet  and  other  authors  whom  he  quotes,  that  some  of  the  Hivites  who 
were  descendants  from  Heth,  son  of  Canaan,  were  settled  on  the  shores  of  the 
Mediterranean  Sea  and  known  from  the  most  remote  parts  under  the  name  of 


KINGDOM  OF  THE   CHANES  OR   SERPENTS.  209 


Tzsquites  by  their  predecessors,  probably  by  the  descendants 
of  Igh  and  Imox,  the  signification  of  which  term  is  c  men  with 
petticoats/  The  Tzendal  traditions  refer  always  to  the  city  of 
Nachan  as  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Chanes  or  Serpents, 
and  the  most  significant  feature  of  the  traditional  names  of  this 
people  is  the  fact  that  the  name  Culhua,  applied  by  the  Nahua 
nations  and  especially  by  the  Toltecs  to  a  powerful  people  who 
had  preceeded  them  at  the  south,  is  the  exact  equivalent  of 
Chanes  ;  the  same  is  true  of  Culhuacan.1  The  Abbe  Brasseur 
de  Bourbourg  obtained  a  copy  of  the  fragmentary  MS.  of  Ordo- 
nez, which  he  informs  us  was  written  in  two  separate  parts  in 
quarto,  at  different  times.  The  first  or  mythological  part  exists  in 
a  copy  owned  by  the  Abbe.2  The  second  or  historical  part,  if  ever 
written,  has  never  reached  the  light,  and  from  the  description 

Hivim  or  Givim,  from  wliicli  region  they  were  expelled,  some  years  before  tlie 
departure  of  the  Hebrews  from  Egypt,  by  the  Caphtorirns  or  Philistines,  who, 
according  to  some  writers,  were  colonists  from  Cappadocia,  others  considering 
them  to  be  from  Cyprus,  and  more  probably,  according  to  a  third  opinion,  from 
Crete,  now  Candia  ;  that  to  strengthen  their  native  country  Egypt,  and  to  pro- 
tect themselves  from  all  assault,  they  built  five  large  cities,  viz.:  Accaron, 
Azotus,  Ascalon,  and  Gaza  [fifth  wanting  in  account],  from  whence  they  made 
frequent  sallies  upon  the  Canaanite  towns  and  all  their  surrounding  neighbors 
(except  the  Egyptians,  whom  they  always  respected),  and  carried  on  many  wars 
in  the  posterior  ages  against  the  Hebrews.  The  Scriptures  (Deuteronomy  ? 
chap,  ii,  verse  23,  and  Joshua,  chap,  xiii,  verse  4)  inform  us  of  the  expulsion 
of  the  Hivites  (Givim)  by  the  Caphtorims,  from  which  it  appears  that  the  latter 
drove  out  the  former,  who  inhabited  the  countries  from  Azzah  to  Gaza.  Many 
others  were  settled  in  the  vicinity  of  the  mountains  of  Eval  and  Azzah,  among 
whom  were  reckoned  the  Sichemites  and  the  Gabaonites ;  the  latter  by  stratagem 
made  alliance  with  Joshua,  or  submitted  to  him.  Lastly,  others  had  their 
dwellings  about  the  skirts  of  Mount  Hermon,  beyond  Jordan  to  the  eastward  of 
Canaan  (Joshua,  chap,  ii,  verse  3).  Of  these  last  were  Cadmus  and  his  wife 
Hermione  or  Hermonia,  both  memorable  in  sacred  as  well  as  profane  history,  as 
their  exploits  occasioned  their  being  exalted  to  the  rank  of  deities,  while  in 
regard  to  their  metamorphosis  into  snakes  (Culebras)  mentioned  by  Ovid, 
Metam.,  lib.  3,  their  being  Hivites  may  have  given  rise  to  this  fabulous  trans- 
mutation, the  name  in  the  Phoenician  language  implying  a  snake,  which  the 
ancient  Hebrew  writers  suppose  to  have  been  given  from  this  people  being  ac- 
customed to  live  in  caves  under  ground  like  snakes."— Cabrera,  Teatro  Critico, 
pp.  47-8.  On  p.  95  he  reaches  the  conclusion  that  the  Votanites  were  Cartha- 
ginians. 

1  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  163.  2  Cartas,  p.  12. 

14 


210      KEY  TO  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  OLDEST  CIVILIZATION. 

of  its  contents  found  in  the  first  part,  we  should  think  that  the 
author  might  have  made  a  rather  imaginative  historian.1  While 
some  of  the  details  of  the  Votanic  tradition  are  not  worthy 
of  a  moment's  consideration,  it  is  quite  certain  that  in  the 
general  facts  we  have  a  key  to  the  origin  of  what  all  American- 
ists agree  in  pronouncing  the  oldest  civilization  on  this  continent, 
one  which  was  gray  and  already  declining  when  the  Toltecs 
entered  Mexico.  There  is  not  the  slightest  evidence  that  it 
originated  in  any  other  place  than  in  Chiapas,  where  it  is  found, 
and  extended  itself  into  Guatemala,  Yucatan,  and  possibly 
branched  northward  in  a  colony  as  remote  as  Culhuacan.  Sr. 
Orozco  y  Berra  has  found  fifteen  languages  or  dialects  to  be  re- 
lated to  the  Maya  language,  a  fact  which  indicates  the  age  and 
extent  of  that  remarkable  civilization.2  Sr.  Orozco  is  convinced 
from  linguistic  and  other  researches,  that  the  inhabitants 
of  Cuba  and  others  of  the  West  India  Islands  were  Mayas,  and 
points  out  the  intermediate  location  of  Cuba  between  Florida 
and  Yucatan.  He  thinks  the  earliest  home  of  the  Mayas  on  this 

1  The  description  of  its  contents  drawn  by  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  from  tlie 
part  in  his  possession  is  briefly  as  follows :  The  second  volume  of  Ordonez  com- 
prised the  history  of  the  ancestors  of  Votan,  a  descendant  of  Shem  by  the 
Hivo-Pho3nician  line;  of  their  emigration   from  the  Eastern  Continent  to  the 
Occident ;  of  their  voyage  with  their  first  legislator  by  the  Usuraasinta  River 
and  its  affluents  to  the  Plain  Palenque  ;  the  foundation  of  the  great  monarchy 
of  the  Quiches  as  well  as  that  of  Nachan,  which  was  the  capital ;  of  the  found- 
ing of  the  three  royal  cities  of  Mayapan,  Tulha,  and  Chiquimula.     The  Abbe 
finds  allusion  to  this  work  in  Torquemada,  Juarros,  Cogolludo,  Lizana,  and  par- 
ticularly in  Sahugun,  book  iii  of  his  Hist.  Gen.,  where  it  is  claimed  to  treat  of  the 
original  inhabitants  of  Palenque.     He  then  states  that  the  work  was  written  in 
Guatemala  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  was  sent  to  Spain  or  taken 
thither  by  its  author   for  publication.     In   1803  it  was   found  in  the  hands 
of  Sr.  Gil  Lemos  of  Madrid,  where  it  had  been  left  for  publication.     Its  con- 
tents becoming  known  to  the  Council  of  the  Indias,  it  was  suppressed  like  many 
others  on  the  early  history  of  America.     Ordonez,  who  for  ten  years  afterwards 
was  canon  of  the  Cathedral  at  Ciudad  Real,  died  without  seeing  his  work  pub- 
lished.    See  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Cartas,  p.  12  et  seq. 

2  These  are  as  follows  :  Chontal,  Quiche,  Zutugil,  Kachiquel, Mam,  Pokoman, 
Pokonchi,  Caichi  Coxoh,  Ixil,  Tzendal,  Tozotzil,  Choi,  Huaxteco,  and  Totonaco  ; 
besides  those  of  the   islands  of   Cuba   and  Hayti,    Borquia   and  Jamaica. — 
Geografia  de  los  Linguas,  p.  98.     Mexico,  1864,  4to. 


FORMER  HOME  OF  THE  MAYAS.  211 

continent  was  on  the  Atlantic  coast  of  the  United  States, 
from  whence  they  emigrated  to  Cuba  and  thence  to  Yucatan.1 
Though  we  are  not  fully  satisfied  that  the  Mayas  ever  occupied 
Florida,  it  is  quite  likely  that  the  islands  of  the  Gulf  were  in- 
habited by  them  at  an  early  day.  The  culture  hero  Votan  is  a 
mystery,  and  to  arrive  at  his  true  character  or  office  is  simply  an 
impossibility.  For  those  disposed  to  speculate,  there  is  abun- 
dant opportunity.2  The  most  interesting  traditionary  history 
which  has  been  discovered  is  that  of  the  Quiches  of  Guatemala. 
By  the  name  Quiche,  in  this  immediate  connection,  we  do  not 
mean  to  speak  of  that  people  after  they  became  amalgamated 
with  the  Nahua  nations  from  Central  Mexico,  but  as  a  branch 
of  the  great  Maya  monarchy,  in  all  probability  located  at  first 
at  Tulha  or  Tula,  which,  it  is  believed,  was  situated  near 
Ococingo.  At  first,  we  think,  the  Quiches  developed  their  own 
institutions,  dialects,  etc.,  as  one  of  the  allied  powers  asso- 
ciated with  the  capital  city  Nachan,  but  gradually  assumed  an 
individuality  which  became  distinctive,  until  a  rivalry  between 
the  capital  and  its  allied  neighbor  sprang  up,  which  ultimately 
ended  in  the  overthrow  of  the  former.  Sr.  Pimentel,  on  the 
authority  of  an  ancient  author,  states  that  the  name  Quiche  was 
applied  to  the  first  empire  of  Palenque  and  signified  many  trees. 
It  was  employed  by  the  "  innumerable  families  of  different 
nations  which  composed  it,  to  symbolize  its  various  branches."  3 
The  tradition  of  their  origin  states  that  they  came  from  the  far 
East,  across  immense  tracts  of  land  and  water ;  that  in  their 
former  home  they  had  multiplied  considerably  and  lived  without 
civilization,  and  with  but  few  wants ;  they  paid  no  tribute,  spoke 
a  common  language,  did  not  bow  down  to  wood  and  stone,  but 
lifting  their  eyes  toward  heaven,  observed  the  will  of  their 

1  im,  p.  128. 

2  "  II  y  a  plus  d'un  trait  de  ressemblance  entre  le  personnage  mysterieux  qui 

parut  a  Carthage  et  le  Votan  des  Tzendales.  Les  chemins  souterraines  ou  celui- 
ci  fut  admis,  lesquels  traversent  le  terre  pour  arriver  a  la  racine  du  ciel,indiquent 
une  suite  d'epreuves  qui  rappellent  les  initiations  figyptiennes  et  dont  on  trouve 
des  traces  jusqu'a  1'epoque  meme  de  la  conquete  dans  les  epreuves  de  la 
clievalerie  Mexicaine." — Brasscur  de  Bourbourg,  Popol  Vult,  p.  cviii. 

3  Lenguas  Indigenas  de  Mexico,  torn,  ii,  p.  124.     Mexico,  1865,  8vo. 


212  QUICHE  ORIGIN   TRADITION. 

Creator,  they  attended  with  respect  to  the  rising  of  the  sun,  and 
saluted  with  their  invocations  the  Morning  Star;  with  loving 
and  obedient  hearts  they  addressed  their  prayers  to  Heaven  for 
the  gift  of  offspring.  "  Hail,  Creator  and  Maker !  regard  us,  at- 
tend us.  Heart  of  Heaven,  Heart  of  the  Earth,  do  not  forsake  us, 
do  not  leave  us.  God  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  Heart  of  Heaven, 
Heart  of  Earth,  consider  our  posterity  always.  Accord  us  re- 
pose, a  glorious  repose,  peace  and  prosperity,  justice,  life  and  our 
being.  Grant  to  us,  0  Hurakan,  enlightened  and  fruitful,  Thou 
who  comprehendest  all  things  great  and  small."  l  In  the  Popol 
Vuh,  the  sacred  book  of  the  Quiches,  we  are  enabled  to  arrive 
more  closely  at  the  cosmogony  and  worship  of  that  remarkable 
people.2  The  reader  may  not  be  prepared  for  the  irreconcilable 
contradictions  and  for  the  obscure  and  figurative  language  in  which 

1  MS.  Quiche  de  Cliichicastenango  in  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg's  Hist.  Nat. 
Civ.,  vol.  i,  pp.  105-6.     See  also  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  21. 

2  The  Popol  Vuh  was  first  published  by  Dr.   Scherzer  in  Vienna,  in  1857, 
under  the  title  of  Las  Historias  del  Origen  de  los  Indios  de  esta  Promnda  de 
Guatemala,  traducidas  de  la  Lengua  Quiche  al  Castellano  para  mas  Comodidad 
de  los  Ministros  del  8.  Evangelic,  por  el  R.  P.  F.   Francisco  Ximenez,  cura 
doctrinero  por  el  real  patronato  del  Pueblo  de  S.  Thomas,  Chuila, — Exacta- 
mente  segun  el  texto  espanol  del  manuscrito  original  que  se  halla  en  la  biblio- 
teca  de  la  Universidad  de  Guatemala,  publicado  por  la  primera  vez,  y  aumentado 
con  una  introduccion  y  anotaciones  por  el  Dr.  C.  Scherzcr.     Father  Ximinez,  a 
Dominican  and  curate  of  Chichicastenango  of  Guatemala,  wrote  about  1720,  and 
subsequently.    His  work,  because  of  its  condemnation  of  the  oppression  of  the 
Indians,  was  suppressed,  but  was  finally  discovered  in  June,  1854,  in  the  library 
of  the   University  of  San   Carlos,  in   Guatemala,  by  Dr.    Scherzer.      Father 
Ximinez  describes  the  work  as  a  literal  copy  of  an  original  Quiche  book,  made 
in  Roman  letters  by  Quiche  copyists,  after  the  introduction  of  Christianity  into 
Guatemala.    The  copy  is  stated  ambiguously  to  have  been  made  to  replace  the 
original  Popol  Vuh — national  book — which  was  lost.     How  a  book  which  had 
been  lost  could  be  copied  literally,  the  Father  fails  to  tell  us.    Internal  evidence, 
however,  sustains  the  claim  that  it  was  written  by  native  Quiches.     In  1860, 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  undertook  a  new  translation  of  the  Popol  Vuh,  from  the 
Ximinez  document  (containing  the  Quiche  and  Spanish).     This  he  did  among 
the  Quiches  and  with  the  aid  of  the  natives,  and  as  a  result  it  is  believed  that 
a  much  more  literal  translation  than  that  made  by  Ximinez  was  obtained.    In 
our  examination  of  Quiche  history  we  have  compared  both  translations  and 
shall  draw  from  them  directly,  but  shall  also  take  advantage  of  the  excellent 
condensations  and  renderings  which  Mr.  Hubert  H.  Bancroft  has  made.     See 
Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  p.  42,  note,  for  the  leading  facts  as  we  have  stated  them. 


THE   QUICHE   COSMOGONY.  213 

this  work  abounds  ;  but  with  the  remembrance  that  all  nations  of 
antiquity  delighted  in  the  use  of  figures,  parabolic  disguises  and 
personifications  under  which  the  truth  was  couched,  we  may  be 
able  to  profit  by  even  the  seeming  foolishness  and  confusion  of  the 
Quiche  record.  The  strange,  wild  poetry  of  the  Quiches,  can  only 
be  fully  enjoyed  by  pursuing  the  unabridged  accounts  for  which 
we  regret  we  have  not  space.1  In  the  order  of  the  Quiche  creation, 
the  heavens  were  first  formed  and  their  boundaries  fixed  by  the 
Creator  and  Former,  by  whom  all  move  and  breathe,  by  whom 
all  nations  enjoy  their  wisdom  and  civilization.  At  first  there 
was  no  man  or  animal  or  bird  or  fish  or  green  herb — nothing  but 
the  firmament  existed,  the  face  of  the  earth  was  not  yet  to  be 
seen,  only  the  peaceful  sea  and  the  whole  expanse  of  heaven. 
Silence  pervaded  all ;  not  even  the  sea  murmured ;  there  was 
nothing  but  immobility  and  silence  in  the  darkness — in  the 
night.2  The  Creator,  the  Former,  the  Dominator — the  feath- 
ered serpent — those  that  engender,  those  that  give  being,  moved 
upon  the  water  as  a  glowing  light.  Their  name  is  Gucumatz, 
heart  of  heaven — God.  "  Earth,"  they  said,  and  in  an  instant  it 
was  formed  and  rose  like  a  vapor  cloud ;  immediately  the  plains 
and  mountains  arose  and  the  cypress  and  pine  appeared.  Then 
Gucumatz  was  filled  with  joy,  and  cried  out,  "  Blessed  be  thy 
coming,  0  Heart  of  Heaven,  Hurakan,  thunderbolt ! " 3  Animals 
were  next  formed,  but  because  they  could  not  praise  their 
Maker  they  were  doomed  to  become  objects  of  prey.  Four  crea- 
tions of  men  then  followed.  The  first  man  was  made  of  clay, 
but  he  had  no  intelligence  and  he  was  consumed  in  the  water. 
Upon  a  second  trial  a  man  and  a  woman  were  made  of  a  sort 
of  pith,  but  they  too  were  unsatisfactory  experiments  ;  though 
they  had  life  and  peopled  the  earth,  they  were  very  inferior, 

1  We  must  refer  the  reader  either  to  the  originals  or  to  that  treasure-house 
of  American  traditional  lore,  Mr.  Bancroft's  third  volume,  which  is  a  repository 
of  poetic  renderings  as  well.    Nor  have  we  endeavored  in  every  instance  to  avoid 
the  use  of  that  author's  incomparable  terminology,  so  expressive  of  the  spirit 
of  the  original. 

2  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Popol   Vuh,  p.  7  ;    Ximinez,  Hist.  Ind.    Guat, 
pp.  5-6  ;  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  p.  44. 

3  Mr.  Bancroft's  rendering,  Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  p.  45. 


214  FOUR  CREATIONS  OF  MAN. 

living  like  beasts  and  forgetting  the  Heart  of  Heaven.  The 
Creator  then  destroyed  them  with  a  flood  of  resin,  allowing  only 
a  few  to  escape,  that  now  exist  as  little  apes  in  the  woods.  The 
persons  of  the  Godhead,  enveloped  in  the  darkness  which  en- 
shrouded a  desolated  world,  counseled  concerning  the  creation 
of  a  more  perfect  order,  and  as  a  result  they  formed  four  perfect 
men  named  :  Balam-Quitze,  Balam-Agab,  Mahucutah,  and  Iqi- 
Balam.  These  men  were  miraculously  formed  of  white  and  yel- 
low maize,  and  the  Creator  was  content  with  his  labors.  "  Verily, 
at  last,  were  there  found  men  worthy  of  their  origin  and  their 
destiny;  verily,  at  last,  did  the  gods  look  upon  beings  who  could 
see  with  their  eyes  and  handle  with  their  hands  and  understand 
with  their  hearts,  grand  of  countenance  and  broad  of  limb,  the 
four  sires  of  our  race  stood  up  under  the  white  rays  of  the 
morning  star — sole  light  as  yet  of  the  primeval  world — stood  up 
and  looked.  Their  great  clear  eyes  swept  rapidly  over  all;  they 
saw  the  woods  and  rocks,  the  lakes  and  the  sea,  the  mountains 
and  the  valleys,  and  the  heavens  that  were  above  all ;  and  they 
comprehended  all  and  admired  exceedingly.  Then  they  returned 
thanks  to  those  who  had  made  the  world  and  all  therein  was  : 
we  offer  up  our  thanks,  twice — yea,  verily,  thrice  ;  we  have  re- 
ceived life,  we  speak,  we  walk,  we  taste,  we  hear  and  understand, 
we  know  both  that  which  is  near  and  that  which  is  far  off,  we 
see  all  things,  great  and  small,  in  all  the  heaven  and  earth. 
Thanks,  then,  Maker  and  Former,  Father  and  Mother  of  our 
life,  we  have  been  created — we  are."  1  These  four  creatures  were 
considered  too  perfect  by  the  gods,  and  in  order  that  their  omni- 
science might  be  destroyed,  they  breathed  a  cloud  of  mist  over 
their  vision.  To  each  of  these  men  wives  were  made  while  they 
slept.  A  fourth  creation  seems  to  have  taken  place  by  which 
the  ancestors  of  other  races  were  formed. 

The  account  which  the  Popol  Vuh  furnishes  of  the  migra- 
tions of  the  ancient  Quiches  is  somewhat  confused,  and  it  is 
scarcely  possible  to  hope  that  the  locations  named  should  ever 
be  fully  identified.  Their  worship  was  at  first  purely  spiritual. 

1  Mr.  Bancroft's  graceful  and  truly  poetic  rendering,  Native  Races,  vol.  iii, 
pp.  47,  48. 


MT.  HACAVITZ.  215 


"  Only  they  gazed  up  into  heaven,  not  knowing  what  they  had 
come  so  far  to  do."  In  their  original  home,  wherever  that  might 
have  been,  they  grew  weary  of  this  kind  of  service — of  watching 
for  "the  rising  of  the  sun" — by  which  it  seems-  they  meant  the 
coming  of  temporal  power.  The  four  men  then  forsook  their 
abode  and  journeyed  to  Tulan-Zuiva,  the  seven  caves  or  seven 
ravines.  Here  they  found  gods  ;  to  each  of  the  four  men  a 
different  deity  was  assigned.  To  Balam-Quitze  the  god  Tohil 
was  given  ;  to  Balam-Agab  the  god  Avilix  ;  and  to  Malmcutah, 
the  god  Hacavitz ;  and  though  the  fourth  man  Iqi-Balam 
also  received  a  god,  no  special  account  is  taken  of  him,  since 
the  latter  of  the  four  men  left  no  progeny.  The  journey  to 
Tulan  is  said  to  have  been  a  very  long  one.  Doubtless  in  this 
account  we  have  an  allusion  to  one  of  those  modifications  in 
religious  notions  which  seems  to  have  often  attended  a  change 
of  residence  in  early  times.  The  abstract  worship  of  the  Creator 
is  supplanted  by  the  more  material  and  ceremonial  worship  of 
intermediate  deities  (demi-gods).  Tulan  is  described  as  a  much 
colder  climate  than  the  eastern  and  tropical  land  which  they  had 
forsaken,  and  the  god  Tohil  came  to  their  relief  by  the  creation 
of  fire.  But  incessant  rains,  accompanied  with  hail,  extinguished 
all  their  fires,  which  were  again  kindled  repeatedly  by  the  fire- 
god.  Tulan  was  an  unfavorable  locality  for  permanent  abode — 
rains,  extreme  cold,  dampness,  famine  prevailed,  and  the  peculiar 
misfortune  of  the  confusion  of  tongues  there  befell  them.  No 
longer  were  the  brother  propagators  of  the  race  able  to  communi- 
cate with  each  other.  "  At  Tulan  there  was  as  yet  no  sun,"  is 
the  significant  but  perplexing  language  of  the  narrative.  At 
last  Tulan,  the  mysterious  land  of  the  "  seven-caves,"  was  for- 
saken, and  under  the  leadership  of  Tohil  the  people  began  a 
migration  which  was  attended  with  indescribable  hardships  and 
famine  itself.  Their  way  led  through  dense  forests,  over  high 
mountains,  a  long  sea  passage,  and  by  a  rough  and  pebbly  shore. 
We  are,  however,  told  that  the  sea  was  parted  for  their  passage. 
Their  tribulations  were  at  an  end  when  at  last  they  arrived  at  a 
beautiful  mountain,  which  they  named  after  their  god  Hacavitz. 
Here  they  were  informed  that  the  sun  would  appear,  and,  as  a 


216  HUMAN   SACRIFICES  INSTITUTED. 

consequence,  the  four  progenitors  of  the  race  and  all  the  people 
rejoiced.  Here  was  everything  beauteous  and  gladdening.  The 
morning  star  shed  forth  a  resplendent  brightness,  and  the  sun 
itself  at  last  appeared,  though  then  it  had  not  the  warmth  which 
it  possessed  at  a  later  day.  Before  the  light  of  the  sun,  how- 
ever, the  gods  Tohil,  Avilix  and  Hacavitz,  together  with  the  tiger 
and  lion  and  reptiles,  were  changed  into  stone.  To  interpret 
this  paragraph,  which  is  greatly  condensed,  is  a  difficult  under- 
taking, still  there  are  certain  facts  which  seem  to  serve  as 
the  basis  of  intelligent  speculation.  The  language  is  extremely 
figurative  throughout  the  entire  narrative,  and  especially  so  here. 
Their  worship  of  the  morning  star  at  an  early  period  seems  to 
connect  them  with  the  Mediterranean  peoples  of  the  old  world. 
The  allusions  to  the  sun  not  yet  having  come  may  be  retro- 
spective, indicating  that  the  worship  of  the  sun  had  not  been 
adopted  at  that  early  day,  or  it  may  indicate  that  the  period  of 
national  strength  had  not  dawned.  The  fact  that  the  morning 
star  shone  more  brilliantly  on  Mt.  Hacavitz  than  at  Tulan  (the 
seven  caves),  may  mean  either  that  the  worship  of  the  star  was 
more  splendidly  celebrated,  or  it  may  have  reference  to  an  astro- 
nomical fact,  that  the  star  itself  was  more  luminous,  and  furnish 
evidence  in  harmony  with  the  statements  of  the  narrative  that 
Mt.  Hacavitz  was  a  more  southern  location  than  the  tempestuous 
Tulan.  The  petrifaction  of  the  three  tribal  gods  may  have  been 
the  result  of  an  age  of  peace  and  prosperity  which  offered  an 
opportunity  for  developing  their  cultus  ;  or,  upon  the  other 
hand,  if  the  coming  of  the  sun  refers  to  the  advent  of  a  new 
religion,  that  which  is  known  to  have  prevailed  among  the 
Nahuas,  the  old  gods  may  have  been  sculptured  in  stone,  that 
their  national  character  and  deeds  might  not  be  forgotten  before 
the  increasing  importance  of  the  new  faith.  There  they  insti- 
tuted sacrifices  of  beasts  to  the  three  stone  gods  Tohil,  Avilix 
and  Hacavitz ;  they  even  drew  blood  from  their  own  bodies 
and  offered  it  to  them.  Finally,  not  content  with  these,  the 
first  four  men,  led  by  Balam-Quitzc,  instituted  human  sacri- 
fices. Captives  were  taken  from  neighboring  tribes,  kidnapping 
was  practised  extensively,  until  the  hostility  of  their  neighbors 


THE  FOUR  TULANS.  217 


broke  forth  into  open  war.  The  contest,  however,  resulted  favor- 
ably to  the  Quiches,  and  the  surrounding  tribes  became  subject 
to  the  victorious  power.  In  Hacavitz  they  composed  a  national 
song  called  the  Kamucu  ("  we  see  ") — a  memorial  of  their  mis- 
fortunes in  Tulan — a  lament  for  the  loss  of  so  many  of  their 
people  in  that  unfortunate  locality.  This  loss  is  described  as 
occasioned  by  a  portion  of  their  race  being  left  behind,  rather 
than  as  the  result  of  the  misfortunes  which  attended  them  there. 
At  last,  at  the  noon-day  of  their  national  glory,  it  came  to  pass 
that  the  ancestors  of  their  race,  Balam-Quitze,  Balam-Agab, 
Mahucutah  and  Iqi-Balam,  died — the  men  who  came  from  the 
east,  from  across  the  sea,  died — and  their  remains  were  enveloped 
in  a  great  bundle  and  preserved  as  memorials  of  the  ancestors  of 
the  race.1  Then  the  Quiches  sang  the  sad  Kamucu,  and  mourned 
the  loss  of  their  leaders  and  that  portion  of  their  race  which  they 
left  behind  them  in  Tulan. 

The  definite  location  of  Tulan  is  almost  out  of  the  question  ; 
it  may  only  be  conjectured.  We  have  already  stated,  on  the 
authority  of  Ordifiez,  that  there  was  a  Tulan  near  Ococingo.2 
The  Cakchiquel  MS.,  known  only  through  the  writings  of  Bras- 
seur  de  Bourbourg,  but  evidently  a  document  containing  the 
same  facts  as  those  stated  in  the  Popol  Vuh,  gives  the  following 
information  concerning  Tulan :  "Four  persons  came  from  Tulan, 
from  the  direction  of  the  rising  sun — that  is  one  Tulan.  There 
is  another  Tulan  in  Xibalbay,  and  another  where  the  sun  sets, 
and  it  is  there  that  we  came  ;  and  in  the  direction  of  the  setting 
sun  there  is  another,  where  is  the  god  ;  so  that  there  are  four 
Tulans  ;  and  it  is  where  the  sun  sets  that  we  came  to  Tulan, 

\  See  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  p.  54.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg, 
Nouvelles  Annales  des  Voyages  1858,  tome  iv,  p.  268,  and  Hist,  de  Tlaxcallan  in 
the  same,  tome  xcix,  1843,  p.  179,  where  reference  is  made  to  these  bundles. 

2  Popol  Vuh,  p.  Ixxxv,  note,  et  Ibid,  p.  ccliv.  The  Abbe  places  that  Tulan 
among  the  ruins  of  the  valley  of  Palenque  near  the  modern  town  of  Comitan  in 
the  state  of  Chiapas.  He  adds :  "  Siege  principal  des  princes  de  la  race  Nahuatl, 
cette  ville  aurait  ete  fondee  a  une  epoque  contemporaine  de  la  capitale  des 
Xibalbides,  plusieurs  siecles  avant  le  ere  chretienne,  et  au  rapport  de  touts  les 
traditions,  elle  aurait  rivalise  constamment  avec  sa  metropole  dont  elle  cherchait 
a  se  rendre  independante." 


218  THE  FOUR  TTJLANS. 


from  the  other  side  of  the  sea  where  this  Tulan  is ;  and  it  is 
there  that  we  were  conceived  and  begotten  by  our  mothers  and 
our  fathers."  1  From  this  it  appears  that  two  of  these  Tulans 
were  not  upon  the  continent  at  all ;  one  in  the  east  across  the 
sea,  the  birthplace  of  the  race ;  another  an  imaginary  locality 
somewhere  toward  the  region  of  the  setting  sun,  where  the  deity 
dwells  ;  another  Tulan  is  pretty  certainly  located  in  Chiapas 
near  the  capital  of  Xibalba  ;  with  this  place,  however,  they  do 
not  state  that  they  had  any  relationship,  but  another  Tulan 
where  the  sun  sets  is  designated  as  the  locality  to  which  they 
came  from  across  the  sea.  Mr.  Bancroft  confounds  the  Tulan 
of  their  misfortunes  with  that  which  was  located  near  Xibalba  ; 
but  this  view  is  plainly  wrong,  since  the  climatic  surroundings 
of  the  Chiapan  Tulan  are  quite  the  opposite  of  those  described 
as  prevailing  at  that  Tulan  where  fire  was  so  necessary.  In  the 
Tulan  to  which  they  journeyed  they  suffered  from  cold,  and  their 
god  Tohil,  whom  they  received  there,  gave  them  fire.  Seiior 
Orozco  y  Berra  quite  positively  identifies  this  Tulan  with  the 
Toltec  capital  Tollan,  north  of  Anahuac,  and  certainly  with 
reason.2  There  their  tongues  were  changed,  there  the  Nahua 
language  was  encountered.  No  doubt  that  in  the  first  period 
of  the  Toltec  power  in  Tollan,  the  Maya-Quiches  who  had 
migrated  northward  from  some  locality  in  the  Usumacinta  region 
and  intermingled  with  the  Nahuas,  sharing  in  their  worship 
and  appropriating  certain  elements  of  language,  migrated  south- 
ward to  the  elevated  regions  of  Yera-Paz  and  founded  a  Quiche 
power  in  Guatemala. 

Upon  the  downfall  of  the  Toltec  monarchy  in  the  eleventh 
century,  no  doubt  many  noble  Toltec  families  forsook  the  unfor- 
tunate and  fallen  capital  and  founded  in  Guatemala  the  Quiche- 
Cakchiquel  monarchy,  composed  of  Maya  and  Toltec  elements, 
which  spread  itself  southward  in  colonies  and  branches  into 
various  parts  of  Central  America,  and  flourished  with  such 

1  Popol  Vuh,  notes,  pp.  xci-ii.     We  have  used  Mr.  Bancroft's  rendering  of 
the  passage. 

2  Geografia  de  las  Linguas  Mexicanas,  pp.  96-8  and  pp.  127-29.    A  linguistic 
argument. 


QUICHES  AND  NAHUAS  AS  NEIGHBORS.  219 

power  and  fame  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest.  It  is  not  the 
province  of  this  work  to  take  up  the  annals  of  this  or  any  other 
people,  but  only  to  treat  of  their  most  primitive  period.  The 
gap  in  Quiche  history  between  that  which  we  have  been  treating 
and  the  period  of  the  Annals  is  considerable,  and  no  document 
has  yet  been  discovered  which  will  fill  it  with  the  wanting  record. 
Mr.  Bancroft  has  placed  the  annals  within  the  reach  of  the 
English  reader  in  his  fifth  volume.  Mt.  Hacavitz  was  the  point 
at  which  the  scattered  tribes  collected  and  formed  the  nucleus 
of  the  subsequently  powerful  monarchy  in  Guatemala  of  which 
Utatlan  was  the  capital.  The  two  places  may  have  been  iden- 
tical. Several  facts  point  to  the  early  association  of  the  ances- 
tors of  the  Quiches  with  the  Nahuas  who  subsequently  figure  so 
conspicuously  as  Toltecs  and  Aztecs.  The  tribes  which  migrated 
northward  were  called  Yaqui  (according  to  the  Popol  Vuh),  and 
the  name  ethnographically  has  the  same  meaning  as  Nahuatl.1 
The  Quiches  applied  the  name  to  the  inhabitants  of  Mexico. 
The  god  Tohil  was  called  by  the  Yaqui  tribes  Yolcuat  Quitzal- 
cuat  while  the  Quiches  were  in  Tulan.  Quetzalcoatl,  of  whom 
we  shall  speak  more  fully  hereafter,  was  the  greatest  of  the 
Nahua  divinities.2  The  Aztecs  and  Toltecs  as  well  as  the  Quiches 
came  from  the  "  Seven  Caves,"  that  Tulan  which  seems  to  have 
been  the  early  home  of  the  two  great  families  speaking  radically 
different  languages — the  Maya  and  the  Nahua.  The  statement 
so  often  met  with  that  Tulan  was  across  the  sea  is  perplexing. 
Can  we  look  for  it  upon  some  of  the  islands  of  the  Gulf  or 
Caribbean  Sea  ?  or  are  we  to  look  upon  the  reference  to  the  sea 
passage  as  an  earlier  event  in  the  history  of  both  peoples,  which 
because  of  the  lack  of  records  has  been  confounded  with  some  of 
the  adventures  of  the  march  toward  the  northern  Tulan,  which 
was  undertaken  at  least  by  the  Mayas  and  possibly  by  the 
Nahuas  from  their  common  home  in  the  Usumacinta  valley  ? 
We  are  inclined,  in  the  light  of  a  large  margin  of  testimony,  to 
accept  the  latter  view,  and  consider  the  Tulan  of  the  Chiapan 
region  to  have  been  the  early  home  of  both  peoples — the  primi- 

1  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  is  the  authority  cited  by  Mr.  Bancroft,  vol.  v,  p.  188. 

2  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  188. 


220  XIBALBA  AND  ITS  POWER. 

tive  one  of  the  Mayas  and  the  adopted  one  of  the  Nahuas — after 
leaving  Hue  Hue  Tlappalan,  the  accidental  centre  to  which  in 
their  wanderings  they  converged,  and  in  which  they  met  ;  here 
in  an  age  of  simpler  manners  they  lived  in  the  enjoyment  of 
peace,  preserving  each  their  own  institutions  and  language, 
though  considerably  influencing  each  other's  customs.  The 
Tulan  of  this  Central  American  region  may  have  been  con- 
founded in  name  and  characteristics  with  the  original  home  of 
each  race  "  across  the  sea." 

The  Quiche  record  furnishes  us  with  the  account  of  an  epoch 
in  the  early  Quiche  history  which  we  are  justified  in  character- 
izing as  their  heroic  period.  It  occupies  the  same  place  in  their 
history  as  the  Trojan  war  in  the  history  of  Greece.  The  tradition 
of  the  fall  of  Xibalba,  the  terror  of  its  neighbors,  the  power  which 
by  its  enemies  was  called  infernal,  is  a  heroic  composition  founded 
on  a  combination  of  events  as  mysterious  and  wonderful  as  those 
contained  in  the  Iliad  itself.  To  locate  the  events  in  their 
proper  place,  to  assign  them  their  true  period,  is  attended  with 
as  many  difficulties  as  attend  the  Homeric  history.  The  author- 
ities differ  as  to  the  proper  chronologic  order  of  the  record.  The 
Popol  Vuh,  both  in  the  Ximinez  and  Brasseur  editions,  give  the 
narrative  to  which  we  have  reference  immediately  after  the 
destruction  of  the  men  made  of  pith  or  wood — the  result  of  the 
first  creation.  Mr.  Bancroft  is  somewhat  indifferent  about  the 
order  and  follows  the  narrative.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  how- 
ever, considers  that  chronologically  the  narrative  follows  the 
third  creation,  that  of  the  four  founders  of  the  Quiche  race.1  If 
we  look  upon  the  so-called  creations  as  simply  tribal  origins  and 
not  as  mythical  accounts  of  the  origin  of  man,  there  is  room  for 
the  heroic  period  before  the  days  of  the  four  ancestors  of  the 
Quiches  ;  but  if,  on  the  contrary,  the  two  creations  preceding 
that  of  Balam-Quitze  and  his  associates  are  mythical,  are  the 
legendary  accounts  of  a  fancied  order  in  creation  and  not  the 
origin  of  tribes,  the  view  taken  by  the  Abbe  is  the  only  one 
which  can  be  accepted.  The  question  cannot  at  present  be 
definitely  settled.  If  we  resort  to  the  latter  view,  that  of  the 
1  Popol  Vuh,  p.  195.  Bancroft,  vol.  v,  172-80. 


EXPLOITS  OF  THE  QUICKC  CHIEFTAINS.  221 

Abbe,  it  is  necessary  for  us  to  suppose  that  the  long  reign  of 
Balam-Quitze,  Balam-Agab,  Mahucutah  and  Iqi-Balam  is  that 
of  a  line,  a  dynasty,  and  not  of  individuals — which  is  altogether 
probable.  Brasseur  supposes  the  time  of  which  the  tradition 
speaks  to  have  been  about  fifteen  centuries  before  the  Spanish 
conquest,  and  thinks  Copan  was  the  capital  of  a  province  called 
Payaqui  ("  in  the  Yaqui,"  which  we  have  seen  was  the  name  of 
the  Nahuas),  and  that  this  capital,  otherwise  known  as  Chiqui- 
mula,  owed  its  origin  to  a  warrior  known  as  Balam,  who  intro- 
duced human  sacrifices.  His  authority  is  the  Isagoge  Historico 
MS.  cited  by  Pelaez,  to  whose  work  we  have  already  referred.1  To 
attempt  to  determine  upon  the  time  definitely  would  be  a  hope- 
less undertaking.  The  mysterious  tradition  with  its  confused 
statements  and  allegorical  allusions  we  will  attempt  to  condense 
into  intelligible  shape.  This  has  already  been  accomplished  by 
Mr.  Bancroft,  and  his  version  greatly  facilitates  our  efforts  in  the 
same  direction. 

The  second  division  of  the  Popol  Vuli  contains  the  account 
of  two  attempts  at  the  overthrow  of  the  great  Xibalban  mon- 
archy, founded  by  Votan.  The  first  of  these  proved  unsuccess- 
ful and  fatal  to  the  enemies  of  the  great  power;  the  second, 
undertaken  by  the  descendants  of  the  defeated  chieftains,  resulted 
in  the  downfall  of  the  empire  of  the  Serpents  or  Yotanites,  and 
in  the  revenge  of  the  death  of  the  unsuccessful  warriors.  The 
account  is  provokingly  figurative  ;  different  allies  of  each  of  the 
powers  being  spoken  of  as  owls,  wild  beasts,  rabbits,  deer,  rats, 
lice,  ants,  etc.,  a  custom  which  has  always  prevailed  among 
savage  and  semi-civilized  nations.  Savages  of  the  forests  are 
usually  referred  to  as  wild  beasts  in  early  tradition.  Xibalba  is 
so  hated  by  its  enemies  that  its  usual  title  is  the  "infernal 
regions." 2  Torquemada  refers  to  it  as  Jidl^  and  its  king  as  the 
king  of  the  "  shades." 3  The  hatred  was  intense,  and  the  worst 

1  Popol  Vuh,  p.  cclvi.     Bancroft,  vol.  v,  p.  545.    The  Abbe  has  largely  drawn 
upon  his  imagination  in  this  instance  as  in  some  others,  and  the  opinion  is  only 
interesting  because  of  its  authorship. 

2  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologetica,  MS.,  torn,  iii,  cap.  cxxiv  et  cxxv. 

3  Torquemada,  torn,  ii,  pp.  53-4.  Ximinez  renders  the  word  Xibalby  "  Inferno." 


222  HUNAHPU  AND  XBALANQUE. 

invectives  were  mild  in  the  estimation  of  the  enemies  of  the  no 
doubt  oppressive  power.  We  have  already  given  the  account 
of  creation  in  which  G-ucumatz  (the  Plumed  Serpent)  figured 
conspicuously.  He,  however,  is  seen  to  have  acted  at  the  word 
of  Hurakan  ("Heart  of  Heaven").  The  closing  paragraphs  of 
the  first  division  of  the  Popol  Vuli  give  some  of  the  exploits  of 
the  young  heroes  Hunahpu  and  Xbalanque,  who  figure  as  the 
defendants  of  the  worship  of  the  Heart  of  Heaven.  A  certain 
Vucub-Cakix,  who  assumed  to  be  the  sun  and  god  of  the  people, 
and  who  in  his  pride  offended  the  Heart  of  Heaven,  fell  at  their 
avenging  hands.  His  sons  Zipacna  and  Cabrakan,  whose  pride 
was  as  offensive  to  Hurakan  as  had  been  their  father's,  shared 
the  same  fate ;  though  the  brothers  lost  four  hundred  of  their 
allies  in  the  undertaking,  by  Zipanca  toppling  over  a  house  upon 
them  while  they  were  rejoicing  at  his  supposed  death  in  a  pit  in 
which  they  had  buried  him. 

The  second  division  of  the  account  reverts  to  events  which 
preceded  those  in  the  closing  paragraphs  of  the  first  division  by 
one  or  more  generations.  The  exploits  of  the  ancestors  of  the 
brothers  are  narrated.  Xpiyacoc  and  Xmucane,  grandparents 
of  the  sun  and  moon,  had  two  sons,  Hunhunahpu  and  Vukub 
Hunahpu.  The  former  of  these  sons  married,  and  to  him  were 
born  also  two  sons,  Hunbatz  and  Hunchouen,  who  grew  up  to 
be  wise  and  skillful  and  great  artists.  With  all  these  persons 
Hurakan,  the  Heart  of  Heaven,  communicated  through  his 
messenger  Voc.  At  last  Hunhunahpu  and  Yukub  Hunahpu 
undertook  a  journey  toward  Xibalba,  playing  ball  as  they  went, 
by  which  we  understand  that  they  set  out  upon  a  march  of  con- 
quest. Upon  hearing  of  their  approach,  Hun  Came  and  Yukub 
Came,  kings  of  Xibalba,  sent  them  a  challenge  to  a  game  of  ball 
by  four  messengers  who  were  called  owls.  From  the  ball-ground 
of  Nimxab  Carchah  (now  the  name  of  an  Indian  town  in  Vera 
Paz),  they  followed  the  messengers  down  the  steep  road  to 
Xibalba,  crossing  rivers  and  ravines  and  a  bloody  stream.  After 
arriving  at  the  royal  palace,  and  during  the  process  of  arranging 
for  the  contest  in  which  their  strength  should  be  tried,  they  were 
so  unfortunate  as  first  to  be  made  the  subjects  of  ridicule  for  the 


THE  CONQUERORS  OF  XIBALBA.  223 

whole  court,  then  put  to  torture,  and  afterwards  were  cruelly 
and  it  seems  treacherously  murdered.  The  head  of  Hunhunahpu 
was  hung  upon  a  tree,  which  at  once  became  overgrown  with 
gourds  so  as  to  hide  the  head  of  the  unfortunate  chief.  Not- 
withstanding the  royal  decree  that  no  one  should  approach  the 
tree,  Xquiq,  a  virgin  princess,  a  Xibalban,  determined  to  taste 
its  forbidden  fruit,  and  in  an  hour  of  solitude  was  in  the  act  of 
reaching  forth  to  pluck  it,  when  Hunhunahpu  spat  into  her 
hand  and  she  immaculately  conceived.  Her  condition  was  dis- 
covered by  her  father,  who  delivered  her  to  the  owls,  the  royal 
messengers,  to  be  put  to  death.  By  bribing  her  executioners  she 
escaped  and  went  to  the  dwelling  of  the  old  grandmother  Xmucane, 
who  upon  the  death  of  Hunhunahpu' s  wife  had  taken  charge  of 
his  sons,  the  youthful  Hunbatz  and  Hunchouen.  Xquiq,  by 
miraculous  performances,  satisfied  Xmucane  that  Hunhunahpu 
was  the  father  of  her  unborn  children,  and  was  received  into  her 
home.  The  Xibalban  virgin  brought  forth  twin  sons  in  the 
house  of  the  enemies  of  her  country.  These  she  named  Hunahpu 
and  Xbalanque.  From  the  very  first  their  lot  with  their  great- 
grandmother  was  a  hard  one.  Their  half-brothers  Hunbatz  and 
Hunchouen  treated  them  harshly,  but  in  time  the  twins  revenged 
themselves  by  changing  the  former  into  monkeys,  and  succeeding 
to  their  artistic  skill  and  musical  fame. 

Various  exploits  of  the  twin  brothers  are  narrated,  chiefly — 
as  we  would  interpret  the  figurative  language — with  the  more 
savage  tribes  of  the  forests  and  mountains.  From  one  of  their 
captives  whom  they  call  a  rat,  they  learned  of  the  expedition  of 
their  father  and  uncle,  and  were  brought  into  possession  of  their 
ball  implements.  The  old  ball-ground  (probably  battle-ground) 
of  their  fathers  was  resorted  to  by  Hunahpu  and  Xbalanque,  and 
when  the  Xibalban  monarchs,  Hun  Came  and  Yukub  Came, 
heard  of  their  purposes,  they  were  angered  and  sent  a  challenge 
to  them  as  they  had  done  to  their  ancestors.  The  message  was 
delivered  at  the  great-grandmother's  home,  and  the  two  chief- 
tains, upon  being  acquainted  with  the  news,  returned  to  bid  both 
mother  and  grandmother  farewell.  Before  taking  final  leave, 
they  planted  in  the  centre  of  the  house  (probably  the  court)  each 


224  THE  CONQUERORS  OF  XIBALBA. 

a  cane,  which  was  endowed  with  the  singular  attribute  of  reveal- 
ing to  the  family  the  fortunes  of  each  of  the  brothers.  The  life 
and  fate  of  each  cane  was  inseparably  connected  with  that 
of  Hunahpu  and  Xbalanque.  On  their  route  to  Xibalba  the 
bloody  river  was  passed  and  a  stream  called  Papuhya  ;  but,  more 
wise  than  their  predecessors,  they  took  cunning  precautions  not 
to  be  deceived  and  sacrificed  by  the  Xibalban  monarchs.  For 
this  purpose,  it  is  said,  they  sent  an  animal  called  Xan  before 
them,  equipped  with  a  hair  from  Hunahpu' s  leg,  with  which  he 
pricked  the  princes  and  by  their  exclamations  learned  their  names. 
Thus  they  detected  the  artificial  wooden  men  whom  we  are  told 
deceived  their  ancestors  and  made  them  the  objects  of  ridicule. 

By  this  strange  personification  we  think  we  may  understand 
that  the  father  and  the  uncle  of  the  two  young  heroes  had  treated 
with  a  couple  of  irresponsible  Xibalbans  who  had  been  sent  out 
to  meet  them,  with  the  pretence  that  they  were  the  kings,  and 
when  they  had  induced  their  enemies  to  enter  the  city,  the  true 
monarchs  seized  them  and  repudiated  the  action  of  the  so- 
called  wooden  men,  avowing  no  responsibility  for  their  pledges. 
Hunahpu  and  Xbalanque  avoided  two  other  artifices  of  which 
their  ancestors  were  the  victims  ;  one  of  these  was  a  seat  on  a 
red-hot  stone  under  the  pretence  that  it  was  the  seat  of  honor ; 
the  other  was  an  ordeal  in  the  "  House  of  Gloom/' 1  The  angry 
Xibalban  kings  then  met  them  in  a  game  of  ball,  but  suffered  a 
defeat.  Hun  Came  and  Yukub  Came  then  requested  the  victors 
to  give  them  four  bouquets  of  flowers,  which  request  was  granted, 
the  fortunate  brothers  themselves  bearing  them  to  the  defeated 
kings.  At  their  instance,  however,  the  guards  of  the  royal  gar- 
dens committed  Hunahpu  and  Xbalanque  to  the  house  of 
lances — the  second  of  five  ordeals  common  at  Xibalba.  Scarcely 
had  this  been  done  before  a  swarm  of  ants — allies  of  the  brothers 
— came  to  their  rescue,  entered  the  royal  gardens,  bribed  the 
lancers,  released  their  leaders  and  punished  the  owls — guards  of 
the  Xibalban  kings — by  splitting  their  lips.  The  defeated 


1  It  will  be  remembered  that  Votan  deposited  Ms  treasure  in  the  "  house  of 
gloom  "  or  "  darkness." 


THE  FALL   OF   XIBALBA.  225 

monarchs  began  to  realize  the  seriousness  of  the  contest  which 
was  being  waged  against  them.  Hunahpu  and  Xbalanque  were 
then  subjected  to  ordeals  in  the  houses  of  cold,  of  tigers,  and  of 
fire  respectively,  but  without  suffering  harm.  As  we  proceed, 
the  account  becomes  more  figurative  than  ever.  In  the  next 
ordeal  in  the  house  of  bats,  we  are  told  that  Hunahpu's  head 
was  cut  off  by  the  ruler  of  the  bats,  who,  it  seems,  was  recog- 
nized as  of  super-terrestrial  origin.  Strange  to  say,  this  violent 
proceeding  did  not  prove  fatal  to  Hunahpu  ;  the  animals  assem- 
bled, came  to  the  heroes'  relief,  and  by  the  strategic  skill  of  the 
turtle  and  rabbit,  at  a  great  game  of  ball,  the  brothers  came  out 
of  all  the  Xibalban  ordeals  unharmed. 

The  next  act  was  designed  as  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  the 
great  struggle.  Xibalba  had  failed  because  the  brutes  were  not 
its  allies.  The  brothers  were  determined  to  show  the  haughty 
rival  their  personal  greatness,  and  resorted  to  the  use  of  their 
magical  arts.  After  proper  instructions  to  their  sorcerers,  Xulu 
and  Pacam,  Hunahpu  and  Xbalanque  mounted  a  funeral  pyre 
and  endured  a  voluntary  death.  But  their  ashes  and  bones  which 
were  thrown  into  a  river,  rose  instantly  into  life,  assuming  the 
shape  of  young  men.  Five  days  subsequent  to  this  wonderful 
event  they  appeared  in  the  form  of  man-fishes  ;  and  on  the  day 
following,  the  sorcery  was  complete,  for  the  brothers  now  pre- 
sented themselves  in  the  form  of  "ragged  old  men,  dancing, 
burning  and  restoring  houses,  killing  and  restoring  each  other  to 
life,  and  performing  other  wonderful  things.  They  were  induced 
to  exhibit  their  skill  before  the  princes  of  Xibalba,  killing  and 
resuscitating  the  king's  dog,  burning  and  restoring  the  royal 
palace.  Then  a  man  was  made  the  subject  of  their  art.  Hu- 
nahpu was  cut  in  pieces  and  brought  to  life  by  Xbalanque. 
Finally  the  monarchs  of  Xibalba  wanted  to  experience  perso- 
nally the  temporary  death  ;  Hun  Came  the  highest  was  first 
killed,  then  Yukub  Came,  but  life  was  not  restored  to  them."  1 
The  twin  sons  of  the  unfortunate  Xibalban  virgin,  an  outcast 
from  her  home,  triumphed,  their  father  and  uncle  were  avenged, 
the  warlike  Xibalbans — the  fierce,  frightful-looking,  owl-like, 

1  Mr.  Bancroft's  rendering  of  the  paragraph.    Vol.  v,  p.  179. 

15 


226  A  WAR  OF  RELIGION. 

faithless,  hypocritical  tyrants,  black  and  white,  and  with  painted 
faces,  as  they  are  described — were  overthrown  forever.  The 
ancestors  of  the  victorious  chieftains  were  then  deified  and  given 
places  in  the  sun  and  moon ;  while  their  allies,  the  enemies  of 
Xibalba,  were  made  stars  in  the  firmament. 

To  interpret  fully  this  figurative  account  requires  further 
knowledge,  which  it  is  hoped  ultimately  may  come  to  light. 
The  beheading  of  Hunahpu  in  the  house  of  bats  may  signify  the 
loss  of  the  most  important  division  of  his  army ;  for  when  the 
" animals"  came  to  his  relief — by  which  we  understand  the  less 
civilized  tribes  of  the  country — he  obtained  a  victory.  The 
closing  paragraphs  of  the  account  indicate  that  a  long  and  tire- 
some warfare  brought  the  brothers  repeated  victories,  but  not  the 
entire  overthrow  of  Xibalba  ;  and  that  stratagem  was  resorted 
to — a  stratagem  no  more  improbable  or  difficult  to  understand 
than  that  of  the  wooden  horse  said  to  have  been  used  by  the 
Greeks  at  Troy.  The  stratagem  was  at  last  successful,  and 
Xibalba,  of  the  Votanites — we  suppose  the  empire  of  the  Chanes 
—fell.  The  war  seems  to  have  been  one  of  religion  in  part,  for 
Hurakan,  "  Heart  of  Heaven,"  inspired  the  contest,  and  Gucu- 
matz,  "  the  Plumed  Serpent,"  one  of  his  associate  though  minor 
deities,  was  the  god  of  Hunahpu  and  Xbalanque.  The  wicked 
Xibalbans  were  puffed  up  against  the  Heart  of  Heaven,  would 
not  accept  the  true  faith,  and  hence  their  overthrow  before  the 
advancing  power  of  a  new  religion.1  It  is  certain  that  the  con- 
querors of  Xibalba  (which  was  no  doubt  Palenque)  were  near 
neighbors,  who  had  been  closely  allied  to  the  great  power.  Ban- 
croft is  of  the  opinion  that  they  were  the  Tzequiles,  who  arrived 
during  Votan's  absence  and  introduced  new  ideas  of  government 
and  religion  among  his  people.2  Garcia  Pelaez,  in  his  Memorias, 
agrees  with  Juarros  in  calling  them  Carthaginians,  and  states 
that  they  arrived  in  that  region  about  four  hundred  years  before 
Christ,  founded  Tulan,  the  present  Ococingo,  and  overthrew 
ancient  Culhuacan  or  Palenque.3  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  says 

1  See  Bancroft,  vol.  v,  p.  184  2  Ibid,  vol.  v,  p.  187. 

3  Memorias  para  la  Historia  del  Antigua  Reyno  de  Guatemala.    Guatemala, 
1857. 


THE  ENEMIES  OF  XIBALBA.  227 

that  the  Nahuas,  coming  into  Mexico  by  sea  at  the  south 
[i.  e.3  in  the  south  central  region]  slowly  moved  toward  the 
north,  to  the  regions  bordering  on  California,  and  also  spreading 
their  civilization  across  the  Usumacinta  Kiver,  went  into  Yucatan 
and  even  Guatemala.  This  he  thinks  occurred  in  the  year  174 
of  our  era  ;  Xibalba  was  at  the  height  of  her  power,  but  was 
overthrown  in  the  revolution  and  conquest.1  While  we  do  not 
attach  much  certainty  to  the  Abbe's  date,  still  we  think  that 
the  fall  of  Xibalba  was  due  to  Nahua  influences  brought  to  bear 
upon  the  ancestors  of  the  Quiches.  The  old  religion  and  civil- 
ization of  the  Votanites  were  compelled  to  yield  to  the  vigorous 
and  warlike  power  which  brought  with  it  a  religion  which  has 
ever  commended  itself  to  the  senses  and  impulses  of  semi- 
civilized  peoples.  The  worship  of  the  sun-symbol  of  the  Heart 
of  Heaven  was  destined  to  supplant  all  other  faiths. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Quetzalcoatl  was  the  leader  and 
deity  of  the  Nahuas,  and  that  in  their  language  his  name  signi- 
fied "  plumed  serpent,"  while  Gucumatz,  leader  and  patron  deity 
of  the  Xibalban  conquerers  has  precisely  the  same  significance 
in  the  Quiche  language:  Utatlan  upon  the  Guatemalian  high- 
lands was  doubtless  the  point  from  which  the  allied  forces  under 
the  brothers  descended  the  precipitous  road  to  the  Usumacinta 
region  below.  It  is  probable  that  the  Nahuas  had  lived  for  some 
time  in  the  country,  had  reached  it  in  their  migrations  by  water 
along  the  Gulf  coast,  and  spread  their  population  to  quarters 


1  Nations  Civilisees,  torn,  i,  p.  126.  Also  see  the  following  from  the  Popol 
Vuh,  p.  clx  :  "  Quant  aux  evenements  dont  Tulan  fut  la  theatre  a  cette  epoque, 
on  ne  saurait  se  dissimular,  en  comparant  1'ensemble  des  details  qu'on  trouve 
dans  ce  chaos,  qu'il  ne  se  fut  opere  alors  nn  vaste  mouvement  parmi  les  popu- 
lations de  1'empire  de  Xibalba,  mouvement  cause  sans  doute  par  les  efforts  d'une 
caste  souveraine  pour  garder  le  pouvoir  et  par  1'invasion  de  races  nouvelles, 
sorties  des  memes  con  trees,  septentrionales,  d'ou  etaient  venus  les  Nahuas,  ou 
des  regions  plus  sauvages  du  nord-ouest ;  barbares  ou  civilisees,  il  y  eut 
naturellement  de  leurs  essaims  qui  s'amalgamerent  aux  nations  soumises  a 
1'empire,  tandis  que  d'autres,  continuant  leur  route  vers  I'Amerique  meridionale, 
y  porterent,  sinon  les  institutions  entieres  des  Quinames  et  des  Nahuas,  au 
moins  les  symboles  qui  les  avaient  le  plus  frappes  au  passage  ou  qui  convenaient 
davantage  a  leur  genie." 


228  XIBALBA  AND  PALENQUE  THE   SAME. 

both  north  and  south  of  the  point  at  which  they  entered.  They 
may  have  been  permitted  to  settle  in  the  country  without  moles- 
tation, and  in  time  to  have  united  their  forces  with  the  rivals  of 
Xibalba  for  the  overthrow  of  a  power  which  was  the  dread  of  the 
entire  Central  American  region.  The  crumbling  though  wonder- 
ful ruins  of  Palenque  are  the  sole  vestiges  which  are  left  to  us  of  a 
grand  capital  and  noble  empire,  and  these  offer  us  nothing  but  the 
sealed  histories  which  are  graven  in  hieroglyphics  upon  its  walls. 
Subsequently  the  Maya-Quiche  nations  divided  and  extended 
their  language  in  three  directions  ;  one  division  journeyed  toward 
Guatemala,  another  toward  Mexico,  and  another  into  Yucatan  ; 
the  latter  region  has  ever  remained  a  peculiarly  Maya  country. 
Las  Casas  states  that  some  of  the  Guatemalans  had  a  legend 
of  their  origin,  to  the  effect  that  a  divine  pair  of  beings  had 
thirteen  sons  (but  by  comparison  with  other  authors,  namely, 
Roman  in  Garcia,  and  Bancroft,  vol.  iii,  pp.  74-5,  it  is  clear  that 
the  writer  designed  to  write  three — tres — instead  of  thirteen — 
trece),  or  rather  three  sons.  The  eldest  was  puffed  up  in  his 
own  conceit,  and  attempted  to  create  man  against  the  will  of  his 
parents,  but  failed,  except  that  he  was  able  to  produce  vessels 
of  the  meaner  sort.  The  younger  sons,  who  exhibited  quite  a 
different  spirit,  were  granted  the  privilege,  and  after  creating 
the  sun  and  moon  and  stars,  created  the  first  man  and  woman, 
the  progenitors  of  the  human  race.1  Las  Casas  adds,  "  They 


1  "  De  la  creacion,  pues,  tenien  esta  opinion.  Decien  que  antes  de  ella  ni  habia 
cielo  ni  tierra  ni  sol,  ni  luna  ni  estrellas.  Ponian  que  liubo  un  marido  y  una 
muger  divinos  que  lamaron  Aeliel  Atcamma.  Estos  habian  tenido  padre  y 
madre  los  cuales  engendaron  trece  liijos,  y  que  el  mayor  con  algunos  con  el  se 
ensoberbecieron  y  guiso  liacer  criaturas  contra  la  voluntad  del  padre  y  madre ; 
pero  no  pudieron  por  que  lo  que  liicieron  fueron  unos  vasos  viles  de  servicio  como 
jarros  y  ollas  y  semejantes  Los  hijos  menores  que  se  llamaban  Huncheven 
hunahan,  pidieron  licencia  a  su  padre  y  madre  para  liacer  creaturas,  y  con- 
cedreronsela,  diciendoles  que  salarian  con  ello  por  que  se  habian  humillado. 
E  asi  lo  primero  liicieron  los  Cielos  y  Planetas,  luego  Ayre,  Agua  y  Tierra. 
Despues  dicen  que  de  la  tierra  formaron  al  hombre  y  a  la  muger.  Los  otros  que 
fueron  soberbios  presumiendo  liacer  criaturas  contra  la  voluntad  de  los  padres 
fueron  en  la  inferno  lanzados." — Las  Casas,  Historia  Apologetica,  MS.,  cap.  235. 
p.  324;  see  also  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii,  p.  53-4;  Help's 


MAYAS  OF  YUCATAN.  229 

have  among  them  knowledge  of  the  flood  and  of  the  end  of  the 
world.  They  call  it  (  butic/  a  name  which  signifies  a  flood  of 
many  waters.  They  also  believe  that  another  '  butic '  and  judg- 
ment will  come,  not  of  water  but  of  fire.  They  hold  that 
certain  persons  who  escaped  from  the  flood  populated  their 
land  ;  these  were  called  the  Great  Father  and  Great  Mother/' 1 
In  Yucatan  the  origin  traditions  point  directly  to  an  eastern  and 
foreign  source  for  the  population.  The  early  writers  report  that 
the  natives  believed  their  ancestors  to  have  crossed  the  sea  by  a 
passage  which  was  opened  for  them.2  It  was  also  believed  that 
part  of  the  population  came  into  the  country  from  the  West. 
Lizana  says  that  the  smaller  portion  of  the  population,  the 
"  little  descent/'  came  from  the  East,  while  the  greater  portion, 
"  the  great  descent,"  came  from  the  West.3  Cogolludo  disagrees 
with  this  view  and  considers  the  eastern  colony  as  the  largest ; 
a  view  which  is  not  likely  to  be  true.  The  author  himself  is 
not  quite  certain  as  to  what  he  thinks  upon  the  subject,  and  con- 
tradicts himself  squarely  on  the  same  page,  as  to  the  direction 
from  which  Zamna,  the  Yucatanic  culture-hero,  is  said  to  have 
come.4  Senor  Orozco  y  Berra,  thinks  that  the  Yucatanic  popu- 
lation came  from  the  northeast  (from  Florida),  by  way  of  Cuba 
and  the  islands  adjacent.5  The  culture-hero,  Zamna,  the  author 
of  all  civilization  in  Yucatan,  is  described  as  the  teacher  of 
letters  and  the  leader  of  the  people  from  their  ancient  home, 
His  relation  to  the  people  and  his  office  of  priest  and  deity  com- 
bined— the  fact  that  he  was  the  leader  of  a  colony  from  the  East, 
that  he  named  all  the  divisions  of  the  land,  all  the  towns,  coasts, 
bays  and  rivers — identifies  him  with  Yotan  or  rather  with  one 
of  his  disciples  or  associates.  Cogolludo's  statement,  first  that 


Conquest,  vol.  ii,  p.  140 ;  Garcia,  Origen  de  los  Indios,  p.  519,  Valencia  ed.,  1607, 
and  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civil.,  torn,  ii,  pp.  74-5. 

1  Historia  Apologetica,  MS.,  cap.  235,  p.  327. 

-  Landa's  Relation,  p.  28,  and  Herrera,  Dec.  iv,  lib.  x,  cap.  ii. 

"  Y  antiguamente  dezian  al  oriente  cen-ial,  pequena-baxada,  y  al  puniente 
nolien-ial,  la  grande-baxada." — Lizana's  Devocionario,  p.  354,  in  Landa's  Relation. 

4  Cogolludo's  Historia  de  Yucatan,  lib.  iv.  cap.  iii,  p.  178. 

5  Geografia  de  las  Linguas,  p.  128. 


230  CULTURE-HEROES-ZAMNA  AND  CUKULCAN. 

he  came  from  the  West;  may  be  true  of  the  direction  from  which 
he  came  into  Yucatan ;  and  the  statement  that  he  came  from 
the  East,  may  refer  to  the  original  migration  by  which  he  in 
company  with  Votan  reached  Chiapas  and  from  thence  entered 
the  peninsula  on  the  north-east.  He  was  the  founder  of  the 
capital  city  of  Mayapan,  and  after  a  long  life  died  and  was  buried 
at  Izamal.1  This  became  a  shrine  for  pilgrims  and  was  visited 
for  centuries  afterwards  by  religious  devotees  in  large  numbers. 
Zamna  is  supposed  to  have  founded  the  oldest  royal  house  in 
Yucatan — that  of  the  Cocomes.2  The  second  culture-hero,  of 
whom  mention  is  made  by  all  the  early  writers,  was  Cukulcan 
(meaning  plumed  serpent,  precisely  the  same  as  Quetzalcoatl), 
who  entered  the  country  from  the  West  and  settled  at  Chichen- 
Itza.3  Landa  is  not  certain  whether  he  preceded  or  followed  the 
Itzas.  His  celibacy,  general  purity  of  morals,  and  the  ad- 
vanced character  of  his  teachings,  seem  to  identify  him  with  the 
Nahua  culture-hero,  Quetzalcoatl,  and  it  is  believed,  with  reason, 
that  he  appeared  in  Yucatan  after  his  mysterious  disappearance 
in  the  province  of  G-oazacoalco.  For  some  unknown  reason, 
Cukulcan  left  Chichen-Itza  after  a  residence  there  of  ten  years. 
Herrera  states  that  he  had  two  brothers  who  remained  in 
Chichen-Itza,  while  Cukulcan  went  to  Mayapan.  He  describes 
all  as  practising  the  purest  asceticism.  After  the  disappearance 
of  Cukulcan,  temples  were  erected  to  his  memory  and  he  was 
worshiped  as  a  god.4  The  date  of  his  residence  in  Yucatan  is 
a  matter  of  considerable  dispute,  Cogolludo  placing  it  in  the 
twelfth  century,  Herrera  in  the  ninth,  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  in 
the  eleventh,  and  Bancroft  in  the  second.  To  fix  dates  on  no 


1  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  618. 

2  Bancroft,  vol.  iii,  p.  463 ;  Lizana  in  Landa's  Relation,  p.  356  ;  Cogolludo's 
Hist,  de  Yuc.,  p.  197;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg's  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i,  p.  76} 
torn,  ii,  pp.  10-13. 

3  Landa,  pp.  35-9,  and  300-1. 

4  See  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg's  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii,  p.  18  ;  Torquemada's 
Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii,  p.  52  ;  Herrera's  Hist.  Gen.  Dec.,  iv,  lib.  x,  cap.  ii ;  Landa's 
Relation,  pp.  35-9,  300  et  seg.;  Echevarria  y  Veitia,  MS.,  cap.  19,  p.  116  et  seq., 
and  Las  Casas'  Hist.  Apologetica,  MS.,  cap.  cxxiii. 


CHRIST  MYTH  FROM  LAS  CASAS.  231 

better  data  than  such  legends  is  folly.  It  is  probable,  however, 
that  Cukulcan  was  the  culture-hero  Quetzalcoatl,  who  was  the 
teacher  of  the  Nahua  nations  and  figured  as  the  introducer  of 
the  fine  arts,  of  purity  of  morals,  of  confessional  ceremonies 
and  a  humane  and  enlightened  system  of  religion  at  Cholula, 
and  afterwards  disappeared  toward  the  East  upon  the  waters 
of  the  Gulf.  With  the  rule  of  the  Cocomes  and  the  annals 
of  that  remarkable  branch  of  the  Chiapan  family,  composed  of 
Maya  and  Nahua  elements  known  as  the  Tutul  Xius,  we  have 
nothing  to  do  in  this  work.1  Las  Casas,  in  examining  the  doc- 
trine of  Hunab  Ku,  "the  only  God"  among  the  Yucatecoes, 
who  is  described  as  the  father  of  Zamna,  discovered  a  most 
striking  Christ  myth  ;  one  which  conforms  so  closely  to  the 
gospel  account  of  Christ's  birth  and  ministry  that  we  must  con- 
clude that  either  some  foreigner  must  have  been  cast  upon  the 
coast  after  the  Christian  era  began,  bringing  the  gospel  with  him, 
or  that  one  of  two  views  is  true,  namely,  that  the  Fathers  fabri- 
cated the  story,  or  that  the  natives,  expecting  favor  of  their 
conquerors,  endeavored  to  harmonize  their  belief  with  that 
which  was  being  taught  them.  Las  Casas  tells  us  of  their  belief 
in  a  Trinity  consisting  of  Izona,  the  Father ;  Bacab,  the  Son, 
and  Echuah,  the  Holy  Ghost.2  The  Son  was  born  of  the  Vir- 
gin Chibirias,  and  was  rejected  of  men,  was  scourged  and  cruci- 
fied on  a  tree  with  cross-arms  ;  he  descended  into  the  regions 
of  the  dead,  but  rose  again  on  the  third  day,  and  finally  ascended 
to  heaven.  In  fact  the  story  is  the  Apostles'  Creed  without  the 
"  Credo,"  and  is  probably  as  much  the  work  of  the  credulous 
and  imaginative  Spanish  Fathers  as  of  the  designing  natives. 
The  story  ought  to  be  repudiated  without  question.  It  only 
remains  for  us  to  submit  the  question  to  the  reader,  whether  the 
Maya  peoples  are  not  of  transatlantic  origin,  as  we  believe  the 
facts  in  this  chapter  indicate. 

1  See  for  those  annals  the  Perez  document  in  Stephen's  Yucatan,  vol.  ii, 
pp.  465-9 ;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  in  Landa,  pp.  120-9,  and  Bancroft,  vol.  ii, 
pp.  762-5,  and  vol.  v,  p.  624  et  seq. 

2  Las  CasaP,  Hist.  Apolofletica,  MS.,  cap.   cxxiii,  p.  10,  Cogolludo's  Hist. 
Yuc.,  p.  190 ;  Torquemada's  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  iii,  p.  133. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

TRADITIONAL  HISTORY   OF  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  NAHUA 
NATIONS. 

The  Early  Inhabitants  of  Mexico — Quinames — Miztecs  and  Zapotecs — Totonacs 
and  Huastecs — Olmecs  and  Xicalancas—  The  Nahuas — The  Cholula  Pyra- 
mid—Its Origin  Explained  in  the  Duran  MS. — No  Relation  to  a  Flood — 
Ixtlilxochitl's  Deluge  Tradition— The  first  Toltecs— The  Codex  Chimal- 
popoca  Account — The  Discovery  of  Maize — Sahagun's  Origin  of  the  Nahuas 
— They  came  from  Florida — Their  Settlement  in  Tamoanchan — Their 
Migrations — Hue  Hue  Tlapalan — Its  Location,  according  to  the  Sources — 
Not  Identical  with  Tlapallan  de  Cortes— Not  in  Central  America — Probably 
in  the  Mississippi  Valley — Beginning  of  the  Toltec  Annals — The  Chichimecs 
not  Nahuas — The  Nahuatlacas — The  Aztecs — Aztlan — As  Described  by 
Early  Writers — Aztec  Migration — Aztec  Maps — Senor  Ramirez  on  Migra- 
tion Maps — The  Seven  Caves — Three  Claims  for  the  Location  of  Aztlan — 
The  Culture  Hero — Quetzalcoatl. 

IN  considering  the  origin  of  the  Nahua  nations,  especially  of 
the  Toltecs  and  Aztecs,  it  is  common  to  look  upon  the  former 
as  the  first  inhabitants  of  Mexico.  Such  a  conclusion  is,  how- 
ever, erroneous,  since  the  Toltecs  were  preceded  in  Central- 
Southern  Mexico,  and  even  in  Anahuac,  both  by  people  of  dif- 
ferent extraction  from  themselves  and  by  scattering  tribes  of 
their  own  linguistic  family,  the  Nahua.  Of  the  former  class,  the 
most  conspicuous  are  the  so-called  Quinametin  (or  Quinames), 
otherwise  known  as  giants.  These  fierce  and  powerful  people 
were  encountered  by  the  Olmecs,  the  first  Nahuas  to  colonize 
the  region  north  of  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec.  All  the  early 
writers  refer  to  them  in  terms  which  indicate  that  they  were 
disposed  to  accept  the  existence  of  a  race  of  giants  as  a  fact. 
Veytia  and  Clavigero,  however,  are  convinced  that  the  report  is 
not  to  be  accepted  literally.  The  widest  possible  difference  of 
opinion  as  to  their  origin  and  relationship  to  existing  tribes  pre- 


MIZTECS  AND  ZAPOTECS.  233 

vails  with  diifereDt  authors.  All  agree;  however,  that  they 
were  the  first  inhabitants  of  the  country.  These  cruel  monsters, 
addicted  to  the  most  disgusting  vices,  the  terror  of  the  immi- 
grating peoples,  at  last  met  their  fate,  according  to  Ixtlilxochitl, 
in  a  great  convulsion  of  nature  which  shook  the  earth  and  caused 
the  mountains  and  volcanoes  to  swallow  up  and  kill  them.1  It 
is  prohable  that  this  account  was  figurative.  Duran  says  they 
were  destroyed  by  the  Tlascaltecs  while  eating.3  Veytia  attrib- 
utes the  destruction  to  the  Olmec  chiefs,  who  made  a  feast  for 
their  enemies  and  when  they  were  stupid  and  drunken  fell  upon 
them  and  slew  them.  We  think  that  in  this  allusion  to  the 
giants,  "  the  first  inhabitants  of  the  land,"  we  see  the  Votanic 
colonists  from  Xibalba  that  are  supposed  to  have  penetrated 
Anahuac  at  an  early  day.  They  may  not  have  carried  any 
special  degree  of  refinement  with  them  from  their  old  home,  and 
if  they  did,  they  probably  lapsed  into  a  state  of  semi-barbarism. 
Their  power  as  a  people,  their  enmity  to  the  immigrants,  and 
their  traditional  connection  with  the  hated  and  all-powerful 
Xibalba,  may  have  won  for  them  the  name  of  giants  because  of 
the  fear  that  was  entertained  of  them  ;  or,  as  Mr.  Bancroft 
thinks,  they  may  not  have  been  savages  at  all,  but  a  civilized 
branch  of  the  Xibalbans,  carrying  on  the  warfare  in  the  North 
which  had  been  waged  farther  South.3  It  is  quite  probable  that 
we  have  here  a  figurative  allusion,  from  a  Nahua  standpoint,  to 
the  fall  of  the  Xibalban  power  itself — the  new-world  Babylon, 
which,  like  the  old,  may  have  met  its  fate  during  a  drunken 
revel.4 


1  Ixtlilxochitl,  Relaciones,  in  Kingsborough's  Mexican  Antiquities,  vol.  ix, 
p.  322. 

2  Historia  Antigua,  MS.,  torn,  i,  cap.  ii. 

3  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  199. 

4  Ixtlilxochitl  fixes  the  date  of  the  destruction  in  the  year  229  A.  D.,  Veytia 
in  107.     See  further  on  the  Quinames,  Echevarria  y  Veitia,  Historia  del  Origen 
de  Gentes,  MS.,  torn,  i,  p.  33,  and  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Ant.,  vol.  viii,  cap.  iii, 
p.  179.     Mendieta's  Hist.  Eccl.,  p.  96,  Mexico,  1870.     Pineda  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog. 
Boletin,  torn,  iii,  p.  346.     Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Popol.  Vuh,  pp.  Ixviii,  and 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i,  p.  66.     Oviedo's  Hixt.  Gen.,  torn,  iii,  p.  539.     Clavigero, 
Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  i,  p.  125.      Boturini,  Idea  de  Una  Nueva  Historia, 


234  OLMECS  AND  XICALANCAS. 

To  the  tribes  which  figured  conspicuously  in  Mexico  prior 
to  the  Toltecs  and  not  related  to  the  Nahuas,  we  may  add  the 
Miztecs  and  Zapotecs,  whose  language,  though  not  Maya;  is  in 
some  respects  similar  to  it,  while  the  architectural  remains  and 
traditional  origin  of  this  people  associates  them  with  the  Nahuas. 
Their  civilization  in  Oajaca  rivalled  that  of  the  Aztecs  in  its 
degree  of  advancement.1  The  Totonacs  were  formerly,  according 
to  Torquemada,  of  Nahua  extraction  ;  but  the  authority  in  the 
face  of  linguistic  difficulties  is  doubtful.2  According  to  Torque- 
mada's  claim,  they  were  the  builders  of  the  temple  of  the  sun 
and  moon  at  Teotihuacan  near  Lake  Tezcuco.3  The  Huastecs 
of  northern  Vera  Cruz  were  a  Maya  branch  of  the  power  at  the 
south  ;  they  mark  the  most  northern  point  reached  by  the  Maya 
tongue.  Of  the  Nahua  predecessors  of  the  Toltecs  in  Mexico 
the  Olmecs  and  Xicalancas  were  the  most  important.  They  were 
the  forerunners  of  the  great  nations  which  followed.  According 
to  Ixtlilxochitl,  these  people — which  are  conceded  to  be  one — 
occupied  the  new  world  in  the  third  age ;  they  came  from  the 
East  in  ships  or  barks  to  the  land  of  Potonchan,  which  they  com- 
menced to  populate,  and  on  the  shores  of  the  Eiver  Atoyac, 
between  the  Ciudad  de  los  Angeles  and  Cholula,  they  found 
some  giants  who  had  escaped  the  calamity  which  overtook  that 
race  in  the  second  age  of  the  world.4  Here  then  comes  the 
destruction  of  the  giants  referred  to  above.  The  first  settlement 
of  the  Olmecs  and  Xicalancas  in  Mexico  is  supposed  to  have 
been  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  city  of  Xicalanco  at  the  point 
which  still  bears  the  name,  at  the  entrance  of  the  Laguna  de 
Terminos,  while  a  second  city,  built  probably  a  little  later,  was 

pp.  130-5.    Huraboldt,    Vues  des   Cordilleres,    p.  205,  and   Orozco  j  Berra, 
Geografia  de  las  Lenguas,  pp.  119-24. 

1  Torquemada,  Monarq.   Ind.,  lib.  iii,  cap.  vii.     Bancroft,  vol.  v.,  p.  206. 
Orozco  j  Berra,  Geografia,  pp.  120,  125,  133.     Brasseur  de  Bourbourg's  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i,  p.  154. 

2  Orozco  y  Berra,    Geografia,   p.  127.      Pimentel,    Lenguas  Indigenas  de 
Mexico,  torn,  i,  p.  223.     Bancroft's  Native  Paces,  vol.  v,  p.  204. 

3  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i,  p.  278.    Brasseur  de  Bourbourg's  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i,  pp.  151-61. 

4  Eistoria  CJiichimeca,  cap.  i,  in  Kingsborough's  Hex.  Ant.,  vol.  ix,  p.  205. 


CHOLULA— THE  MEXICAN  BABEL.  235 

situated  on  the  coast  a  short  distance  below  Vera  Cruz  ;  the 
entire  region  bore  the  name  of  Anahuac  Xicalanco,1  The  first 
great  exploit  of  the  Olmec  chiefs,  the  destruction  of  the  giants, 
we  observe  was  performed  at  some  distance  from  their  earliest 
settlement.  The  state  of  Puebla  became  their  chosen  ground, 
and  quite  soon  after  the  above  achievement  they  undertook  the 
building  of  the  famous  tower  of  Cholula,  which  is  so  closely 
allied  in  its  traditional  history  with  the  Tower  of  Babel.  Several 
authors  state  that  the  erection  of  the  pyramid  of  Cholula  was 
done  in  memory  of  the  erection  of  the  tower  of  Babel,  at  which 
it  is  claimed  the  ancestors  of  the  Olmec  chiefs  were  present. 
Boturini  is  probably  one  of  the  most  sanguine  advocates  of  this 
view.2  Others  consider  that  the  knowledge  which  the  ancestors 
of  this  people  transmitted  to  them  with  reference  to  Babel,  in 
time  became  associated  with  the  Cholula  edifice  and  confounded 
with  its  history. 

The  Toltecs  possessed  a  deluge  tradition,  which  we  will 
notice  hereafter,  which  unquestionably  had  reference  to  a  very 
general  and  devastating  flood ;  perhaps  the  scriptural  one,  but 
it  is  clear,  as  we  think  we  have  the  authority  to  show,  that 
the  Cholula  pyramid  and  its  origin  had  no  relation  to  that  tradi- 
tion, though  so  often  confounded  with  it  and  the  tower  referred 
to  by  the  Nahua  chroniclers.  The  generally  accepted  origin  of 
the  pyramid  is  as  follows :  from  the  great  cataclysm  which 
destroyed  the  giants,  seven  of  that  race  of  monsters  escaped  by 
shutting  themselves  up  in  a  mountain  cavern.  After  the  waters 
subsided,  Xelhua,  one  of  their  number,  went  to  Cholula  and 
began  the  construction  of  this  pyramid  "to  escape  a  second 
flood,  should  another  occur/'  according  to  Kingsborough,  or  as 
a  "  memorial  of  the  mountain  called  Tlaloc  which  had  sheltered 


1  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  196,  and  vol.  ii,  p.  112.     Torquemada, 
Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i,  p.  32.     Mendieta's  Hist.  Eccl.,  p.  146. 

2  "  Celebraron  assimismo  los  Indios  su  diclio  origen  en  antiguos  cantares,  y 
tuvieron  tan  viva  la  memoria  de  la  torre  de  Babel,  que  la  quisieron  imitar  en 
America  con  varies  monstruosos  edificias."     He  then  cites  the  Pyramid  of 
Cholula  as  having  been  built  in  commemoration  of  the  Tower  of  Babel.     See 
Boturini,  Idea  de  Una  Nueva  Historia,  p.  113. 


236  CHOLULA  LEGEND  FROM  DURAN'S  MS. 

him,"  according  to  Pedro  de  los  Kios.  The  bricks  which  were 
manufactured  at  the  foot  of  the  Sierra  de  Cocotl  were  transported 
to  Cholula  by  being  passed  through  the  hands  of  a  file  of  men 
extending  between  the  two  localities.  But  the  angered  gods 
seeing  the  presumption  of  mortals,  smote  both  the  tower  and  its 
architects  with  thunderbolts  and  stopped  their  work.1  Lord 
Kingsborough  so  intimately  connects  the  erection  of  the  tower 
with  the  Toltec  deluge  legend  as  to  derive  Xelhua,  the  builder 
of  the  tower,  from  the  Toltecs  rather  than  from  the  race  of  giants, 
by  claiming  that  he  escaped  from  the  deluge  with  Paticatle  the 
Mexican  Noah  in  an  ark,  and  adds  that  when  the  tower  was 
destroyed  and  the  tongues  of  the  builders  confounded,  Xelhua 
led  a  colony  to  the  new  world.  This  last  will  serve  as  a  speci- 
men of  how  the  Cholula  legend  has  been  misunderstood  and 
confounded  with  the  tower  of  Babel.  Father  Duran  in  his  MS.,2 
Historia  Antigua  de  la  Nueva  H/qpafta,  1585  A.  D.,  quotes  from 
the  lips  of  a  native  of  Cholula,  over  an  hundred  years  old,  a 
version  of  the  legend  which  assigns  quite  a  different  object  for 
building  the  Pyramid,  one  which  shows  that  it  never  was  erected 
as  a  memorial  of  Babel  nor  ever  had  any  reference  to  an  escape 
from  any  flood  either  past  or  in  anticipation.  It  is  as  follows  : 
"In  the  beginning  before  the  light  of  the  sun  had  been  created, 
this  land  was  in  obscurity  and  darkness  and  void  of  any  created 
thing ;  all  was  a  plain  without  hill  or  elevation,  encircled  in 
every  part  by  water  without  tree  or  created  thing ;  and  imme- 
diately after  the  light  and  the  sun  arose  in  the  east,  there 
appeared  gigantic  men  of  deformed  stature,  and  possessed  the 
land,  who  desiring  to  see  the  nativity  of  the  sun  as  well  as  his 
Occident,  proposed  to  go  and  seek  them.  Dividing  themselves 
into  two  parties,  some  journeyed  toward  the  West  and  others 
toward  the  East ;  these  travelled  until  the  sea  cut  off  their  road, 
whereupon  they  determined  to  return  to  the  place  from  which 

1  Boturini's  Idea,  p.  Ill  et  seq.    Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  i, 
pp.  129-31,  et  torn,  ii,  p.  6.     Kingsborough's  Mex.  Ant., especially  voL  vi,  p.  401, 
and  Spiegazione  delle  Tawle  del  Codice  Mexicano,  tav.  vii,  in  Mex.  Ant.,  vol.  v, 
pp.  164-5,  and  Bancroft's  Native  Eaces,  vol.  iii,  p.  67 ;  vol.  v,  p.  200  et  seq. 

2  A  portion  of  the  work  lias  been  printed  at  Mexico. 


CHOLULA  NOT   CONNECTED  WITH  A  FLOOD.  237 

they  started,  and  arriving  at  this  place  (Cholula),  not  finding  the 
means  of  reaching  the  sun,  enamored  of  his  light  and  beauty, 
they  determined  to  build  a  tower  so  high  that  its  summit  should 
reach  the  sky.  Having  collected  material  for  the  purpose,  they 
found  a  very  adhesive  clay  and  bitumen,  with  which  they  speedily 
commenced  to  build  the  tower,  and  having  reared  it  to  the 
greatest  possible  altitude,  so  that  they  say  it  reached  to  the  sky, 
the  Lord  of  the  Heavens,  enraged,  said  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
sky, '  Have  you  observed  how  they  of  the  earth  have  built  a  high 
and  haughty  tower  to  mount  hither,  being  enamored  of  the 
light  of  the  sun  and  his  beauty  ?  Come  !  and  confound  them; 
because  it  is  not  right  that  they  of  the  earth,  living  in  the  flesh, 
should  mingle  with  us/  Immediately  at  that  very  instant  the 
inhabitants  of  the  sky  sallied  forth  like  flashes  of  lightning ; 
they  destroyed  the  edifice  and  divided  and  scattered  its  builders 
to  all  parts  of  the  earth."  l  This  account,  the  most  ancient  on 
record,  makes  no  reference  to  a  flood,  and  is  quite  distinct  from 
the  Mexican  deluge  tradition.  Its  value  as  an  interpreter  of 
the  tendency  of  the  American  tribes  not  only  of  the  United 
States  and  Mexico,  but  of  both  Americas,  to  erect  mounds  and 
truncated  pyramids  is  not  inconsiderable,  since  it  confirms  the 
opinion  long  entertained  that  they  were  connected  with  sun- 
worship.  The  great  culture-hero,  Quetzalccatl,  the  white  saintly 
personage  from  the  East,  said  to  have  been  the  leader  of  the 
Nahuas,  appeared  during  the  Olmec  rule,  and  to  his  honor  the 
Cholulans  erected  a  temple  upon  the  pyramid  which  their  coun- 
trymen or  predecessors  had  failed  to  complete.2  Quetzalcoatl 
was,  however,  no  tribal  hero,  but  was  so  intimately  identified  with 
the  institutions  and  civilization  of  the  entire  Nahua  race  that  we 
purposely  defer  a  consideration  of  his  character  at  present  in  order 
that  we  may  hasten  to  the  traditional  origin  of  the  Toltecs. 

1  Historia  Antigua  de  la  Nueva  Espana,  MS.,  torn,  i,  cap.  i,  pp.  6-7. 

2  Alcedo .  (Diccionario  Oeografico  Historico,  torn,  iii,  p.  374)  says  that  the 
Olmecs  subsequently  migrated  southward  and  settled  Guatemala.     While  this 
statement  may  be  true  in  part,  still  it  is  not  probable  that  any  general  migration 
took  place,  and  Guatemala  was  certainly  populated  long  before  the  Olmec  power 
existed. 


238  THE   SEVEN  ORIGINAL    TOLTEC  CHIEFS. 

It  is  not  our  purpose  to  go  back  to  the  several  traditions  of 
the  creation  of  man,  preserved  in  as  many  localities  in  Mexico, 
each  with  its  own  variations,  but  simply  to  take  up  tradition 
where  it  first  relates  to  the  Toltec  families.  We  are  fully  aware 
of  the  wide  range  of  opinion  with  reference  to  what  properly 
constitutes  this  tradition,  and  of  the  irreconcilable  variations  in 
dates  and  numeric  details  among  the  several  Spanish  writers. 
Probably  all  will  agree  that  the  native  writer  Ixtlilxochitl,  who 
inherited  the  rich  collection  of  royal  archives  and  hieroglyphic 
paintings  belonging  to  his  ancestors  (and  which  fortunately 
escaped  the  wholesale  vandalism  of  the  conquerors),  though  both 
contradictory  and  negligent,  has  furnished  us  the  most  reliable 
narrative  which  has  yet  been  brought  to  light.  Without  at- 
tempting to  correct  or  unravel  his  chronology,  we  simply  trans- 
late his  account  of  the  origin  of  the  Toltecs.  Speaking  of  the 
first  age  of  the  world,  the  pre-diluvial  period,  he  says :  "  It  is 
found  in  the  histories  of  the  Toltecs  that  this  age  and  first  world 
as  they  call  it,  lasted  1716  years  ;  that  men  were  destroyed  by 
tremendous  rains  and  lightning  from  the  sky,  and  even  all  the 
land  without  the  exception  of  anything,  and  the  highest  moun- 
tains, were  covered  up  and  submerged  in  water  '  caxtolmoletlti/ 
orffteeu  cubits,  and  here  they  add  other  fables  of  how  men  came 
to  multiply  from  the  few  who  escaped  from  this  destruction  in  a 
'  toptlipetlacali/  that  this  word  nearly  signifies  a  close  chest ;  and 
how  after  men  had  multiplied  they  erected  a  very  high  £  zacuali/ 
which  is  to  say  a  tower  of  great  height,  in  order  to  take  refuge 
in  it,  should  the  second  world  (age)  be  destroyed.  Presently 
their  languages  were  confused ;  and  not  able  to  understand  each 
other,  they  went  to  different  parts  of  the  earth.  The  Toltecs, 
consisting  of  seven  friends  with  their  wives,  who  understood  the 
same  language,  came  to  these  parts,  having  first  passed  great 
land  and  seas,  having  lived  in  caves,  and  having  endured  great 
hardships  in  order  to  reach  this  land,  which  they  found  good  and 
fertile  for  their  habitation  ;  and  relate  that  they  wandered  one 
hundred  and  four  years  through  different  parts  of  the  world 
before  they  reached  Hue  hue  Tlapalan,  which  was  in  Ce  Tecpatl, 
five  hundred  and  twenty  years  after  the  flood.  Seventeen  hun- 


SCRIPTURAL  ANALOGIES.  239 

dred  and  fifteen  years  after  the  flood,  there  was  a  terrible  hurri- 
cane that  carried  away  trees,  mounds,  houses  and  the  largest 
edifices,  notwithstanding  which  many  men  and  women  escaped 
principally  in  caves  and  places  where  the  great  hurricane  could 
not  reach  them.  A  few  days  having  passed,  they  set  out  to  see 
what  had  become  of  the  earth,  when  they  found-  it  all  covered 
and  populated  with  monkeys.  All  this  time  they  were  in  dark- 
ness without  seeing  the  light  of  the  sun  nor  the  moon  that  the 
wind  had  brought  them.  The  Indians  invented  a  fable  which 
says  that  men  were  changed  into  monkeys.  *  *  *  One  hun- 
dred and  fifty-eight  years  after  the  great  hurricane  and  4994  from 
the  creation  of  the  world,  there  was  another  destruction  of  this 
land,  which  was  of  the  Quinametin,  giants  who  lived  in  New 
Spain,  which  destruction  was  a  great  trembling  of  the  earth, 
which  swallowed  up  and  killed  them,  the  mountains  and  vol- 
canoes burst  upon  them,  that  for  a  certainty  none  should  escape. 
At  the  same  time  many  of  the  Toltecs  perished  and  the  Chichi- 
mecs  their  neighbors.  That  was  in  the  year  Ce  Tecpatl ;  and 
this  age  they  call  Tlachilonatnip,  that  is  to  say,  sun  [or  age]  of 
earth/' 1  Here  follows  an  account  of  the  construction  of  the 
calendar  by  the  assembly  of  Lords  in  Hue  hue  Tlapalan  in  the 
year  5097  of  the  creation  of  the  world  and  104  after  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  giants. 

The  singular  agreement  of  this  account  with  the  Mosaic 
description,  in  some  of  its  details,  such  as  the  height  attained 
by  the  waters  above  the  mountains,  the  escape  of  certain  per- 
sons in  an  ark,  and  the  erection  of  a  high  tower,  together  with 
the  subsequent  confusion  of  tongues,  Lord  Kingsborough  is  con- 
vinced furnishes  proof  that  the  Toltecs  were  of  Jewish  descent.2 
While  we  are  not  prepared  to  believe  the  sanguine  speculations 
of  that  eminent  author  in  this  case,  still  one  of  two  views  must 
be  true :  either  the  Toltecs  were  of  old  world  origin,  and  at  a 
remote  period  treasured  up  among  their  traditional  histories 
notices  of  the  Mosaic  deluge,  traditions  of  which  are  so  generally 


1  Ixtlilxccliitl,  Reladones,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Ant.,  vol.  ix,  pp.  321-2. 

2  Kingsbo  rough's  Mex.  Ant.,  vol.  viii,  p.  25. 


240  IXTLILXOCHITL'S   CHRONOLOGY. 

current  among  the  Asiatic  nations,  or  the  Mexican  traditions  of 
local  inundation  were  warped  by  the  teachings  of  the  Spanish 
priests  in  a  degree  beyond  any  precedent  in  history  or  reasonable 
expectation,  and  that  within  a  comparatively  few  years  after  the 
conquest.  Our  authority  in  this  case  is  a  native  of  Tezcuco,  a 
son  of  the  queen  ;  and  because  of  his  acquaintance  with  both  the 
hieroglyphic  writings  and  the  Castilian,  served  as  interpreter  to 
the  viceroy.  His  Edacious  were  composed  from  the  archives  vof 
his  family  and  compared  with  the  testimony  of  the  oldest  and 
best  informed  natives.  It  does  not  seem  to  us  that  the  sense  of 
historic  integrity  cultivated  to  so  nice  a  point  at  Tezcuco,  where 
the  censorial  council,  just  prior  to  the  advent  of  the  conquerors, 
punished  with  death  any  who  should  willfully  pervert  the  truth, 
could  have  so  sadly  degenerated  that  Ixtlilxochitl  and  the 
venerable  natives  who  were  conscious  of  the  representations  con- 
tained in  his  work,  should  proclaim  a  falsehood  which  would  not 
meet  with  contradiction.1  We  are  aware  that  this  author's 
chronology  is  an  inextricable  maze  of  contradictions  which  can- 
not be  unravelled  or  reconstructed.  The  Toltec  families,  seven 
in  number,  are,  however,  said  to  have  reached  Hue  hue  Tlapalan 
five  hundred  and  twenty  years  after  the  flood.  The  journey, 
however,  occupied  only  one  hundred  and  four  years  of  that  time. 
Their  wanderings,  attended  with  severe  experiences,  nakedness, 
and  hunger  and  cold,  were  over  many  lands,  across  expanses  of 
sea  and  through  untold  hardships.2 

The  date  of  the  migration  to  Hue  hue  Tlapalan  cannot  be 
approximated  from  available  data,  but  it  is  evident  that  Ixtlil- 
xochitl fixes  it  at  520  years  after  the  flood,  or  2236  years  after 
the  creation — a  period  which  must  have  antedated  the  Christian 
era  by  a  score  of  centuries  or  more,  even  if  we  accept  his  chro- 
nology, which  (on  p.  322  of  his  Relations),  implies  that  more  than 
five  thousand  years  elapsed  between  the  creation  and  the  birth 

1  See  Prescott's  Conq.  Mexico,  vol.  i,  p.  171,  on  the  Censorial  Council;  also 
Ixtlilxochitl,  Clavigero  and  Veytia  as  cited  by  him. 

2  Echevarria  y  Veitia,  Hist.  Gentes,  MS.,  torn,  i,  p.  29,  and  Kingsborough, 
vol.  viii,  p.  176.     Panes,  Fragmentos  de  Historia,  MS.,  p.  3  (copy  in  Congres- 
sional Library,  Washington),  as  well  as  several  other  authorities. 


CODEX  CHIMALPOPOCA  ACCOUNT.  241 

of  Christ.  The  Codex  Chimalpopoca,  a  Nahua  record  written 
in  Spanish  letters,  which  occupies  probably  the  same  relation  to 
early  Mexican  history  that  the  Popol  Vuli  does  to  the  Maya 
history,  has  been  made  known  to  us  through  the  writings  of 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  but  as  yet  it  has  not  been  published. 
Ixtlilxochitl  was  the  copyist  of  this  document,  and  of  course 
used  it  in  composing  his  Edacious .  Mr.  Bancroft  has  attempted 
to  collect  from  scattered  passages,  taken  from  the  Codex  Cltimal- 
popoca  and  found  in  Brasseur's  writings,  a  continuous  narrative, 
but  with  little  success.  "  The  division  of  the  earth,"  by  the 
sun,  "  six  times  four  hundred,  plus  one  hundred,  plus  thirteen 
years  ago  to-day,  the  twenty-second  of  May,  1558;"  in  other 
words,  in  the  year  955  B.  c.,  is  a  date  obtained  which  seems  to 
refer  to  the  division  of  the  land  among  the  followers  of  Votan.1 
In  the  Popol  Vuli,  Gucumatz  (whose  name  signifies  plumed 
serpent)  is  described  as  going  in  search  of  maize,  while  the  Codex 
Chimalpopoca  describes  Quetzalcoatl,  whose  name  is  identical  in 
meaning  with  that  of  Gucumatz,  as  entering  upon  the  same 
undertaking,  though  under  somewhat  different  circumstances, 
and  states  that  when  he  had  found  it,  he  brought  it  to  Tamoan- 
chan.2  We  shall  see  hereafter  that  Sahagun  locates  Tamoanchan 
in  Tabasco,  a  fact  of  considerable  value  in  studying  the  Toltec 
migration.  The  reader  will  not,  however,  associate  Quetzalcoatl 
with  the  above  date,  since  such  is  not  the  purport  of  the  record. 
The  Chimalpopoca  implies  that  Quetzalcoatl  afterwards  becom- 
ing obnoxious  to  his  companions  forsook  them,  a  statement  noted 
by  Mr.  Bancroft,  though  its  full  value  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  observed  by  that  author.3  The  account  clearly  refers  to 
the  role  of  Quetzalcoatl  among  the  Quiches,  when  he  was  known 
as  Gucumatz,  and  prior  to  his  appearance  among  the  Olmec 
(Nahua)  tribes.  It  indicates  that  the  Codex  Chimalpopoca 
account  of  the  discovery  of  maize  is  purely  Quiche,  and  has  no 
reference  to  the  Nahuas  whatever.  The  search  for  maize  by  the 

1  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  pp.  193-5. 

2  Codex  Chimalpopoca  in  Brasseur's  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i,  pp.  53,  71. 

3  Codex  Chimal.  in  Brasseur's  H'.st.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i,  p.  117,  and  Bancroft's 
Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  194. 

16 


242  QUETZALCOATL'S  DISCOVERY  OF  MAIZE. 

plumed  serpent,  call  him  by  either  his  Quiche  or  Nahua  name 
if  you  wish,  was  prior  to  the  advent  of  that  remarkable  person- 
age among  the  Nahuas.  The  reputed  discovery  we  consider 
nothing  more  than  a  figurative  allusion  to  the  introduction 
of  agriculture  by  this  culture-hero,  the  knowledge  of  which  he 
afterwards  communicated  to  the  Nahuas  at  Tamoanchan.  If 
these  inferences  are  true,  the  Codex  Chimcdpopoca,  so  far  as  we 
are  acquainted  with  its  contents,  can  render  us  no  assistance 
with  reference  to  the  question  in  hand.  We  will  now  return  to 
the  beginning  of  the  subject  and  cite  additional  authorities, 
chief  among  them  Sahagun.  In  the  introduction  to  his  His- 
toria  General,  in  speaking  of  the  origin  of  this  people,  he 
expresses  the  opinion  that  it  is  impossible  to  definitely  deter- 
mine more  than  that  they  report  "that  all  the  natives  came 
from  seven  caves,  and  that  these  seven  caves  are  the  seven  ships 
or  galleys  in  which  the  first  populators  of  the  land  came/'  He 
adds,  "  The  first  people  came  to  populate  this  land  from  towards 
Florida,  and  came  coasting  and  disembarked  at  the  port  of 
Panuco,  which  they  called  Panco,  which  signifies  a  place  to 
which  they  come  who  pass  the  water.  This  people  came  in 
quest  of  the  terrestrial  paradise,  and  were  known  by  the  name 
Tamoanchan,  by  which  they  mean,  '  we  seek  our  home/  They 
settled  around  the  highest  mountains  that  they  found.  In  com- 
ing toward  the  midday  to  find  the  terrestrial  paradise,  they  did 
not  err,  because  it  is  the  opinion  of  the  knowing  that  it  is  under 
the  equinoctial  line/'1  The  above  account  is  rendered  more 
definite  in  the  following  passage  from  his  third  volume:2 
"Countless  years  ago  the  first  settlers  arrived  in  these  parts 
of  New  Spain — which  is  nearly  another  world — coming  with 
ships  by  sea,  approached  a  port  at  the  North,  and  because  they 
disembarked  there,  it  is  called  Panutla  or  Panaoia,  place  where 
they  arrive  who  come  by  the  sea  ;  at  present  it  is  corruptly 
called  Pantlan.  From  that  port  they  commenced  to  journey  by 

1  Sahagun,  Historia  General  de  las  Cosas  de  Nue'oci  Espana,  p.  xviii,  torn,  i, 
Mexico,  1829. 

•  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii,  lib.  x,  p.  139  et  seq.  A  translation  and  summary  of 
facts  is  also  given  by  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  189  et  seq. 


THE  TOLTECS  IN  TAMOANCHAN.  243 

the  shores  of  the  sea,  ever  beholding  the  snow-capped  Sierras 
and  the  volcanoes,  until  they  came  to  the  province  of  Guatemala, 
being  guided  by  their  priest  who  carried  with  him  their  god, 
with  whom  he  always  counseled  concerning  what  he  should  do. 
They  settled  down  in  Tamoanchan,  where  they  were  a  long 
time,  and  never  ceased  to  have  their  wise  men  or  prophets, 
called  Amoxoaqui,  which  signifies  '  men  learned  in  the  ancient 
paintings/  who,  although  they  came  at  the  same  time,  did  not 
remain  with  the  rest  in  Tamoanchan,  for  leaving  them  there, 
they  re-embarked  and  took  with  them  all  the  paintings  of  the 
rites  and  mechanic  arts  which  they  had  brought."  The  account 
continues  by  stating  that  the  priests  informed  their  companions 
before  leaving  them,  that  their  God  had  made  them  masters 
of  the  land,  and  that  they  should  inhabit  it  and  await  his 
return.  The  priests  then  departed  towards  the  East  with  their 
idol  wrapped  in  blankets.  Whereupon  the  people  invented 
judicial  astrology  and  the  art  of  interpreting  dreams.  They 
there  also  constructed  the  calendar  which  was  followed  during 
the  time  of  the  Toltecs,  Mexicans,  Tepanecs  and  Chichimecs. 
The  first  migratory  movement  was  to  Teotihuacan,  where  they 
erected  two  mountains  in  honor  of  the  sun  and  moon.  Here 
they  elected  their  rulers  and  buried  their  princes,  erecting 
mounds  over  their  graves.  This  seems  to  have  become  their 
holy  city.  The  main  power  which  had  remained  for  a  long 
time  in  Tamoanchan  was  changed  to  Xumiltepec.  From  this 
latter  place  they,  however,  at  the  instance  of  their  priests,  started 
again  on  their  migrations.  First  going  to  Teotihuacan  in  order 
to  choose  their  wise  men.  Notwithstanding  the  remarks  of 
Sahagun  that  the  seven  caves  were  the  seven  ships  in  which  the 
first  settlers  came  to  New  Spain,  he  here  affirms  that  in  the 
course  of  their  migration  they  came  to  the  valley  of  the  seven 
caves.  How  long  they  remained  in  this  national  centre  we 
have  no  means  of  knowing,  but  eventually  their  god  told  them 
to  retrace  their  steps,  which  they  did,  going  to  Tollancingo 
(Tulancingo)  and  finally  to  Tulan  (Tollan).  Ixtlilxochitl,  if  he 
can  be  relied  upon  (and  if  he  is  unreliable  we  might  as  well  give 
up  the  task  of  tracing  the  early  history  of  this  or  any  other 


244  THEIR  MIGRATIONS  — HUE  HUE  TLAPALAN. 

Mexican  people)  shows  clearly  that  the  ancestors  of  the  Toltecs 
were  possessed  of  certain  traditions  which  point  to  an  Asiatic 
origin  ;  that  at  a  remote  period  they  set  out  from  that  common 
home  of  so  many  peoples,  possessing  the  same  traditions,  in 
search  of  a  suitable  country  in  which  to  live  ;  that  after  one 
hundred  and  four  years  occupied  in  traversing  broad  lands  and 
seas,  they  arrived  in  a  country  called  Hue  hue  Tlapalan.  This 
event,  according  to  his  chronology,  must  have  occurred  upwards 
of  twenty  centuries  before  Christ.  He  tells  us  also  that  in  Hue 
hue  Tlapalan,  the  Toltecs  regulated  their  calendar.  Sahagun 
says  that  countless  years  ago  the  first  inhabitants  of  the  country 
(Mexico)  came  by  sea  from  the  direction  of  Florida  on  the 
North,  and  landing  at  Panuco,  journeyed  down  the  coast  to 
Guatemala  (which  is  supposed  to  have  embraced  Chiapas  and 
perhaps  Tabasco,  though'  such  is  only  the  conjecture  of  an  ear- 
nest advocate  of  the  Southern  location  of  Hue  hue  Tlapalan,  i.  e., 
Mr.  Bancroft)  where  they  established  a  city  called  Tamoanchan 
— there  the  calendar  was  regulated  or  corrected.  Whether  this 
was  the  same  construction  of  the  calendar  referred  to  by  Ixtlil- 
xochitl  as  having  taken  place  in  Hue  hue  Tlapalan  is  ques- 
tionable. If  positive  proof  of  the  identity  of  these  occurrences 
could  be  produced,  the  identity  of  Tamoanchan  and  Hue  hue 
Tlapalan  would  be  complete,  and  the  disputed  location  of  the 
latter  would  be  fixed  in  the  Chiapan  region  or  the  country  of  the 
Xibalbans.  The  fact  that  Quetzalcoatl  brought  maize  to  Ta- 
moanchan seems  to  indicate  a  comparative  proximity  of  that 
country  to  the  Southern  region  where  that  culture-hero  figured 
so  conspicuously  under  the  Quiche  name  of  Gucumatz.  If  no 
other  testimony  need  be  introduced  the  disputed  locality  might 
be  fixed  as  above  indicated.  However,  the  contradictory  records 
of  Ixtlilxochitl,  which  we  are  now  about  to  cite,  unsettle  this 
conclusion.  The  Toltec  migration  from  Hue  hue  Tlapalan  is 
briefly  as  follows  :  Three  hundred  and  thirty-eight  years  after 
Christ  a  revolt  occurred  among  the  Toltecs  in  Hue  hue  Tlapa- 
lan, in  which  two  rebel  princes  attempted  to  depose  the  legiti- 
mate successor  to  the  throne.  These  rebel  chiefs,  named 
Chalcatzin  and  Tlacronihtzin  respectively,  were  unsuccessful,  and 


THE  TOLTEC  MIGRATION.  245 

together  with  five  other  chiefs  and  their  numerous  allies  and 
people,  were  driven  out  of  their  city  Tlachicatzin  in  Hue  hue 
TLipalan.  After  a  journey  of  sixty  leagues,  they  arrived  at  a 
place  which  they  called  Tlapallanconco,  or  Little  Tlapalan. 
Their  departure  from  their  old  home  did  not  occur  till  they  had 
withstood  a  contest  of  eight  years — or,  according  to  Veytia, 
thirteen  years — duration.1  At  Tlapallanconco  they  lived  three 
years,  at  the  end  of  which  time  there  arose  among  them  a  great 
astrologer,  named  Hueman  or  Huematzin,  who  counseled  them 
to  forsake  the  land  of  their  misfortunes  and  journey  toward  the 
rising  sun,  where  there  was  a  happy  land  formerly  occupied  by 
Quinames,  but  now  depopulated.  This  advice  seeming  good 
they  set  out  on  their  journey  at  the  end  of  the  three  years,  or 
eleven  years  after  leaving  Hue  hue  Tlapalan.  After  traveling 
twelve  days  and  accomplishing  seventy  leagues  they  arrived  at 
Hueyxalan,  and  remained  there  four  years.  From  thence  a 
twenty  days  journey  toward  the  East,  or  according  to  Veytia, 
toward  the  West,  and  of  one  hundred  leagues  in  length,  brought 
them  to  Xalisco,  near  the  sea-shore.  Here  they  remained  eight 
years.  Twenty  days  journey  and  100  leagues  more  brought 
them  to  Chimalhuacan  on  the  coast  opposite  certain  islands, 
where  they  resided  five  years.  Eighteen  days  or  80  leagues 
traversed  toward  the  East,  and  they  arrived  at  Toxpan,  where 
they  dwelt  five  years  more.  Proceeding  eastward  twenty  days7 
journey  or  100  leagues,  they  came  to  Quiyahuitztlan  Anahuac, 

1  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  211,  in  a  note  lias  summarized  the  dates 
of  departure  from  Hue  hue  Tlapalan,  as  given  by  different  authors,  with  the 
following  result :  Date  of  departure  according  to  Veytia  (torn,  i,  p.  208),  596  A.D.  ; 
Clavigero  (torn,  iv,  p.  43),  544  A.  D.;  but  in  the  1st  torn.,  p.  126,  he  gives  596, 
agreeing  with  Veytia ;  Muller  (Reisen,  torn,  iii,  p.  94  et  seq.,  439  A.  D.;  Brasseur 
de  Bourbourg  (Popol  Vuh,  p.  civ),  last  of  the  fourth  century  ;  Cabrera  (Teatro, 
pp.  90-1),  181  B.  c.  The  commonly  accepted  date  is  that  of  Clavigero— 544  A.  D. 
"But  after  comparing  these  authors  and  considering  the  grounds  upon  which  they 
base  their  calculations,  we  are  convinced  that  it  is  useless  to  attempt  to  arrive 
at  the  true  date,  just  as  it  is  impossible  to  determine  any  date  with  certainty  in 
all  the  ancient  American  chronology.  We  will  not  go  so  far  as  Mr.  Bancroft, 
who  says  that  "  the  departure  from  Hue  hue  Tlapalan  seems  to  have  taken 
place  in  the  fifth  or  sixth  century."  The  claims  for  the  fourth  century,  we 
think,  are  just  as  good  as  for  the  others,  if  not  better. 


246  THE  TOLTEC  MIGRATION. 

situated  on  the  coast.  Here  they  were  obliged  to  pass  inlets  of 
the  sea  in  boats.  During  a  six  years'  sojourn  at  this  point,  they 
suffered  many  hardships.  An  eighteen  clays'  journey  or  80 
leagues  brought  them  to  Zacatlan  where  they  dwelt  seven  years. 
From  thence  they  journeyed  eighty  leagues  to  Totzapan  and 
dwelt  there  six  years.  They  next  journeyed  to  Tepetla,  distant 
twenty-eight  days,  or  140  leagues,  where  they  dwelt  seven  years. 
Eighteen  days'  journey  or  80  leagues  brought  them  to  Mazatepec, 
where  they  remained  eight  years,  and  a  similar  journey  brought 
them  to  Ziuhcohuatl  where  they  tarried  also  eight  years.  Turn- 
ing northward  from  this  unknown  point,  they  journeyed  twenty 
days  or  100  leagues  and  halted  at  Yztachuexucha,  where  they 
dwelt  twenty-six  years.  At  last,  after  a  journey  of  eighteen  days 
or  eighty  leagues,  they  arrived  at  Tulancingo  (Tulantzinco, 
or  Tollantzinco)  a  name  already  familiar  to  us.  Here  the 
Toltecs  emerge  from  what  has  been  to  us  an  unknown  wilder- 
ness without  geographic  guide-post  or  even  a  polar  star  by 
which  to  reckon.  Their  itinerary,  full  of  so  many  gaps  and  in- 
consistencies, its  frequent  omission  of  the  directions  traversed, 
with  its  starting-point  so  indefinitely  located,  is  meaningless  and 
confusing,  and  so  far  as  the  reader  is  concerned,  practically  begins 
nowhere  and  ends  in  nothing.  At  Tulancingo  they  remained 
eighteen  years,  living  in  a  house  sufficiently  large  to  accommo- 
date them  all.  Their  knowledge  of  architecture  must  have  been 
quite  advanced  to  have  enabled  them  to  construct  such  an 
edifice.  The  third  year  after  their  arrival  at  Tulancingo,  marked 
a  Toltec  age  of  104  years  from  the  time  they  left  their  home  in 
Hue  hue  Tlapalan.  Finally,  eighteen  years  having  elapsed, 
they  transferred  the  capital  to  Tollan,  afterwards  the  centre 
of  the  Toltec  empire.  Tollan  is  stated  to  have  been  eastward 
of  Tulancingo  (in  all  probability  a  mistake).1  In  this  migration 

1  On  the  migration  see  Ixtlilxochitl's  Relations,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Ant., 
vol.  ix,  pp.  321-4  ;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg's  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i,  p.  100,  136, 
and  Popol  Vuh,  p.  civ,  clix-xi :  Veytia's  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.  Tom.  1st  passim ; 
Clavigero'a  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  i,  p.  426 ;  torn,  iv,  pp.  46,  51 ;  Miiller's 
Reisen  in  den  Verinigten-Staaten,  Canada  und  Mexico,  Bd.  iii,  ss.  91-7,  Leipzig, 
1864  ;  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  pp.  192-223. 


CONFUSION  OF  THE  DISCUSSION.  247 

we  have  a  distance  of  1150  leagues  traversed  ;  the  first  two 
moves,  aggregating  130  leagues,  is  in  an  unknown  direction  ;  the 
next  advance  is  100  leagues  in  an  easterly  direction,  according 
to  one  author,  and  westerly  according  to  another ;  however,  it 
is  agreed  that  the  point  was  on  the  sea-shore.  The  next  move 
of  100  leagues  is  still  along  the  sea-shore,  but  the  direction  is 
not  stated.  We  then  have  two  advances  amounting  to  180 
leagues,  in  an  easterly  direction.  The  confusion  is  completed  in 
the  following  advances,  aggregating  460  leagues  in  unknown 
directions.  Of  the  remaining  180  leagues,  100  were  traveled  in  a 
northern  direction,  while  the  remaining  80  leagues  were  taken 
toward  an  unknown  quarter.  It  is  quite  plain  to  any  one,  that 
the  distances  traversed  in  the  directions  stated  could  not  be 
traced  consistently  with  the  geography  of  Mexico  and  Central 
America,  upon  the  assumption  that  Tanioanchan  and  Hue  hue 
Tlapalan  are  identical  and  situated  in  the  Rio  Usumacinta 
region.  The  itinerary  would  carry  the  emigrants  far  out  upon 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  It  is  evident  that  a  broader  territory  than 
that  of  Southern  Mexico  and  Central  America  is  required  for 
the  realization  of  such  distances.  The  account  of  the  migration 
is  no  doubt  faulty  ;  but  even  if  we  disregard  the  gaps,  it  pre- 
sents insuperable  difficulties  when  applied  to  the  South-Mexican 
region.  It  is  manifest  that  Sahagun  and  Ixtlilxochitl  refer  to 
different  migrations.  The  former  to  the  Olmecs,  who  came  by 
sea  to  Panuco  and  thence  to  Tabasco,  from  which  they  migrated 
north  to  Teotihuacan.  The  latter  narrates  the  wanderings  of  the 
Toltecs  who  subsequently  came  into  Mexico  by  land.  If  this  dis- 
tinction is  borne  in  mind,  much  of  the  obscurity  attending  the 
subject  is  cleared  away.  We  are  inclined  to  think  that  the  ac- 
counts of  the  two  distinct  migrations  have  become  confused,  and 
the  details  of  one  substituted  for  the  details  of  the  other.  Every 
one  familiar  with  the  study  of  traditional  histories  is  aware 
of  this  danger,  or  even  more,  this  tendency  among  semi-civilized 
peoples.  No  better  illustration  of  this  fact  can  be  presented 
than  the  sad  confusion  which  has  been  wrought  by  nearly  every 
writer  who  has  attempted  to  describe  the  two  distinct  personages 
in  Mexican  history,  known  by  the  name  of  Quetzalcoatl.  Only 


248  INDEFINITENESS  OF   THE  ACCOUNTS. 

Sahagun  of  all  the  early  writers  has  seemed  to  have  any  clear 
conception  of  their  individual  and  independent  attributes.  The 
demi-god,  and  the  Toltec  king,  and  the  achievements  of  each, 
have  been  made  to  change  places  so  often  by  Spanish  writers, 
that  the  result  has,  with  each  new  treatment  of  the  subject, 
been  confusion  worse  confounded.  Sahagun's  account  of  the 
arrival  of  the  Nahuas  in  ships,  from  the  direction  of  Florida, 
their  landing  in  Panuco,  their  journey  toward  Guatemala,  their 
residence  in  Tamoanchan  (probably  somewhere  in  the  Chiapan 
region)  and  their  subsequent  migration  northward  to  Teotihua- 
can  with  its  well-known  pyramids,  and  finally  their  removal  to 
Tollan,  north  of  the  City  of  Mexico,  by  the  way  of  Tolancingo, 
is  a  straightforward  account  which  finds  support  in  the  best 
of  evidence,  both  of  a  material  and  linguistic  character.  Sr. 
Orozco  y  Berra  has  clearly  shown  by  linguistic  testimony  that 
the  Nahua  nations  entered  the  country  somewhere  between  the 
nineteenth  and  twenty-first  degrees  of  north  latitude,  on  the 
Gulf  coast,  migrated  southward  to  a  point  seventeen  and  one- 
half  degrees  north  latitude,  almost  to  the  Chiapan  region,  and 
then  retracing  their  steps  northward,  almost  to  a  point  opposite 
Vera  Cruz,  they  crossed  Mexico  to  the  Pacific  coast,  along  which 
they  extended  their  language  northward  nearly  to  the  twenty- 
seventh  degree  north  latitude.1  Sahagun  says  nothing  of  Hue 
hue  Tlapalan  in  his  account  of  the  migration  from  Tamoanchan 
to  Tollan  or  from  Chiapas  to  Anahuac,  for  his  account  refers  to 
the  Olm ecs,  the  first  Nahuas  to  reach  Mexico. 

Mr.  John  H.  Becker,  of  Berlin,  in  an  able  paper  addressed  to 
the  Congress  de  Americainistes  at  Luxembourg  (Compte  Rendu 
de  la  Seconde  Session,  torn,  i,  pp.  325-50),  after  offering  plau- 
sible arguments  for  the  identification  of  Tulan  Zuiva  of  the 
Quiches,  Hue  hue  Tlapalan  of  the  Toltecs,  Amaquemecan  of 
the  Chichimecs,  and  Oztotlan  of  the  Aztecs,  with  the  region 
of  the  upper  Kio  Grande  del  Norte  and  Rio  Colorado — the 
land  of  the  ravines,  of  grottoes,  and  of  cafions — attempts  to 

1  See  Geografia  de  las  Lenguas  de  Mexico,  the  Cartel  ethnografica  affixed,  and 
the  text,  pp.  1-76. 


MR.   BECKER  ON  THE  MIGRATION.  249 

trace  the  Toltec  migration  as  given  by  Ixtlilxochitl.  His  in- 
teresting solution  of  the  difficult  problem  is  as  follows:  "The 
Toltecs  driven  out  of  Hue  hue  Tlapalan  by  civil  wars  (towards 
the  end  of  the  fourth  century  of  our  era  ?)  move  in  a  westerly 
direction  sixty  leagues  to  Tlapalanconco  (northern  Sinaloa  and 
Sonora  on  the  Rio  Yaqui,  where  distinct  traces  of  the  Nahua 
language  exist  ?)  ;  thence,  after  eleven  years,  they  go  to  Huey- 
xal;m,  severity  leagues  distant  (perhaps  the  northern  part  of 
Durango,  where  the  Tepehuana  language  shows  strong  Nahua 
affinities) ;  thence  to  Xalisco  on  the  coast,  one  hundred  leagues 
distant ;  thence  to  Chimalhuacan  Atenco  on  the  coast  opposite 
some  islands,  one  hundred  leagues  (opposite  the  islands  in  the 
southern  end  of  the  Gulf  of  California)  ?  In  that  case  they  did 
undoubtedly  suffer  a  reverse  in  Xalisco  (where  they  touched 
upon  the  more  thickly  populated  and  civilized  country,  and  by 
which  they  were  forced  to  retire) ;  thence  eastward  eighty 
leagues  to  Toxpan  (in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Laguna  de 
Tlahuila  and  on  the  upper  Sabina  River).  In  that  country 
there  is  even  now  a  tribe  of  Tochos,  and  the  Tarahumara  lan- 
guage there  spoken,  shows  distinct  affinities  to  the  Nahua 
tongue  ;  thence  eastward  one  hundred  leagues  to  Quahuitzlan 
Anahuac,  on  the  coast  with  inlets — the  coast-land  of  the  state 
of  Tamaulipas,  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  ?  About  this  locality 
there  can  scarcely  be  a  doubt,  since  this  eastern  coast  country 
and  the  eastern  plateau  bore  the  general  name  Quetzalapan  or 
Huitzilapan,  until  the  Nahuas  took  possession  of  them,  when 
the  plateau  was  designated  as  Huitznahuac,  and  the  name  above 
given  would  be  the  natural  one  to  apply  to  the  coast,  since  while 
naliuac  (an)  means  simply  the  Nahualand,  Anahuac  (an)  means 
the  '  Nahua  land  on  the  water/  while  Quahuitzlan  is  the  old 
name  retained  in  order  to  distinguish  this  Anahuac  on  the  Gulf 
coast  from  the  Anahuac  around  the  Mexican  lakes.  Here  they 
'suffered  great  hardships/  and  finally  went  westward  eighty 
leagues  to  Zacatlan  (the  northern  part  of  the  State  of  Zacatecas?); 
from  there  eighty  leagues  to  Totzapan,  probably  again  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Toxpan  before  mentioned  (where  the  Tusanes 
are  located  even  to-day) ;  thence  one  hundred  and  forty  leagues  to 


250  MR.  BECKER  OX  THE  MIGRATION. 

Tepetla  (the  extraordinary  distance  shows  that  at  last  they  gained 
a  decisive  victory,  and  broke  through  the  frontier  of  the  more 
civilized  country  which  they  had  hitherto  felt).  Tepetla,  moun- 
tainland,  must  consequently  be  sought  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
high  mountains  of  Anahuac ;  thence  eighty  leagues  to  Mazatepec 
(the  mountain  of  the  Mazahuas,  skirting  the  valley  of  Mexico 
towards  north  and  west)  ;  thence  eighty  leagues  to  Ziuhcohuatl, 
where  they  probably  suffered  another  defeat,  for  they  move  full 
one  hundred  leagues  northward  to  Yztachuechucha,  and  stop 
there  twenty-three  years,  a  sufficient  time  to  raise  another  gen- 
eration of  warriors  ;  thence  eighty  leagues  to  Tollantzingo,  and 
then  finally  to  '  Tollan/  the  capital  of  their  future  empire,  which 
if  Ixtlilxochitl's  dates  can  be  trusted,  they  built  about  500  p.  c., 
oa  the  site  of  a  former  city  of  the  Otomis."  This  ingenious  and 
thoughtful  review  of  the  route  commends  itself  to  all  who  are 
interested  in  this  subject.  Mr.  Becker  considers  that  one  great 
argument  for  the  correctness  of  the  starting-point  which  he  has 
chosen  is  "the  fact  that  even  the  distances  as  given  by  Ixtlilxo- 
chitl  agree  with  the  actual  situation  of  the  various  localities  here 
indicated."  Ixtlilxochitl,  obscure  as  he  is,  gives  in  another  part  of 
his  work  an  additional  account,  besides  the  one  we  have  already 
quoted,  which  greatly  strengthens  our  conviction  that  the  Toltecs 
came  into  Mexico  from  the  north,  and  confirms  the  investigations 
of  both  Mr.  Becker  and  of  Sr.  Orozco.  The  account  is  as  follows : 
"  In  this  fourth  age  there  came  to  this  land  of  Anahuac,  which 
is  at  present  called  New  Spain,  those  of  the  Toltec  nations  who, 
according  to  the  accounts  of  their  histories,  were  expelled  from 
their  land,  and  after  having  navigated  and  coasted  on  the  South 
Sea  along  various  lands  as  far  as  the  present  California,  they  came 
to  what  is  called  Huitlapalan,  that  which  at  present  they  call 
after  Cortes.  This  locality  they  passed  in  fhe  year  called  Ce 
Tecpatl,  which  was  in  the  year  387  of  the  incarnation  of  our 
Lord.  Having  coasted  the  land  of  Xalisco,  and  all  the  coast  of 
the  south,  they  set  out  from  the  port  of  Huatulco,  and  went 
through  various  lands  as  far  as  the  province  of  Tochtepec, 
situated  on  the  coast  of  the  North  Sea,  and  having  traversed 
and  viewed  it  they  came  to  stop  in  the  province  of  Tulantzinco, 


HUE  HUE  TLAPALAN  AND  TLAP ALLAN  DE  CORTES.    251 

having  left  some  people  in  most  of  their  stopping-places  in  order 
to  populate  them/' 1 

It  will  be  observed  that  in  this  migration  part  of  the  same 
general  route  above  referred  to,  along  the  Pacific  coast  nearly 
opposite  the  extremity  of  the  California  peninsula,  and  then 
returning  southward  and  inland,  is  clearly  marked  out.  The 
Pacific  ocean,  called  the  South  Sea,  seems  to  have  facilitated 
their  movements  northward.  Xalisco  was  coasted,  and  the 
entire  width  of  Mexico  traversed,  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  reached 
(Sea  of  the  North),  and  finally  Tolancingo  chosen  as  a  suitable 
home.  It  will  ba  observed  that  the  Huitlapalan  named  above 
is  not  identical  with  Hue  hue  Tlapalan,  the  earliest  home  of 
the  nations.  Mr.  Bancroft  has  apparently  confounded  the  two 
names,  and  endeavors  to  find  in  the  Tlapallan  de  Cortes  (so 
named  because  of  Cortes7  expedition  to  a  Tlapallan)  the  ancient 
Hue  hue  Tlapalan.2  The  Abbe  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  attempts 
precisely  the  same  thing.  The  investigations  of  both  these 
writers  on  this  point  are  interesting,  though  without  any  result, 
unless  unintentionally  to  strengthen  the  above  distinction  be- 
tween Huitlapalan  and  Hue  hue  Tlapalan.  Substantially  the 
facts  are  as  follows  :  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  writing  from  Santiago 
or  old  Guatemala  to  Cortes  in  1524,  refers  to  Tlapallan  as  fifteen 
days  march  inland,  and  Mr.  Bancroft  thinks  that  the  name  must 
have  been  applied  to  a  region  corresponding  to  either  Honduras, 
Peten  or  Tabasco.  Cortes'  name  was  affixed  to  a  Tlapallan  said 
to  lie  towards  Ihueras  or  Ibueras,  the  former  name  of  Honduras, 
because  of  his  expedition  to  that  country.  The  Abbe  says  the 
name  was  applied  to  a  region  between  the  tributaries  of  the  Bio 
Usumacinta  and  Honduras.  Finally,  the  fact  that  the  second 
Quetzalcoatl,  when  he  embarked  on  the  Gulf  coast  near  the 
Goazacoalco  Kivcr,  announced  his  intention  of  going  to  Tlapallan, 
is  cited  as  proof  that  the  name  was  applied  to  a  southern  locality.3 

1  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chichimeca,  cap.  ii.     Kingsborough,  Mex.  Ant.,  vol.  ix, 
p.  206.     On  page  450  see  also  another  and  different  account. 

2  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  214. 

3  See  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  pp.  214-15 ;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg, 
Popol  Vuh,  pp.  Ixiv,  cxii,   cxxvi-viii,   clix  ;    Ixtlilxocliitl  in  Kingsborough 's 


252  FOUR  TLAPALANS. 


The  entire  argument  is  perfectly  satisfactory  in  locating  a  Tla- 
pallan  in  the  Usumacinta  region,  but  it  does  not  have  the  slightest 
value  in  proving  that  Hue  hue  Tlapalan  was  identical  with  that 
locality.  On  the  other  hand,  Cabrera,  in  referring  to  the  ancient 
country  of  the  Toltecs,  calls  it  Hue  Hue  Tlapalan,  and  states 
that  the  simple  name  was  Tlapallan,  but  that  it  was  called  Hue 
hue — old — to  distinguish  it  from  three  other  Tlapalans  which 
they  founded  in  the  new  districts  which  they  came  to  inhabit. 
This  statement  is  confirmed  by  Torquemada.1  It  is  therefore 
probable  that  Bancroft's  and  Brasseur's  investigations  were  all 
expended  on  one  or  more  of  these  three  Tlapalans.  The  un- 
doubted residence  of  a  tribe  of  the  Nahuas  (Olmecs)  in  the 
Tabasco  region  for  a  considerable  period — one  which  is  measured 
relatively  in  the  language  of  Sahugun  between  the  "  countless 
years  ago  when  they  arrived  from  towards  Florida"  and  their 
departure  towards  Anahuac  in  the  fourth  or  fifth  century — has 
led  many  writers  to  suppose  that  they  were  of  southern  origin, 
notwithstanding  the  statement  of  Sahagun,  Ixtlilxochitl  and  all* 
the  early  writers  to  the  contrary.  Supposing  that  the  sweeping 
assumption  of  the  northern  origin  so  persistently  adhered  to  by 
native  and  Spanish  writers  is  nothing  but  a  priestly  fabrication, 
be  admitted,  simply  that  our  attention  may  be  turned  to  other 
testimony,  still  the  evidence  is  against  the  southern  origin  theory. 
The  material  relics  of  Honduras  and  Nicaragua  absolutely  dis- 
prove the  positive  supposition  that  they  were  ever  the  work  of 
the  people  who  figured  in  Anahuac,  and  no  transition  from  one 
style  of  sculpture  to  the  other  has  ever  been  discovered,  nor 
could  be  imagined.  An  examination  of  the  first  few  chapters  of 
Mr.  Bancroft's  fourth  volume  and  the  works  from  which  it  has 
been  drawn  will  fully  satisfy  the  reader  of  this  fact.  The  evi- 
dence from  the  linguistic  standpoint  is  even  more  satisfactory, 
since  the  Nahua  language  as  spoken  in  Central  America,  in  the 
states  of  San  Salvador  and  Nicaragua,  is  dialectic,  indicating  a 
fragmentary  migration  southward.2 

Hex.  Ant.,  vol.  ix,  p  446 ;  Alvarado  in  Ternaux-Compans  Voy.,  serie  i,  torn,  x, 
p.  147.  ]  Baldwin's  Ancient  Am.,  p.  202. 

2  See  E.  Q.  Squier,  Nicaragua,  its  People,  Scenery,  etc.     Archaeology  and 


HUE  HUE  TLAPALAN  PROBABLY  THE  MISSISSIPPI  VALLEY.    253 


It  has  been  the  common  custom  of  Spanish  writers  and  those 
who  followed  them  down  to  the  middle  of  this  century,  to  locate 
Hue  hue  Tlapalan  on  the  Californian  coast.  Vater  and  Hum- 
boldt  from  their  standpoints  of  investigation  fell  in  with  this 
view.  The  former,  basing  his  convictions  on  seeming  linguistic 
affinities  in  the  north-west,  which,  while  they  are  quite  signifi- 
cant, indicative  of  Nahua  influences  if  not  of  Nahua  residence, 
are  too  few  to  prove  any  lengthy  sojourn.  Humboldt  based  his 
opinion  chiefly  on  the  traditions  and  certain  ethnological  and 
geographical  facts.  Buschman  l  has  completely  overthrown  the 
arguments  of  Yater  in  his  series  of  works  on  American  languages, 
while  Mr.  Bancroft  has  shown  conclusively  that  there  are  no 
material  remains  assignable  to  the  Toltecs  to  be  found  on  the 
Californian  coast  or  the  adjoining  region.2  When  he  asserts, 
however,  that  there  are  no  remains  farther  north  than  California, 
he  overlooks  a  well-known  fact.  We  refer  to  the  mounds  of 
Oregon  and  their  extension  eastward  into  the  Yellowstone  and 
North  Missouri  River  region.  The  most  reasonable  conjecture 
as  to  the  locality  of  Hue  hue  Tlapalan  is  that  which  places  it 
in  the  Mississippi  Yalley,  and  assigns  the  works  of  our  Mound- 
builders  to  the  Nahua  nations.  In  previous  chapters  we  have 
shown  the  close  resemblance  of  the  mound  crania  to  the  ancient 
Mexican,  and  have  pointed  out  the  gradual  transition  from  the 
rude  and  simple  mounds  of  the  north  to  the  truncated  pyramid 
of  the  south,  constructed  on  strict  geometrical  principles,  having 
one  or  more  graded  ways,  and  so  closely  resembling  the  Mexican 
teocallis.  Besides  the  testimony  of  Sahagun  that  the  first 
settlers  of  Mexico  came  from  towards  Florida,  and  the  universal 
report  of  a  northern  origin  prevalent  among  the  Aztecs  at  the 
time  of  the  conquest,  there  are  other  evidences  of  a  racial  identity 
common  to  Mound-builders  and  Mexicans,  such  as  pottery,  sculp- 

Ethnology  of  Nicaragua,  part  i,  vol.  iii,  Trans,  of  Am.  Eihnol.  Soc.,  and  Notes 
on  Cent.  Am.,  chap.  xvi. 

1  Buscliman  (Joliann  Carl  Ed.),  especially  liis  Die  Spur  en  der  Aztekischen 
Sprachen  im  Nordlichen  Mexico  und  Hohern  Amerikanischen  Norden.    Berlin, 
1859.     Quarto. 

2  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  688  et  seq. ;  vol.  v,  p.  213,  and  numerous  places. 


254  BEGINNING  OF  TOLTEC  HISTORY. 

tured  portraitures  of  the  facial  type,  indications  of  commercial 
intercourse  between  the  two  countries,  such  as  the  discovery  of 
Mexican  obsidian  in  the  mounds  of  the  Ohio  Valley,  and  the 
probability  that  both  worshipped  the  sun  and  offered  human 
sacrifices.1 

With  the  Toltec  annals  proper  we  have  nothing  to  do  ;  only 
the  most  primitive  period  of  the  growth  of  this  people  concerns 
us  here,  and  that  period  is  conceded  to  have  closed  with  the 
establishment  of  the  great  capital  at  Tollan,  on  the  site  of  the 
present  village  of  Tula,  thirty  miles  northwest  of  the  city  of 
Mexico.  Seven  years  after  the  arrival  of  the  Toltecs  in  Tollan, 
the  government  was  a  theocratic  republic,  with  the  seven  chiefs 
who  had  conducted  them  thither  acting  as  their  rulers,  under 
the  advice  of  the  venerable  Huemen.  Finally,  in  the  beginning 
of  the  eighth  century,  somewhere  between  710  and  720  A.  D.,  the 
republic  was  changed  into  a  monarchy  and  the  throne  given  to 
the  son  of  their  dreaded  enemies  and  former  neighbors,  the  war- 
like Chichimecs,  as  a  peace-offering,  on  condition  that  the 
Toltecs  should  always  be  a  free  people  and  in  no  way  tributary 
to  the  Chichimecs.  The  history  of  the  Toltec  monarchy  during 
the  three  and  a  half  centuries  of  its  duration  to  the  final  over- 
throw of  Tollan  (1062  A.  D.)  as  well  as  the  power  of  the  remark- 
able people  who  built  the  ancient  capital,  has  often  been  sketched, 
and  for  us  to  repeat  what  has  been  recorded  in  almost  every 
language  of  modern  Europe,  would  add  nothing  to  the  cause  of 
science.  This  part  of  ancient  American  history,  so  replete  with 
the  romantic  and  marvellous,  so  confusing  at  times,  because  of 
our  ignorance  of  many  geographic  and  archaeologic  features 
entering  into  it  (which,  in  time,  will  probably  be  brought  to 
light),  so  saddening  because  of  its  stories  of  wholesale  mis- 
fortunes to  a  people  whose  civilization  rivalled  that  of  Europe 
in  the  middle  ages  ;  and  yet,  after  all,  so  fresh  and  novel,  must 

1  "  All  around  the  lakes  of  Mexico  there  are  traces  of  ancient  potteries,  and 
I  noticed  that  the  bits  of  broken  red  earthenware  scattered  about  them  are 
identical  in  composition  and  color  with  those  I  have  picked  up  in  the  valley  of 
the  Mississippi,  and  supposed  to  be  relics  of  the  ancient  Mound-builders." — 
Evens  (A.  8.),  Our  Sister  Republic,  p.  330.  Hartford,  1870.  Octavo. 


INCURSIONS  OF  THE  CHICHIMECS.  255 

continue  to  receive  increased  attention,  if  only  as  a  means  of 
recreation  to  the  student  of  history,  wearied  with  the  beaten 
paths  from  Home  to  Greece,  and  from  Greece  to  Eome.  Mr. 
Bancroft  has  given  an  excellent  resume  of  the  annals  of  the 
Toltec  period,  accompanying  it  with  an  ample  literary  apparatus 
in  the  notes.  During  the  last  century  of  the  Toltec  power, 
Auahuac  was  overrun  by  the  incursions  of  a  fierce  and  dreaded 
people — the  Chichimecs.  These  semi-barbarians,  taking  advan- 
tage of  the  internal  dissensions  in  the  Toltec  monarchy,  became 
a  powerful  factor,  either  on  their  own  part  or  in  the  hands  of 
the  enemies  of  Tollan,  in  the  overthrow  of  the  empire.  In  the 
Toltec  traditions  we  read  of  the  Chichimecs  being  their  neigh- 
bors in  Hue  hue  Tlapalan.1  In  the  annals  as  given  in  Ixtlil- 
xochitl,  Torquemada  and  many  writers,  the  Chichimecs  are 
represented  as  having  pursued  and  annoyed  the  Toltecs,  to  have 
followed  them  up  in  their  wanderings.  This  probably  is  not 
literally  true,  but  their  arrival  upon  the  borders  of  Anahuac, 
soon  after  its  occupation  by  the  Toltecs,  is  quite  certain.  It  has 
been  common  to  consider  the  Chichimecs  as  a  Nahua  people, 
and  even  so  critical  a  writer  as  Mr.  Bancroft  adopts  this  popu- 
lar error.  As  long  ago  as  1855,  Sr.  Francisco  Pimentel  under- 
took to  show  the  mistake  into  which  many  had  fallen,  and  in 
his  Lenguas  Indigenas  de  Mexico  (published  in  1862),  has 
furnished  conclusive  proof  that  the  Chichimecs  originally  spoke 
a  different  language  from  the  Nahua  nations,  but  subsequently 
adopted  the  Nahua  tongue,  on  the  principle  set  forth  by  Balbi : 
"  It  is  not  the  language  of  the  conquering  people  that  invariably 
dominates,  but  that  which  is  most  regular  and  cultured."  On 
the  testimony  of  Torquemada,2  Ixtlilxochitl 3  and  Juan  Bautista 
Pomar,4  Sr.  Pimentel  shows  that  the  Chichimec  language  was 
once  distinct  and  different  from  the  Nahua,  and  that  these  people 
came  under  the  civilizing  influences  of  the  Toltecs  during  their 
golden  age,  but  in  their  declining  period  availed  themselves 

1  Ixtlilxochitl's  Reladones,  Kingsborough's  Mexican  Antiquities,  vol.  ix,  p.  322. 

2  Mbnarq.  Ind.,  lib.  i,  cap.  19. 

3  Rdaciones,  in  many  places,  and  in  Hist.  Chichimecs,  cap.  13. 

4  Relation,  MS.  written  1582  in  Sr.  Icazbalceta's  collection. 


256  THE  CHICHIMECS. 


of  the  opportunity  of  possessing  their  country  and  advanced 
civilization.1  If  the  Chichimecs  were  the  neighbors  of  the 
Toltecs  in  Hue  hue  Tlapalan,  it  is  reasonable  to  expect  some 
light  on  the  situation  of  that  disputed  locality  in  the  Chichimec 
traditions  ;  but  in  this  expectation  we  are  disappointed.  There 
is  no  mention  of  that  ancient  home  of  the  Nahuas,  nor  of  any 
route  pursued  in  their  migrations.  Amaquernecan  is  the  only 
name  which  is  applied  to  their  most  primitive  land  or  history  ; 
one  of  the  cities  which  they  occupied  at  some  remote  period 
seems  to  have  borne  the  name.  When  the  Toltecs  sent  to  the 
Chichimecs  for  their  first  king,  they  were,  according  to  Ixtlil- 
xochitl,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Panuco.  Panes  describes  them 
as  having  passed  the  sea,  and,  according  to  their  reckoning,  in 
the  year  Five  Tolti  to  have  arrived  at  the  seven  caves.  Thence 
they  journeyed  to  Amacatepeque,  and  certain  persons  left  that 
province  to  go  to  Tepenec,  which  is  to  say  "  the  Mountain  of 
Echo." 2  Ixtlilxochitl  and  some  other  authors  derive  them  from 
Chicomoztoc,  a  rendezvous  of  the  nations,  which  has  been  located 
by  Clavigero  at  about  twenty  miles  south  of  Zacatecas  but  is 
considered  by  Duran  and  Acosta  as  identical  with  Aztlan  in  the 
region  of  Florida.3  It  is  impossible  to  determine  either  the 
starting-point  or  route  of  this  people,  who  subsequently  became 
amalgamated  with  the  scattered  Toltecs  after  the  fall  of  Tollan, 
and  whose  rule  in  Anahuac  may  properly  be  dated  from  the  (1062) 
middle  of  the  eleventh  until  nearly  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth 
(1431)  century. 

A  few  years  after  the  Chichimec  power  was  established  there 
came  from  the  North  (at  least  their  last  move  is  admitted  to 
have  been  from  that  quarter)  six  tribes  of  Nahuatlacas,  who 
arrived  in  the  country  adjoining  Tollan.  There  were  altogether 
seven  tribes,  namely,  the  Xochimilcos,  Chalcas,  Tepanecs,  Tlahui- 
cas,  Acolhuas,  Tlascatecs  and  Aztecs  or  Mexicans.  The  latter 
people,  however,  had  separated  themselves  from  the  remaining 

1  Lenguas  Tndigenas  de  Mexico,  torn,  i,  p.  154. 

2  Frajmentos  de  Historia  de  Nueba  Espafta,  MS.,  p.  45,  Library  at  Wash- 
ington. 

3  Duran's  Historia  Antigua,  torn,  i,  cap.  i,  p.  9,  MS. 


THE  NAHUATLACAS.  257 


six  tribes  at  Chicomoztoc   and   did  not  reach  Anahuac  until 
about  1196  A.  D.     These  people  all  acted  as  tributary  to  the 
Chichimecs  at  first ;  and  of  the  seven  tribes,  two  eventually  arose 
to  great  political  importance,  the  Tlascatecs  who  founded  an 
independent  republic,  and  the  Aztecs  whose  empire  has  been  the 
wonder  of  students  of  antiquity  and  the  subject  of  histories  as 
romantic  as  the  purest  fiction.     Some  authors  add  a  number  of 
tribal  names  to  those  already  given  as  belonging  to  fragments 
of  the  Nahuatlaca  family,  but  the  probability  is  that  these  minor 
and  unimportant  tribes  were  offshoots  from  the  others,  after  their 
arrival  on  the  central  plateau.     The  representative  branch  of  all 
the  Nahuatlacas  was  the  Aztec  nation,  who  separated  from  their 
brethren  in  Chicomoztoc,  and  whose  arrival  at  the  Lake  region 
of  Mexico,  is  dated  subsequent  to  that  of  the  other  tribes.     All 
of  these  tribes  are  said  to  have  come  from  the  unknown  Aztlan, 
their  early  home.     The  question  of  its  locality  has  been  as  much 
a  subject  of  controversy  as  the  location  of  Hue  hue  Tlapalan, 
since,  in  fact,  the  question  is  possibly  one  and  the  same,  for  the 
Nahua  speaking  people  who  migrated  into  Mexico  at  intervals, 
extending  over  a  period  of  a  thousand  years,  must  have  had  a 
common  origin.     Aztlan  is  described  by  Duran  as  a  most  attract- 
ive land  and  the  presumption  is  that  the  Nahuas  were  forcibly 
driven  from  their  fair  heritage  by  the  gradual  encroachments  of 
their  enemies.     The  account  of  this  delightful  country  given  by 
Cueuhcoatl  to  the  elder  Montezuma,  is  as  follows  :  "  Our  fathers 
dwelt  in  that  happy  and  prosperous  place  which  they  called 
Aztlan,  which  means  "  whiteness."     In   this  place  there  is   a 
great  mountain  in   the  middle  of  the  water,  which  is  called 
Culhuacan,  because  it  has  the  point  somewhat  turned  over  to- 
ward the  bottom,  and  for  this  cause  it  is  called  Culhuacan, 
which  means  "  crooked  mountain."     In  this  mountain  were  some 
openings,  or  caves  or  hollows,  where  our  fathers  and  ancestors 
dwelt  for  many  years  ;    there,  under  this   name   Mexitin  and 
Aztec,  they  had  much  repose  ;  there  they  enjoyed  a  great  plenty 
of  geese  ;  of  all  species  of  marine  birds  and  water  fowls  ;  en- 
joyed the  song  and  melody  of  birds  with  yellow  crests  ;  enjoyed 
many  kinds  of  large  and  beautiful  fish;  enjoyed  the  freshness 
17 


258  A  DESCRIPTION   OF  AZTLAN. 

of  trees  that  were  upon  those  shores,  and  fountains  enclosed 
with  elders,  and  savins  (jumpers)  and  aldertrees,  both  large  and 
beautiful.  They  went  about  in  canoes,  and  made  furrows  in 
which  they  planted  maize,  red-peppers,  tomatoes,  beans  and  all 
kinds  of  seed  that  we  eat." 1  The  location  of  Aztlan  is  not  a 
philosophical  question  for  our  consideration,  since  scarcely 
sufficient  data  of  a  definite  character  are  available  on  which  to 
base  a  process  of  reasoning.  The  report  common  among  the 
Aztecs  was  that  they  had  come  from  the  North,  and  this  was  no 
doubt  true  of  the  final  move  prior  to  their  settlement  in  Ana- 
huac,  but  whether  it  was  true  of  their  starting-point  and  the 
general  course  of  the  Aztec  migration,  is  a  question  which  can- 
not be  satisfactorily  answered.  Most  Spanish  writers  and  others 
of  the  earlier  school,  locate  Aztlan  directly  north  of  the  present 
boundary  line  of  Mexico,2  others  again  California,3  while  some 
favor  the  Northwestern  Mexican  States.1  A  recent  school  of 
Americanists  assign  Aztlan  a  southern  location,  placing  it  in 
the  Central  American  region.5  Duran  and  Brasseur  de  Bour- 


1  Duran's  Historia  Antigua,  MS.,  torn,  i,  cap.  27  ;  also  cited  in  the  Spanish  by 
Bancroft,  vol.  v,  p.  306.    Aztlan,  translated  "  whiteness  "  above,  may  be  rendered 
"  colorless  "  with  equal  propriety.     Hue  hue  Tlapalan,  on  the  contrary,  is  trans- 
lated ancient  red-land,  or  land  of  color,  just  the  opposite  of  Aztlan,  a  fact  which 
may  ssrve  to  prove  that  they  were  two  quite  different  localities. 

2  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  i,  pp.  156-9  (north  of  Colorado 
River) ;  Humboldt,  Vues,  ii,  p.  179,  and  Essai  Pol.,  torn,  i,  p.  53  (north  of  42° 
north  latitude) ;  Orozco  y  Berra,   Geografia,  pp.   81-2,  and  136-7 ;  Prichard's 
Nat.  Hist  of  Man,  vol.  ii,  pp.  514-16  (Arazonia) ;  Pimentel,  Lenguas  Indig.  Mex., 
torn,  i,  p.  158.     Most  writers  indefinitely  assign  the  name  to  a  region  in  the 
North,  without  attempting  to  designate  the  locaity. 

3  Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,-p.  454;  Schoolcraft's  Archives  of  Ab.  Knowledge, 
vol.  i,  p.  68  ;  M.  Aubin  places  it  in  Lower  California  ;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg's 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii,  p.  292  ;  Pickering's  Races  in  U.  8.  Ex.  Ex.,  vol.  ix, 
p.  41. 

4  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  p.  144  (Xalisco);  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.  (Sonora); 
Mollhausen,  Reisen  in  d.  Felsengelirge  N.  Am.,  torn,  ii,  p.  143  et  seq. 

5  Chief  among  these  we  may  cite  :  Squier's  Notes  on  Central  Amer ,  p.  349 ; 
Waldeck's  Voy.  Pitt.,  p.  45,  and  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  pp.  221,  305-6, 
322-5 ;   Muller,   Geschichte  der  American  ischen   Urreligionen,  pp.  530-4,  the 
latter,  though  inclined  to  assign  Aztlan  to  a  southern  locality,  still  recognizes 
the  fact  that  the  Nahua  family  was  originally  a  northern  people. 


THE  AZTEC  MIGRATION.  259 


bourg,  both  celebrated  authorities,  on  the  other  hand  locate 
Aztlan  in  the  United  States  ;  the  former  in  Florida,  by  which 
we  are  to  understand  the  region  of  the  Gulf  States,1  while  the 
latter  simply  expresses  the  conviction  that  Aztlan  was  situated 
to  the  north-east  of  California.2 

The  Aztec  migration  and  the  itinerary  as  generally  accepted 
demands  consideration  before  forming  any  judgment  on  the  loca- 
tion of  Aztlan.  In  this  primitive  abode  we  are  told  that  each 
year  the  Aztecs  crossed  a  great  river  or  channel  to  Teo-Culhuacan 
for  the  purpose  of  offering  sacrifices  in  honor  of  their  god 
Tetzauch.  But  it  happened  that  a  bird  appeared  to  Huitziton, 
one  of  the  greatest  of  their  chiefs  (whom  Bancroft  thinks  was 
identical  with  Mecitl  or  Mexi — hence  the  name  Mexicans),  and 
constantly  reiterated  the  word  tihuij  tiJiui,  meaning  "let  us 
go,  let  us  go."  This  singular  occurrence  was  interpreted  by 
Huitziton  as  a  command  from  the  gods  for  them  to  seek  a  new 
country,  and  after  persuading  the  chief  Tecpatzin  to  his  view, 
the  divine  oracle  was  announced  to  the  people.  Accordingly,  in 
the  year  1064,  according  to  some  authors,3  or  in  1090  according 
to  others,4  or  a  century  later  than  the  first-named  date  accord- 
ing to  some  of  the  interpreters  of  the  Aztec  migration  maps,  the 
Nahuatlaca  tribes  left  their  ancient  home  and  entered  upon  one 
of  those  strange  and  aimless  journeys  so  characteristic  of  semi- 
civilized  and  superstitious  peoples.  The  Aztec  migration  as 
given  by  several  authorities  is  scarcely  more  satisfactory  than 
that  of  the  Toltecs,  nor  can  any  additional  light  be  thrown  on 
the  route  pursued  until  Sr.  Orozco  y  Berra  publishes  the  results 
of  his  critical  examination  of  the  subject.5  The  unimportance  of 
the  itinerary  in  the  solution  of  any  question  is  apparent,  since  it 
contributes  but  little  to  our  knowledge  of  the  location  of  Aztlan. 

1  Historia  Antigua,  MS.,  torn,  i,  cap.  i,  p.  9. 
9  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii,  p.  292. 

3  Chief  among  whom  are  Gallatin,  Gama  and  Veytia,  who  suppose  that  the 
adjustment  of  the  calendar  took  place  in  1090  A.D.,  and  that  the  year  Ce  Tochtli 
corresponds  with  that  date. 

4  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  324,  and  seems  to  be  the  opinion  of 
Brasseur,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii,  pp.  292-5. 

5  Garcia  Cubas'  Republic  of  Mexico  in  1876  (Eng.  trans.\  p.  53. 


260  AZTEC  STATIONS. 


Mr.  Bancroft  has  greatly  facilitated  the  comparison  of  the  lists 
of  stations  as  given  by  different  authors,  in  a  note  of  great 
length  on  pp.  322-4,  thus  presenting  to  the  eye  at  a  glance  the 
diversity  of  opinion  which  meets  the  reader  of  this  subject.  As  an 
example,  we  select  two  or  three  of  the  itineraries,  simply  to  show 
the  wide  range  that  opinion  has  taken  on  the  subject.  Accord- 
ing to  Veytia,  the  tribes  left  Aztlan  in  I  Tecpatl,  1064  A.  D.,  and 
one  hundred  and  four  years  afterwards  reached  Chicomoztoc, 
where  they  dwelt  nine  years  ;  the  subsequent  stations  and  the 
duration  of  their  sojourn  in  each  as  follows  :  Cohuatlicamac  three 
years,  Matlahuacallan  six,  Apanco  five,  Chimalco  six,  Pipiol- 
comic  three,  Tollan  six,  Cohuactepec  (Coatepec)  three,  Atlitlala- 
cayan  two,  Atotonilco  one,  Tepexic  five,  Apasco  three,  Tozonpanco 
seven,  Tizayocan  one,  Ecatepec  one,  Tolpetlac  three,  Chimal- 
pan  four,  Cohuatitlan  two,  Huexachtitlan  three,  Tecpayocan 
three,  Tepeyacac  (Guadalupe)  three,  Pantitlan  two,  and  thence 
to  Chapultepec,  arriving  in  1298,  after  a  journey  of  one  hundred 
and  eighty-five  years,  reckoning  an  additional  forty-nine  years 
for  their  stay  at  Michoachan.1  According  to  Tezozomoc,  the 
stations  are  as  follows  :  Aztlan,  Culhuacan,  Jalisco,  Mechoacan, 
Malinalco  (Lake  Patzcuaro),  Ocopipilla,  Acahualcingo,  Coatepec 
(in  Tonalan),  Atlitlanquin,  or  Atitalaquia,  Tequisquiac,  Atengo, 
Tzompan,  Cuachilgo,  Xaltocan,  and  Lake  Chnamitl,  Eycoac, 
Ecatepc,  Aculhuacan,  Tultepetlac,  Huixachtitlan,  Tecpayuca 
(in  two  Calli),  Atepetlac,  Coatlayauhcan,  Tetepanco,  Acolnahuac, 
Popotla  (Tacuba),  Chapultepec  in  two  Tochtli.2  Clavigero  states 
that  they  left  Aztlan  in  1160,  crossed  the  Colorado  Kiver,  stayed 
three  years  in  Hueicolhuacan,  went  east  to  Chicomoztoc,  reached 
Tula  in  1196,  and  finally  Chapultepec  in  1245.3  Acosta,  Herrera 
and  Duran  state  that  Nahuatlaca  tribes  left  Aztlan  in  820  A.D., 
and  eighty  years  later  reached  Mexico  ;  that  the  Aztecs,  how- 
ever, did  not  start  until  1122  A.  D.4  Duran  identifies  Aztlan 

1  Veytia,  torn,  ii,  pp.  91-8,  and  as  summarized  by  Bancroft,  vol.  v,  p.  323. 

2  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Ant.,  vol.  ix,  pp.  5-8,  and  Bancroft,  vol.  v,  p.  323. 

3  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  i,  pp.  156-63. 

4  See  Acosta,  Hist.  Nat.  Ind.,  pp.  454-62.     Herrera,  Histor.  Gen.,  dec.  Hi, 
lib.  ii,  cap.  x-xi.     Duran,  MS.,  Hist.  Antig.,  cap.  i,  ii,  iii  of  torn.  i. 


THE  TABASCOS.  261 


with  Teo-Culhuacan,  and  locates  it  towards  our  Mississippi 
Valley.  He  in  common  with  other  writers  identifies  Chicomostoc 
with  the  seven  caves.1 

The  Tarascos,  though  speaking  a  different  language,  are  said 
to  have  separated  from  the  Nahuatlacas  at  Michoacan.  They 
describe  the  route  to  the  seven  caves  as  across  a  sea,  which  they 
passed  in  balsas  and  the  trunks  of  trees.2  This  statement  may 
be  of  some  value  in  locating  that  disputed  rendezvous  of  so  many 
tribes ;  and  certainly  is  more  important  than  a  mass  of  ground- 
less speculation.  The  next  source  of  interest  in  this  connection  is 
the  much  perverted  and  sadly  misunderstood  migration  map  first 
published  by  Gemelli  Carreri,  in  Churchill's  collection  of  voyages 
(vol.  iv).  Humboldt  has  given  an  interpretation  which,  with 
the  exception  of  that  part  which  connects  it  with  a  deluge  and 
Colhuacan,  "  the  Ararat  of  the  Mexicans,"  is  generally  received.3 

1  "  Pero  porque  la  noticia  que  tengo  de  su  origen  y  principio  no  es  mas,  ni 
ellos  saben  dar  mas  relacion  sino  desde  aqullas  siete  cuebas  donde  habitaron  tan 
largo  tempo,  las  cuales  desampararon  para  venir  a  vuscar  esta  Tierra  unos 
primero  que  otros,  otros  despues,  otros  muy  despues  liasta  dejallas  desiertas. 
Estas  cuebas  son  en  Teo-culhuican,  que  por  otro  nombre  le  llaman  Aztlan,  tierra 
de  que  todos  tenemos  noticia  caer  hacia  la  parte  del  Norte  y  Tierra-firma  con  la 
Florida  ;  por  tanto  desde  este  lugar  de  estas  cuebas  dare  verdadera  relacion  de 
estas  Naciones  y  de  sus  sucessos.    *    *    *    Salieron  pues  siete  Tribus  de  Gentes 
de  aquellas  cuebas  donde  habitaban  para  venir  a  vuscar  esta  Tierra,  a  las  cuales 
llamaban  Chicomostoc,  de  donde  vienen  a  fingir  que  sus  Padres  nacieron  de  unas 
cuebas,  no  teniendo  noticia  de  lo  de  atras  de  la  salida." — Duran,  Hist.  Antig., 
MS.,  torn,  i,  cap.  i,  p.  9. 

2  The  Fragmentos  de  Historia  de  Nueba  Espafto,  MS.  (Congressional  Library) 
of  Diego  Panes  alludes  to  this   event.      "Como  los   Tarascos  se  adelantaron 
luego  que  pasaron  el  estrecho  de  mar,  en  los  troucos  de  Arboles,  y  balsas,  y 
otros  instrumentos  del  pasaje  y  se  metieron  a  vida  y  avitar  en  las  siete  cuebas 
espelnucas,  y  Tabernas  de  la  Tierra,  liasta  que  hicieron  abitacones,  y  moradas  y 
como  desde  alii  fueron  ereciendo,  y  tornado,  il  tiento  de  la  Tierra  y  desposiciones 
de  ella  parra  poblarla." 

3  We  quote  Bancroft's  rendering  from  the  Vues,  torn,  ii,  p.  176  et  seq.: 
"From  Colhuacan,  the  Mexican  Ararat,  fifteen  chiefs  or  tribes  reach  Aztlan, 
'land  of  flamingoes,'  north,  of  42°,  which  they  leave  in  1038,  passing  through 
Tocolco, '  humiliation,'  Oztotlan, '  place  of  grottoes,'  Mizquiahuala,  Teotzapotlan, 
'  place  of  divine  fruit,'  Iluicatepec,  Papantla,  '  large-leaved  grass,'  Tzompanco, 
'place  of  human  bones,'  Apazco,  'clay  vessel,'  Atlicalaguian,  'crevice  in  which 
rivulet  escapes,'  Quauhtitlan,  'eagle  grove,'  Atzcapotzalco,  'ant  hill/  Chalco, 


262  RAMIREZ  ON  THE  MIGRATION  MAPS. 

Gemelli  Carreri,  Humboldt  and  many  others  were  quite  cer- 
tain that  they  could  read  in  this  map  the  account  of  the  Mosaic 
deluge.1  Don  Jose  Fernando  Kamirez,  of  the  Mexican  Museum, 
however,  pointed  out  the  fact  that  the  Gemelli  Carreri  map, 
copied  from  one  owned  by  Sigiienza,  and  published  by  Hum- 
boldt, Clavigero  and  Kingsborough,  was  in  each  case  incorrectly 
represented,  and  states  that  the  copy  contained  in  the  Atlas  of 
Garcia  y  Cubas  is  the  first  correct  reproduction  of  the  original 
presented  to  the  public.2  Sr.  Kamirez  explains  away  the  illu- 
sion of  the  Mexican  Ararat  and  deluge  in  a  manner  both  simple 
and  conclusive.3  The  dove  with  commas  proceeding  from  its 

'  place  of  precious  stones,'  Pantitlan,  '  spinning-place,'  Tolpetlac,  '  rush  mat/ 
Quauhtepec, '  eagle  mountain,'  Tetepanco, '  wall  of  many  small  stories,'  Chico- 
moztoc, '  seven  caves,'  Huitzquilocan,  '  place  of  thistles/  Xaltepozauhcan, '  place 
where  the  sand  issues/  Cozcaquauhco,  '  a  vulture/  Techcatitlan,  '  place  of 
obsidian  mirrors/  Azcaxochitl,  'ant  flower/  Tepetlapan,  'place  of  tepetate/ 
Apan,  '  place  of  water/  Teozomaco,  '  place  of  divine  apes/  Chapoltepec,  '  grass- 
hopper hill/  " — Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  324,  note. 

1  The  following  account  is  from  Franc.  Gemelli  Carreri's  Voyage  Round  the 
World,  Churchill's  Voyages,  London,  1732,  6  vol.  fol.  (book  iv,  cap.  iii),  p.  485  : 
"  The  ancient  histories  of  Mexico  make  mention  of  a  flood,  in  which  all  men 
and  beasts  perished,  and  only  one  man  and  woman  were  saved  in  a  boat,  which 
in  their  language  they  call  Acatte.     The  man,  according  to  the  character  by 
which  his  name  is  expressed,  was  called  Cox-cox,  and  the  woman  Chichequetzal, 
This  couple  coming  to  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  which,  according  to  the  picture, 
was  named  Culhuacan,  went  ashore,  and  there  they  had  many  children,  all 
born  dumb.     When  they  multiplied  to  a  great  number,  one  day  a  pigeon  came, 
and  from  the  top  of  a  tree  gave  them  their  speech,  but  not  one  of  them  under- 
stood the  others'  language,  and  therefore  they  divided  and  dispersed,  every  one 
going  to  take  possession  of  some  country.    Among  these  they  reckoned  fifteen 
heads  of  families  who  happened  to  speak  the  same  language,  joined  together 
and  went  about  to  find  some  land  to  inhabit.     When  they  had  wandered  one 
hundred  and  four  years  they  came  to  the  place  they  call  Antlan,  and  continuing 
their  journey  thence,  came  first  to  the  place  called  Capultepec,  then  to  Culhuacan, 
and  lastly  to  the  place  where  Mexico  now  stands." 

2  See  communication  in  Garcia  y  Cubas'  Atlas  Geografico,  Estadistico  e  His- 
torico  de  la  RepuUica  Mejicana,  April  1858,  entrega  29,  and  Bancroft,  iii,  p.  68, 
note. 

3  We  should  be  guilty  of  a  fault  if  we  were  to  convey  the  idea  that  no  deluge 
legend  other  than  this  was  current  among  the  Aztecs.     The  Codex  Chimal- 
popoca  records  a  flood  in  which  mankind  were  drowned  and  turned  into  fishes. 
In  Mr.  Bancroft's  graceful  rendering  we  learn  that  "  the  waters  and  sky  drew 


BANCROFT  ON  THE  STORY  OF  COX-COX.  263 

beak,  is  not  talking,  nor  giving  tongues,  but  is  repeating  the 
word  tihui,  "  let  us  go/'  referring  to  the  legend  already  cited, 
of  the  bird  in  Aztlan  incessantly  uttering  this  word  in  the  hear- 
ing of  Huitziton  the  chief.  A  little  bird  called  tilmitoclian  is 
still  heard  in  Mexico,  having  a  note  which  is  interpreted  by  the 
common  people  to  mean  the  same  as  their  ancestors  interpreted  it 
in  Aztlan.  Sr.  Eamirez  is  convinced  that  the  map  referred  to  is 
only  a  record  of  the  wanderings  of  the  Aztecs  among  the  lakes  of 
the  Mexican  Valley,  and  that  it  has  no  reference  whatever  to  any 
deluge,  not  even  to  one  of  the  former  traditional  destructions  of 
the  world  found  in  the  Nahua  cosmogony.  Mr.  Bancroft  has 
added  the  valuable  argument  that  the  story  of  Cox-cox  and  the 
deluge  is  only  the  product  of  false  interpretation,  or  else  some 
of  the  earlier  writers  would  have  been  acquainted  with  the 
legend.  On  the  contrary,  Olmos,  Sahagun,  Motolinia,  Mendieta, 
Ixtlilxochitl,  and  Camergo  are  all  silent  with  regard  to  it.  The 
mountain  and  boat  and  their  several  adjuncts  are  found  to  be 
nothing  but  hieroglyphics  for  proper  names. 

near  each  other ;  in  a  single  day  all  was  lost,  the  day  Four  Flower  consumed 
all  that  there  was  of  our  flesh.  And  this  was  the  year  Ce-Calli ;  on  the  first 
day,  Nalmi-Atl,  all  was  lost.  The  very  mountains  were  swallowed  up  in  the 
flood,  and  the  waters  remained,  lying  tranquil  during  fifty  and  two  spring- 
times. But  before  the  flood  began,  Titlacahuan  had  warned  the  man  Nata  and 
his  wife  Nona,  saying  :  Make  now  no  more  pulque,  but  hollow  out  to  yourselves 
a  great  cypress,  into  which  you  shall  enter  when,  in  the  month  Tozoztli,  the 
waters  shall  near  the  sky.  Then  they  entered  into  it,  and  when  Titlacahuan 
had  shut  them  in,  he  said  to  the  man  :  Thou  shalt  eat  but  a  single  ear  of  maize, 
and  thy  wife  but  one  also.  And  when  they  had  finished  eating,  each  an  ear  of 
maize,  they  prepared  to  set  forth,  for  the  waters  remained  tranquil  and  their  log 
moved  no  longer  ;  and  opening  it  they  began  to  see  the  fishes.  Then  they  lit  a 
fire  by  rubbing  pieces  of  wood  together  and  they  roasted  fish."  The  account 
states  that  the  deities  then  descended  and  transformed  the  fishes  into  dogs. 
(Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i,  pp.  425-7.  Bancroft,  vol.  iii, 
pp.  69,  70.)  We  cannot  with  gravity  give  the  Tezpi  legend  preserved  in  Michoa- 
can.  If  the  reader  will  refer  to  the  Mosaic  account  of  the  flood,  he  will  only 
need  to  substitute  the  name  of  Tezpi  for  Noah,  a  vulture  for  the  raven,  and  a 
humming-bird  for  the  dove,  and  the  Tezpi  legend  substantially  will  be  before 
him.  Of  course  the  detail  of  the  Mosaic  account  is  wanting;  nevertheless  it  is 
certain  that  the  Tezpi  legend  is  the  product  of  the  fancy  of  some  over-zealous 
priest,  who  thought  he  could  see  a  stricter  analogy  between  the  Nahua  deluge 
tradition  and  the  Scriptural  account  than  really  exists. 


264  IS   AZTLAN   IN   THE  NORTH? 

Chalco  Lake  is,  in  the  opinion  of  Senor  Ramirez,  the  point 
of  departure  for  the  fifteen  chiefs  at  the  end  of  their  first  cycle. 
His  interpretation  of  the  Boturini  map  of  the  migration  results 
in  the  same  conclusion.  The  fifteen  chiefs  left  their  island  home, 
passing  through  Coloacan  (Colhuacan,  according  to  Gondra's 
interpretation)  as  their  second  station.  It  appears  that  the  first 
move  and  point  of  departure  are  both  unknown,  and  no  satis- 
factory solution  of  the  question  has  yet  been  offered.  The  pre- 
vailing tradition  that  it  is  in  the  north  has  been  perplexing, 
since  no  material  remains  undoubtedly  attributable  to  the  Aztecs 
are  found  north  of  the  central  plateau  of  Mexico,  nor  indeed  in 
the  territories  of  the  United  States.  If  we  adopt  the  general 
theory  that  the  Aztecs  came  from  the  Mississippi  Valley,  possibly 
the  original  home  of  the  Nahuas,  occupied  by  the  Olmecs  prior 
to  their  arrival  at  Panuco  and  their  descent  into  the  Chiapan 
region,  and  by  the  Toltecs  before  their  migration  to  Anahuac, 
we  have  a  theory  which  agrees  with  the  testimony  of  Duran  and 
Sahagun,  and  seems  to  find  support  in  the  pyramidal  mounds 
of  the  Lower  Mississippi,  which  we  have  already  seen  are  almost 
as  perfect  in  their  plan  and  construction  as  those  found  in 
Mexico,  which  do  not  furnish  evidence  of  as  great  antiquity  as 
those  of  the  Ohio  and  Missouri  Valleys.  According  to  most 
accounts,  a  considerable  period  elapses  between  their  departure 
and  their  arrival  at  Chicomoztoc — the  seven  caves.  According 
to  Veytia  it  was  104  years,  but  Brasseur  adopts  twenty-six  years, 
which  is  also  the  opinion  of  the  majority  of  writers.  Chicomoztoc 
has  some  features  which  remind  us  of  the  Tulan  Zuiva  of  the 
Quiches — their  seven  caves,  from  which  so  many  tribes  derived 
their  origin.  Chicomoztoc  is  the  point  at  which  the  six  Nahu- 
atlaca  tribes  separated  from  the  Aztecs,  and  thence  proceeded  to 
the  Mexican  lake  region.  It  is  quite  probable  that  a  consider- 
able distance  may  have  been  traversed  in  this  interval  of  twenty- 
six  years,  a  distance  which  could  have  brought  the  Aztecs  from 
a  comparatively  northern  latitude  to  the  Chiapan  region.  Op- 
posed to  this,  however,  is  the  fact  that  the  Tulan  Zuiva  of 
the  Quiches  was  in  a  cold,  inhospitable  region,  no  doubt  at  the 
North.  Mr.  Bancroft  suggests  that  the  first  part  of  the  migra- 


SUMMARY  OF  VIEWS  AS  TO  LOCATION  OF  AZTLAN.       265 

tion  tradition  may  refer  vaguely  back  to  the  events  which 
followed  the  Tol tecs'  destruction.1  We  have  already  referred 
to  the  tendency  to  confusion  in  histories  that  are  chiefly  tra- 
ditional. In  opposition  to  the  view  that  Aztlan  and  Chico- 
moztoc  were  remote  from  each  of  these,  we  have  the  statement 
of  Duran2  that  these  caves  are  in  Teo-Culhuacan,  otherwise 
called  Aztlan,  which  implies  that  both  Teo-Culhuacan  and 
Chicomoztoc  were  points  in  the  region  of  Aztlan.  Every  year 
it  was  the  custom  of  the  Aztecs,  while  in  Aztlan,  to  cross  a 
river  or  channel  to  Teo-Culhuacan  in  order  to  sacrifice  to  their 
god  Tetzauh,  and  after  their  arrival  at  Chicomoztoc  they  con- 
tinued the  occupation  of  boatmen,  which  they  had  followed 
while  in  Aztlan.3  By  way  of  summary,  then,  we  may  venture 
the  following  :  1.  Viewed  from  the  standpoint  of  Sr.  Ramirez, 
Aztlan  may  be  located  somewhere  not  far  distant  from  Chalco 
Lake.  The  islands  which  it  encircles  may  correspond  to  the 
description  of  the  ancient  home  of  the  Aztecs,  given  by  Duran 
as  quoted  on  page  257  and  described  as  Culhuacan.  Teo-Cul- 
huacan, where  the  Aztecs  sacrificed  yearly,  may  be  the  city  of 
Culhuacan  situated  in  that  neighborhood.  As  additional  testi- 
mony we  have  the  fact  that  most  of  the  stations  named  in  the 
migrations  can  be  located  in  the  Central  Mexican  region.  The 
report  that  they  came  from  the  north  may  refer  only  to  the 
scattering  of  the  Nahua  or  Toltec  people  from  Tollan,  just  north 
of  the  valley.  2.  The  statements  of  all  the  writers  that  the 
Aztecs  came  from  the  north,  the  fact  that  Duran  and  Sahagun 
assign  the  primitive  Nahua  home  to  the  region  of  Florida,  and 
the  prevalence  of  mounds  and  shell-heaps  in  great  numbers  in 
the  Gulf  States,  together  with  the  extension  of  those  mounds 
through  Texas  into  Mexico,  may  warrant  the  opinion  that  Aztlan 
was  in  the  Mississippi  Valley,  or,  looking  in  another  direction, 
the  rock  or  cave  dwellings  recently  discovered  in  Southern  Utah 
and  the  Rocky  Mountain  region  (of  which  we  shall  give  a 
description  in  the  next  chapter)  may  indicate  the  locality  of  the 

1  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  325.  2  See  note  1,  page  261,  this  chapter. 

3  Bancroft,  vol.  v,  p.  325. 


266  SUMMARY  OF  VIEWS. 

ancient  and  much-sought-for  land.  The  identity  in  meaning 
of  Chicomoztoc  (seven  caves)  and  Tulan  Zuiva  (seven  caves) 
together  with  the  fact  that  both  places  in  Quiche  and  Nahua 
history  were  the  point  of  separation  for  many  tribes,  is  a 
singular  coincidence,  if  they  are  not  one  and  the  same.  In  the 
preceding  chapter  we  have  seen  that  Tulan  Zuiva  of  the  Quiches 
was  in  a  northern  or  at  least  a  colder  climate,  where  they 
suffered  greatly  for  want  of  fire,  a  fact  of  no  little  significance. 
On  the  other  hand  Teo-Culhuacan,  the  place  of  yearly  sacrifice, 
may  have  been  a  city  of  the  Chiapan  region,  since  Sahagun 
located  Tamoanchan  the  first  city  of  the  Nahuas  (Olmec)  after 
their  arrival  from  Florida  in  Mexico,  somewhere  in  the  Usuma- 
cinta  Valley.  It  is  possible  that  a  large  number  of  the  immi- 
grants remained  behind  the  company  which  migrated  northward 
to  Teotihuacan  and  thence  to  the  seven  caves,  subsequently 
uniting  with  the  Toltecs  at  Tollan.  This  view  has  had  quite  a 
number  of  advocates.1  We  will  not  undertake,  in  the  present 
state  of  knowledge  on  the  subject,  to  decide  which  of  these 


1  E.  G.  Squier  in  Notes  on  Cent.  Am,.,  p.  349,  makes  the  following  remark  : 
"  It  is  a  significant  fact,  that  in  the  map  of  their  migrations,  presented  by  Gemelli, 
the  place  of  the  origin  of  the  Aztecs  is  designated  by  the  sign  of  water  (Atl 
standing  for  Atzlan),  a  pyramidal  temple  with  grades,  and  near  these  a  palm- 
tree.  This  circumstance  did  not  escape  the  attention  of  the  observant  Huui- 
boldt,  who  says,  '  I  am  astonished  at  finding  a  palm-tree  near  this  teocalli.  This 
tree  certainly  does  not  indicate  a  northern  origin.' "  We  might  add  that  we  are 
equally  surprised  that  so  generally  able  a  writer  as  Mr.  Squier  should  resort  to 
so  absolutely  weak  an  argument.  Sr.  Ramirez  has  clearly  explained  that  all 
the  figures  and  their  adjuncts  are  but  hieroglyphic  parts  of  proper  names.  The 
palm-tree  no  doubt  plays  its  part.  M.  Wai  deck  ( Voyage  Pitt.,  p.  45)  makes 
the  same  remark  as  Mr.  Squier — that  it  indicates  a  southern  origin.  Gondra 
(Prescott's  Historia  Conq.  Hex.,  cited  by  Bancroft,  vol.  v,  p.  306,  note)  replies  that 
this  may  be  a  thoughtless  insertion  of  the  painter.  The  possibility  that  an 
unskillful  artist  should  unintentionally  represent  a  tree  of  which  he  had  no 
knowledge  is  so  great,  that  any  argument  dependent  upon  it  hangs  upon  a 
slender  thread.  Over  against  Mr.  Squier's  claim  we  desire  .to  place  the  simple 
inquiry,  Does  the  Elephant  Mound  of  Wisconsin  indicate  that  its  constructors 
were  natives  of  Asia,  where  the  elephant  is  common,  or  that  they  lived  in  the 
epoch  of  the  American  Mastodon  ?  It  is  well-known  that  the  latter  phase  of 
the  question  could  not  be  true,  since  the  condition  of  the  mound  contradicts 
such  great  antiquity. 


INSUFFICIENT  DATA  FOR  A  DECISION.  267 

three  claims  is  the  true  one,  if  either  one  of  them  is  correct. 
Our  only  wish  is  to  furnish  the  reader  a  margin  for  his 
choice.  It  seems  to  us  that  it  would  be  unscientific  to  attempt 
to  decide  a  question  based  upon  such  slender  and  contradictory 
data. 

It  is  unnecessary  for  us  to  follow  the  Aztecs  farther  in  their 
history.  The  magnificent  empire  of  the  Montezumas,  with  its 
advanced  civilization,  but  at  the  same  time  cursed  with  its 
horrid  worship,  in  which  thousands  of  human  victims  bathed  the 
altars  of  Mexico  yearly  with  their  life-blood,  has  been  described 
and  its  glory  handed  down  to  history  by  that  most  graceful  and 
romantic  of  American  writers,  William  H.  Prescott.  We  cannot, 
however,  dismiss  this  the  most  primitive  period  of  the  growth 
of  the  Nahua  nations  without  a  reference  to  the  reputed  author 
of  the  higher  phases  of  their  civilization.  We  refer  to  that  semi- 
mythical  and  semi-divine  personage,  Quetzalcoatl.  The  numer- 
ous legends  concerning  this  culture-hero,  scattered  chronologically 
over  hundreds  of  years  of  Nahua  history,  may  have  originated  in 
the  life  and  character  of  some  noted  personage — the  leader  and 
civilizer  of  the  most  ancient  branches  of  the  Nahua  family,  or  in 
the  personification  of  an  ideal  deity,  a  nature-god  whose  chief 
attribute,  whose  distinguishing  office,  was  the  fertilization  of  the 
earth,  the  revivification  of  the  slumbering  forces  in  nature  and 
consequently  the  author  of  prosperity,  agriculture,  and  the  arts 
of  peace.  In  either  case  the  name  of  the  original  Quetzalcoatl, 
were  he  either  man  or  deity,  was  eventually  inherited  by  a  line 
of  individuals  who  became  the  priests  of  his  worship,  or  the 
representatives  of  his  teachings,  and  the  inculcators  of  the  most 
humane  and  noble  principles  which  entered  into  the  ancient 
civilization.  Without  entering  into  a  lengthy  discussion  of  the 
probabilities  in  the  case,  we  give  the  substance  of  the  tradi- 
tions, arranged  in  what  appears  to  us  not  only  the  most  con- 
sistent, but  also  the  proper  order.  We  have  already  acquainted 
the  reader  with  the  meaning  of  Quetzalcoatl,  namely,  "  plumed 
serpent." 

From  the  distant  East,  from  the  fabulous  Hue  hue  Tlapalan, 
this  mysterious  personage  came  to  Tulla,  and  became  the  patron 


268  QUETZALCOATL. 


god  and  high-priest  of  the  ancestors  of  the  Toltecs.1  He  is 
described  as  having  been  a  white  man,  with  a  strong  formation 
of  body,  broad  forehead,  large  eyes,  and  flowing  beard.  He  wore 
a  mitre  on  his  head,  and  was  dressed  in  a  long,  white  robe, 
reaching  to  his  feet,  and  covered  with  red  crosses.  In  his  hand 
he  held  a  sickle.  His  habits  were  ascetic  ;  he  never  married, 
was  most  chaste  and  pure  in  his  life,  and  is  said  to  have  endured 
penance  in  a  neighboring  mountain,  not  for  its  effects  upon  him- 
self, but  as  an  example  to  others.  Some  have  here  found  a 
parallel  for  Christ's  temptation.  He  condemned  sacrifices,  except 
of  fruits  and  flowers,  and  was  known  as  the  god  of  peace  ;  for 
when  addressed  on  the  subject  of  war,  he  is  reported  to  have 
stopped  his  ears  with  his  fingers.2 

Quetzalcoatl  was  skilled  in  many  arts,  having  invented  gem- 
cutting  and  metal-casting.  He  furthermore  originated  letters 
and  invented  the  Mexican  calendar.  The  legend  which  describes 
the  latter  states  that  the  gods,  having  made  men,  thought  it 
advisable  that  their  creatures  should  have  some  means  of  reckon- 
ing time,  and  of  regulating  the  order  of  religious  ceremonies. 
Therefore  two  of  these  celestial  personages,  one  of  them  a  god- 
dess, called  Quetzalcoatl  to  counsel  with  them,  and  the  three 
contrived  a  system  which  they  recorded  on  tables,  each  bearing 
a  single  sign.  That  sign,  however,  was  accompanied  with  all 
necessary  explanations  of  its  meaning.  It  is  noticeable  that  the 
goddess  was  assigned  the  privilege  of  writing  the  first  sign,  and 
that  she  chose  a  serpent  as  her  favorite  symbol. 

Some  accounts  represent  that  Huemac  was  the  temporal  king, 
or  at  least  associated  with  Quetzalcoatl  in  the  government ;  the 
latter  occupying  the  priestly  as  well  as  the  kingly  office.  Sahagun 


1  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i,  p.  245  et  seq.,  states  that  a  band  of 
people  came  from  the  north  by  way  of  Panuco,  dressed  in  long  black  robes ; 
that  they  thence  went  to  Tulla,  where  they  were  well  received,  but  that  region 
being  already  thickly  populated,  they  went  to  Cholula.     They  were  great 
artists,  were  skilled  in  working  metals ;  with  them  was  Quetzalcoatl,  with  a 
fair  and  ruddy  complexion  and  a  long  beard.     '  He  was  their  leader.' 

2  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ed. ,  pp.  82,  86,  92,  397-8  ;  also  cited  by  Bancroft,  vol.  iii^ 
pp.  250-2,  and  Clavigero,  Hist.  Ant.  Del.  Messico,  pp.  11-13. 


QUETZALCOATL'S  DEPARTURE  FROM   TULLA.  269 

calls  the  associate  ruler  Vemac.  At  all  events,  Quetzalcoatl 
had  an  enemy,  the  deity  Tezcatlipoca,  whose  worship  was  quite 
opposite  in  its  character  to  that  of  Quetzalcoatl,  being  sanguine 
and  celebrated  with  horrid  human  sacrifices.  A  struggle  ensued 
in  Tulla  (Tollan)  between  the  opposing  systems  which  resulted 
favorably  to  the  bloody  deity  and  the  faction  who  sought  to 
establish  his  worship  in  preference  to  the  peaceful  and  ascetic 
service  of  Quetzalcoatl. 

Tezcatlipoca,  envious  of  the  magnificence  enjoyed  by  Quetzal- 
coatl, determined  upon  his  destruction.  His  first  appearance  at 
Tulla  was  in  the  role  of  a  great  ball-player,  and  Quetzalcoatl, 
being  very  fond  of  the  game,  engaged  in  play  with  him,  when 
suddenly  he  transformed  himself  into  a  tiger,  occasioning  a  panic 
among  the  spectators,  in  which  great  numbers  were  crowded 
over  a  precipice  into  a  river,  where  they  perished.  Again  the 
vicious  god  appeared  at  Tulla.  This  time  he  presented  himself 
at  the  door  of  Quetzalcoatrs  palace  in  the  guise  of  an  old  man, 
and  asked  permission  of  the  servants  to  see  their  master.  They 
attempted  to  drive  him  away,  saying  that  their  god  was  ill. 
At  last,  because  of  his  importunities,  they  obtained  leave  to 
admit  him. 

Tezcatlipoca  entered,  and  seeing  the  sick  deity,  asked  about 
his  health,  and  announced  that  he  had  brought  him  a  medicine 
which  would  ease  his  body,  compose  his  mind,  and  prepare  him 
for  the  journey  which  Fate  had  decreed  that  he  must  undertake.1 
Quetzalcoatl  received  the  sorcerer  kindly,  inquiring  anxiously  as 
to  the  journey  and  the  land  of  his  destiny.  His  deceiver  told 
him  that  the  name  of  the  land  was  Tullan  Tlapalan,  where  his 
youth  would  be  renewed,  and  that  he  must  visit  it  without 
delay.  The  sick  king  was  moved  greatly  by  the  words  of  the 
sorcerer,  and  was  prevailed  upon  to  taste  the  intoxicating  medi- 
cine which  he  pressed  to  his  lips.  At  once  he  felt  his  malady 
healed,  and  the  desire  to  depart  fixed  itself  in  his  mind. 

"  Drink  again  !  "  exclaimed  the  old  sorcerer  ;  and  again  the 

1  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i,  lib.  iii,  p.  245,  and  Torqueraada,  torn,  ii,  p.  47 
et  seq.,  do  not  agree  fully  as  to  the  details. 


270  QUETZALCOATL  AT  CHOLULA. 

god-king  pressed  the  cup  to  his  lips,  and  drank  till  the  thought 
of  departure  became  indelible,  chained  his  reason,  and  speedily 
drove  him  a  wanderer  from  his  palace  and  kingdom. 

Upon  leaving  Tulla,  driven  from  his  kingdom  by  the  vicious 
enmity  of  Tezcatlipoca,  he  ordered  his  palaces  of  gold,  and  silver, 
and  turquoise,  and  precious  stones,  to  be  set  on  fire.  The  myriads 
of  rich-plumed  songsters  that  made  the  air  of  the  capital  melo- 
dious with  song  accompanied  him  on  his  journey,  pipers  playing 
on  pipes  preceded  him,  and  the  flowers  by  the  way  are  said  to 
have  given  forth  unusual  volumes  of  perfume  at  his  approach. 

After  journeying  one  hundred  leagues  southward,  he  rested, 
near  a  city  of  Anahuac,  under  a  great  tree,  and  as  a  memorial 
of  the  event,  he  cast  stones  at  the  tree,  lodging  them  in  its  trunk.1 

He  then  proceeded  still  farther  southward  in  the  same  valley, 
until  he  came  to  a  mountain,  two  leagues  distant  from  the  city 
of  Mexico.  Here  he  pressed  his  hands  upon  a  rock  on  which  he 
rested,  and  left  their  prints  imbedded  in  it,  where  they  remained 
visible  down  to  a  very  recent  date.  He  then  turned  eastward  to 
Cholula,  where  he  was  received  with  greatest  reverence.2  The 
great  pyramid  was  erected  to  his  honor.  With  his  advent  the 
spirit  of  peace  settled  down  upon  the  city.  War  was  not  known 
during  his  sojourn  within  it.  The  reign  of  Saturn  repeated 
itself.  The  enemies  of  the  Cholulans  came  with  perfect  safety 
to  his  temple,  and  many  wealthy  princes  of  other  countries 
erected  temples  to  his  honor  in  the  city  of  his  choice.3 

Here  the  silversmith,  the  sculptor,  the  artist,  and  the  archi- 
tect, we  are  led  to  believe,  from  the  testimony  of  both  tradition 
and  remains,  flourished  under  the  patronage  of  the  grand  god- 
king. 

However,  after  twenty  years  had  elapsed,  that  subtile,  fever- 
ish draught  received  from  the  hand  of  Tezcatlipoca  away  back 
in  Tulla,  like  an  old  poison  in  the  veins,  renewed  its  power. 
Again  his  people,  his  palaces,  and  his  pyramidal  temple  were 

1  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii,  p.  47  et  seq.,  and  Saliagun,  torn,  i, 
chap,  iii,  p.  245  et  seq. 

2  lUd.  3  Mendieta,  Hist.  Eel.,  p.  82  et  seq. 


QUETZALCOATL  AT  CHOLULA.  271 

forsaken,  that  lie  might  start  on  his  long  and  final  journey.1 
He  told  his  priests  that  the  mysterious  Tlapalla  was  his  destina- 
tion, and  turning  toward  the  East,  proceeded  on  his  way  until 
he  reached  the  sea  at  a  point  a  few  miles  south  of  Yera  Cruz. 
Here  he  bestowed  his  blessing  upon  four  young  men,  who  accom- 
panied him  from  Cholula,  and  commanded  them  to  go  back  to 
their  homes,  bearing  the  promise  to  his  people  that  he  would 
return  to  them,  and  again  set  up  his  kingdom  among  them. 
Then,  embarking  in  a  canoe  made  of  serpent-skins,  he  sailed 
away  into  the  East.2 

The  Cholulans,  out  of  respect  to  Quetzalcoatl,  placed  the 
government  in  the  hands  of  the  recipients  of  his  blessing.  His 
statue  was  placed  in  a  sanctuary  on  the  pyramid,  but  in  a 
reclining  position,  representing  a  state  of  repose,  with  the  under- 
standing that  it  shall  be  placed  upon  its  feet  when  the  god 
returns.  When  Cortes  landed,  they  believed  their  hopes  real- 
ized, sacrificed  a  man  to  him,  and  sprinkled  the  blood  of  the 
unhappy  victim  upon  the  conqueror  and  his  companions.3 

Father  Sahagun,  when  on  his  journey  to  Mexico,  was  every- 
where asked  if  he  had  not  come  from  Tlapalla.4  No  wonder 
when  the  fleet  of  Cortes  hove  in  sight  on  the  horizon,  almost  in 
the  same  place  where  Quetzalcoatl's  bark  had  disappeared,  that 
the  Mexican,  who  had  been  waiting  centuries  for  the  prince  of 
peace  to  return,  believed  his  waiting  to  be  at  an  end.  No  won- 
der that  he  inquired  of  the  distant  and  mysterious  Tlapalla.  In 
this  state  of  expectancy  we  find  a  most  natural  and  fruitful  soil 
for  the  operations  of  the  Spanish  conquerors. 

Such  is  the  form  into  which  the  mass  of  legends  concerning 

1  Goatzacoalco,  described  as  a  province  near  the  sea,  one  hundred  and  fifty 
leagues  from   Cholula  (Torquemada,  torn   ii,  pp.  48-52).     The  same  author 
traces  him   to  Yucatan  and  identifies  him  with  Cukulcan.     See  preceding 
chapter. 

2  On  a  raft,  according  to  Sahagun. 

3  See  Miiller,  G-eschicMe  der  AmerikaniscTien  Urreligionen,  p.  599. 

4  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii,  p.  50.     In  presenting  these  legends 
we  have  employed  nearly  the  same  language  which  we  used  in  treating  the 
same  subject  in  an  article  entitled  "Culture-Heroes  of  the  Ancient  Americans," 
published  in  Appleton's  Journal  for  March   1877. 


272  ORIGIN  OF  THE  QUETZALCOATL  LEGEND. 

Quetzalcoatl  have  been  woven.  There  is  scarcely  a  doubt,  how- 
ever, that  it  is  a  matter  of  growth — is  the  accumulation  of  several 
centuries.  The  name  Quetzalcoatl  (Nahua),  Gucumatz  (Quiche) 
and  Cukulcan  (Maya),  translated  "feathered"  or  "plumed"  or 
"  winged  "  serpent,  may  originally  have  been  applied  to  an  intel- 
ligent princely  foreigner  who  was  cast  upon  the  shores  of  the 
Central  American  region,  and  who  introduced  the  art  of  casting 
metals,  and  especially  taught  .agriculture.  His  doctrines  of 
peace  and  virtue  may  have  been  sufficiently  wide-spread  to  have 
brought  about  the  prosperity  which  is  ascribed  to  his  age.  From 
this  standpoint  we  would  consider  him  at  first  to  have  cast  his 
lot  among  the  descendants  of  Votan,  otherwise  known  as  the 
"Serpents,"  from  which  occurrence  he  may  have  received  his 
name  of  "  Feathered  Serpent."  On  pages  241-42  we  referred  to 
the  statements  of  the  Codex  Chimalpopoca,  that  Quetzalcoatl, 
becoming  obnoxious  to  his  companions,  who  seem  to  be  Quiches, 
forsook  them.  The  account  also  states  that  he  afterwards 
brought  maize  to  Tanioanchan  (the  city  of  the  Nahuas).  Our 
next  account  of  him  describes  him  as  figuring  among  the  Olmecs 
at  Cholula.  This  realistic  view  of  the  tradition  applies  to  the 
first  Quetzalcoatl,  who  may  have  been  an  actual  man.  While 
entertaining  this  view,  we  must  not  forget  that  centuries  prior 
to  this  period  (which  we  may  as  well  assign  to  the  first  or  second 
century  as  to  any  other  date),  the  Quiches  possessed  the  ideal 
of  such  a  personage  whom  they  considered  a  deity,  who  figures 
so  actively  in  their  cosmogony  under  the  name  of  Gucumatz. 
This  deity  was  the  vivifying  force  in  nature,  the  bringer  of  the 
gentle  south  winds,  the  god  of  the  harvest  and  of  the  air.  He 
was  best  symbolized  to  the  mind  of  the  savage  by  the  vernal 
shower  and  the  return  of  spring. 

The  serpent  was  everywhere  considered  an  emblem  of  the 
vernal  shower,  and  was  thought  to  be  in  some  way  instrumental 
in  bringing  it,  together  with  its  refreshing  and  fructifying 
influences.  So  here,  in  the  name  of  Quetzalcoatl,  we  find  a 
progressive  step  indicated  in  the  workings  of  the  mind,  an  ad- 
vance from  the  lower  figure  of  the  serpent  alone  to  that  of  an 
aerial  combination,  which,  while  it  contained  all  the  virtues  of 


A  CULTURE-HERO.  273 


the  serpent,  is  lifted  to  a  higher  element — that  from  which  the 
shower  falls.  The  feathery  vapor-clouds  of  summer  are  but  the 
plumes  or  wings  of  the  shower  which  the  serpent  symbolized. 

At  last  when  a  teacher  of  agriculture  and  the  mechanic  arts, 
so  conducive  of  prosperity  and  plenty,  appeared — an  individual 
who  discovers  maize  and  directs  the  process  of  its  reproduction 
and  guards  an  improvident  people  against  want  and  famine,  the 
attributes  of  the  god  are  recognized  as  dwelling  in  him,  the  ideal 
vaguely  represented  by  the  vernal  shower  is  concreted,  is  become 
incarnate,  is  presented  in  a  shape  more  comprehensible  to  the 
untaught  mind,  and  at  once  the  name,  reverence  and  worship  of 
the  god  are  attached  to  the  man,  the  culture-hero.  This  we 
believe  to  be  the  simplest  interpretation  of  the  origin  of  the 
worship  of  Quetzalcoatl.  A  priesthood  appears  to  have  been 
founded  who  perpetuated  the  doctrines  of  this  deified  man. 
That  part  of  the  legend  which  relates  to  Tulla  (Tollan)  with  the 
expulsion  of  the  king  and  that  which  followed,  properly  be- 
longs to  Ceacatl,  surnamed  Quetzalcoatl,  Toltec  king  of  Tollan, 
who  ascended  the  throne  about  873. l  The  father  of  this 
monarch  had  been  cruelly  murdered,  and  in  his  early  boyhood 
Ceacatl  is  said  to  have  wreaked  a  terrible  vengeance  on  the 
murderer  of  his  father,  after  which  he  concealed  himself  for  about 
twenty  years.  At  about  the  above-named  date  he  reappeared, 
and  established  his  claims  to  the  throne.  He  espoused  the 
religion  of  Quetzalcoatl,  and  the  peace  which  followed  brought 
great  prosperity.  Human  sacrifices  were  forbidden,  and  a  golden 
age  seemed  to  dawn  in  which  Tollan  exceeded  all  the  cities  of  the 
Mexican  valley  in  importance  and  wealth.  But  a  rivalry  at  once 
sprang  up  between  the  priests  of  the  bloody  god  Tezcatlipoca, 
worshipped  in  Culhuacan  and  at  Teotihuacan,  and  those  of  the 
peaceful  and  humane  Quetzalcoatl,  which  resulted  in  the  volun- 
tary departure  of  the  Pontiff  king,  to  whom  the  name  of  his 
god  was  attached.  The  contest  between  the  two  sects  is  sym- 
bolized in  the  legend  by  the  tricks  of  Tezcatlipoca.  Quetzalcoatl 
was  received  at  Cholula,  where  he  remained  some  years,  but  was 


1  See  Bancroft,  vol.  v,  p.  255,  and  the  authorities  cited. 

18 


274        INTERPRETATION  OF  THE   LEGEND— TOLTEC  KING. 

at  last  driven  away  before  the  leader  of  the  Tezcatlipoca  faction, 
namely,  King  Huemac,  who  advanced  upon  the  peaceful  king 
with  a  strong  army.  Quetzalcoatl  again  voluntarily  withdrew, 
rather  than  occasion  the  bloodshed  of  his  subjects.  It  is  prob- 
able that  he  ultimately  reached  Yucatan  and  figured  there  in  his 
old  character  under  the  name  of  Cukulcan.1 

1  Tlie  sources  of  the  Quetzalcoatl  legends  have  been  cited  in  connection 
with  our  version  of  the  fables  applying  to  the  name.  On  the  relation  of  Ceacatl 
Quetzalcoatl,  the  Toltec  king,  to  the  subject,  see  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii, 
lib.  viii,  p.  266,  but  especially  see  Bancroft,  vol.  v,  p.  256  et  seq.,  for  a  fuller 
account.  The  same  author  has  treated  the  subject  with  an  unprcedeuted 
fullness  in  his  third  volume,  chap.  vii.  The  able  examination  of  Quetzalcoatl's 
character  by  Miiller,  in  his  G-escHchte  d.  Am.  Urreligionen  (pp.  577  et  seq.),  has 
been  of  great  value  to  us  in  the  preparation  of  this  sketch. 


CHAPTER    VII. 

THE  ANCIENT  PUEBLOS  AND  CLIFF-DWELLERS. 

Casas  Grandes  of  Chihuahua— Ruins  in  the  Casas  Grandes  and  Janos  Valleys — 
Casa  Grande  of  the  Rio  Gila— Ruins  in  the  Gila  Valley— Also  in  the  Valley 
of  the  Rio  Salado— Ruins  in  the  Canon  of  the  Colorado — In  the  Valley  of 
the  Colorado  Chiquito — Pueblos  of  the  Zuni  River — Zufii  and  the  "  Seven 
Cities  of  Cibola  "— "  El  Moro  "—Pueblos  of  the  Chaco  Valley-  Cliff-Dwell- 
ers— Mr.  Jackson's  Discoveries  in  the  Valley  of  the  Rio  San  Juan — Cliff 
Houses  of  the  Rio  Mancos — Cliff-Dwellings  on  the  McElmo — Traditional 
Origin  and  Fate  of  the  Cliff- Dwellers — Ancestors  of  the  Moquis — Remark- 
able Discoveries  by  Mr.  Holmes — The  Seven  Moqui  Towns — The  Monte- 
znma  Legend. 

IN  the  State  of  Chihuahua,  Mexico,  and  in  our  Territories  of 
Arizona,  New  Mexico,  Utah  and  the  State  of  Colorado,  a 
class  of  remains  are  found,  wholly  unlike  those  of  the  Mayas, 
Nahuas,  or  Mound-builders,  though  in  some  instances  they  are 
associated  with  earth-works  resembling  those  of  the  latter  race. 
The  style  of  architecture  is  unlike  that  of  any  other  people  on 
either  continent,  and  though  varying  considerably  in  its  indi- 
vidual examples,  still  present  certain  marked  and  general  features 
which  leave  little  room  for  doubt  that  the  peoples  of  the  Pueblos 
and  the  Cliffs  were  the  same.  The  earliest  discovered  of  this 
class  of  remains  are  known  as  the  Casas  Grandes,  situated  at 
about  half  a  mile  from  the  modern  town  of  the  same  name,  in 
the  fertile  valley  of  the  Casas  Grandes  or  San  Migual  Kiver 
in  Northern  Chihuahua.  These  ruins  have  often  been  described 
second-hand  and  their  nature  is  well-known  to  persons  interested 
in  this  field  of  inquiry.  Of  the  above-named  class  of  descrip- 
tions, the  latest  and  best  is  by  Mr.  Bancroft,  who  has  added  a 


276  CASAS  GRANDES  OP  CHIHUAHUA. 

bibliographical  apparatus  to  Ms  account.1  We  will,  therefore, 
confine  our  discussion  of  this  group  of  remains  to  the  essential 
facts  as  given  by  Mr.  J.  K.  Bartlett,  whose  account  of  his 
researches  is  quite  full  and  satisfactory.2  These  facts  we  will 
give  as  briefly  as  possible,  preferring  to  devote  our  space  to 
the  new  material  composing  the  latter  part  of  the  chapter. 
Several  of  the  early  writers  refer  to  the  Casas  Grandes  as 
one  of  the  Aztec  stations  ;  but  a  little  intelligent  study  of  the 
characteristics  of  the  ruins,  especially  in  the  light  of  recent 
explorations  in  the  Territories,  is  likely  to  dissipate  such  an 
opinion.  The  first  examination  of  the  ruins  of  which  any 
reliable  record  is  left,  was  by  Sr.  Escudero,  in  1819,  published 
in  his  Noticias  Estadisticas  del  Estado  de  Chihuahua.  A  con- 
tributor to  the  Album  Mexicano  (torn,  i,  pp.  374-5)  furnished 
a  good  account  of  the  ruins  as  he  found  them  in  1842.  None 
of  the  hasty  sketches  subsequently  made  by  several  writers  are 
worth  a  reference  until  we  come  to  the  excellent  description 
written  by  Mr.  Bartlett  in  1851,  while  acting  as  United  States 
Commissioner,  in  fixing  the  United  States  and  Mexican  boun- 
dary line.  The  Casas  Grandes,  according  to  Mr.  Bartlett,  are 
built  of  adobe  or  mud,  in  large  quadrangular  blocks  measuring 
about  twenty-two  inches  in  thickness  by  three  feet  or  more 
in  length.  The  irregularity  of  the  length  of  the  blocks,  how- 
ever, seemed  to  indicate  that  they  had  been  formed  on  the  wall, 
in  situ,  by  means  of  a  box  open  at  the  ends,  which,  when 
the  block  dried,  was  moved  along  to  mould  a  fresh  block.  The 
mud  is  filled  with  coarse  gravel  from  the  plateau,  which  gives 
greater  hardness  to  the  material.  The  Casas  face  the  cardinal 
points  and  consist  of  erect  and  fallen  walls,  ranging  from  five  to 
thirty  feet  in  height.  The  accumulation  of  rubbish  is,  however, 
considerable,  and  if  the  highest  standing  walls  rest  upon  a  com- 
mon level  with  the  lowest,  they  will  measure  from  forty  to  fifty 
feet  in  height.  The  edifice  was  discovered  in  ruins  by  the  con- 
querors, and  could  not  have  been  occupied  for  a  century,  at  the 

1  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  404  et  seq. 

2  Personal  Narrative  of  Explorations  and  Incidents  in  Texas,  New  Mexico, 
California,  Sonora,  and  Chihuahua.    New  York,  1854,  vol.  ii,  pp.  348  et  seq. 


FORMER  PROPORTIONS.  277 

least  calculation,  prior  to  its  discovery.  It  is,  therefore,  reason- 
able to  presume  that  all  the  walls  now  standing  were  originally 
much  higher  than  at  present.  It  appears  that  the  outer  portions 
of  the  edifices  were  the  lowest,  and  not  more  than  one  story  in 
height,  while  the  central  ones  were  from  three  to  six  stories. 
The  central  or  inner  walls  are  better  preserved,  partly  by  their 
greater  thickness — five  feet  at  the  base — and  partly  by  the 
heaps  of  ruined  walls  which  have  fallen  around  them.  Once 
prostrate,  the  blocks  absorb  the  water,  and  in  a  few  years  are 
reduced  to  a  mass  of  mud  and  gravel.  It  was  with  difficulty 
that  Mr.  Bartlett  traced  all  the  outlines  of  the  buildings  ; 
but  close  examination  revealed  the  fact  that  three  lofty  edifices 
were  connected  into  one  by  means  of  a  low  range  of  buildings, 
one  story  high,  which  may  have  merely  inclosed  intervening 
courts.  The  total  length  of  this  continuous  edifice  was  at  least 
800  feet  by  250  feet  wide.  A  regular  and  continuous  wall  was 
observed  on  the  south  side,  while  the  eastern  and  western  fronts, 
with  their  projecting  walls,  were  very  irregular.  The  question 
of  the  exact  number  of  stories  is  not  capable  of  solution,  as  no 
vestige  of  timbers  or  wood  now  remains.  The  explorer  could 
not  even  detect  a  trace  of  any  cavities  where  the  floor-timbers 
had  been  inserted  in  the  walls,  so  decayed  and  washed  was  their 
condition.  Many  doorways  remained,  but  the  lintels  having  de- 
cayed, the  tops  had  fallen  in.  Clavigero  states  that  the  edifice 
had  "  three  floors  with  a  terrace  above  them  and  without  any 
entrance  to  the  under  floor,  so  that  a  scaling  ladder  is  neces- 
sary." Grarcia  Conde  confirms  this  statement  as  to  the  three 
stories  besides  a  roof,1  while  both  authors  consider  this  to  have 
been  a  station  on  the  Aztec  migration.  Certainly,  no  architec- 
tural analogies  with  the  remains  farther  south  justify  this  opinion. 
Mr.  Bartlett  was  unable  to  obtain  but  a  par-  .,,,.,....', 
tial  plan  of  the  Casas  Grandes.  One  class 
of  apartments,  however,  attracted  his  especial  L  J_  1  J-  J.  _L  J 

PART  OF  GROUND  PLAN  OF  CA- 

attention,  from  the  fact  that  they  were  evi-    M»«*AKM»OOTW*, 
dently  designed  for  granaries.     They  were  arranged  along  one 

1  Ensayo  sabre  Chihuahua,  p.  74. 


.1111111.J 


• 


278  ADJACENT  STRUCTURES. 

of  the  main  walls,  and  measured  twenty  feet  in  length  by  ten  in 
breadth.  They  were  connected  by  doorways  "  with  a  small 
inclosure  or  pen  in  one  corner,  three  or  four  feet  high."  Numer- 
ous long  and  narrow  apartments,  too  contracted  for  sleeping  or 
dwelling-rooms,  lighted  by  circular  apertures  in  the  upper  walls, 
are  supposed  to  have  been  devoted  to  the  same  use.  Large  in- 
closures,  too  extensive  in  their  dimensions  ever  to  have  been 
roofed,  evidently  were  used  as  courts.  Two  hundred  feet  west 
of  the  Casas,  on  the  plateau,  are  the  remains  of  a  building 
about  150  feet  square,  divided  into  compartments,  as  shown  in 
the  accompanying  plan :  Between  this 
edifice  and  the  main  building,  are  three 
mounds  of  loose  stones  about  fifteen  feet 
high,  which  the  explorers  did  not  have  time 
to  open.  For  a  distance  of  twenty  leagues 
and  covering  an  area  of  ten  leagues  wide 
along  the  Casas  Grandes  and  Janos  Eivers, 
— J  according  to  Garcia  Conde,  are  ruins  resem- 
bling small  mounds,  from  which  jars,  pot- 
tery in  various  forms,  painted  with  white,  blue  and  scarlet  colors, 
corn-grinders  (metates),  and  stone-axes  have  been  taken.  If  this 
region  was  ever  occupied  by  the  Aztecs,  even  temporarily,  this 
latter  class  of  remains  might  more  properly  be  attributed  to 
them,  than  the  Casas  Grandes.  innumerable  fragments  of  pot- 
tery, superior  to  that  now  manufactured  by  the  Mexicans,  are 
strewn  everywhere  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Casas  Grandes. 
The  decoration  is  in  black,  red  or  brown,  on  a  white  or  reddish 
ground.  Several  graceful  and  highly  artistic  vases  have  been 
collected  about  the  ruins,  and  stone  metates,  nicely  hewn,  have 
been  recovered  in  perfect  condition.  On  the  summit  of  the 
highest  mountain,  ten  miles  southwest  of  the  ruins,  stands  an 
ancient  fortress  of  stone,  the  walls  of  which  are  said  by  the 
writer  in  the  Album  Mexicano  to  have  been  from  eighteen  to 
twenty  feet  thick.  The  fort,  which  is  attributed  to  the  occu- 
pants of  the  Casas  Grandes,  was  two  or  three  stories,  and  in  the 
centre  had  a  high  mound  for  the  purposes  of  observation.  Clavi- 
gero,  who  describes  the  fort  and  all  of  the  ruins  from  hearsay, 


ITFTTITT 


GROUND     PLAN    OF    ONE    OF 
CASAS  GRANDES  AT  CHIHUAHUA. 


CASA  GRANDE  OF  THE  RIO  GILA.  270 

falls  into  the  error  of  supposing  the  Casas  to  have  also  been  con- 
structed of  stone.  A  short  distance  from  the  point  where  the 
111°  (meridian)  of  longitude  crosses  the  Gila  Kiver,  in  Southern 
Arizona,  in  the  valley  occupied  farther  westward  by  the  Pima 
villages,  stands  the  most  famous  ruin  of  all  the  Western  remains. 
The  Casa  Grande,  otherwise  named  the  Casa  de  Montezuma,  has 
attracted  the  attention  of  and  furnished  a  fruitful  subject  for  most 
writers  on  Mexican  antiquity,  the  majority  of  whom,  however, 
have  contributed  nothing  to  our  knowledge  of  the  history  or 
uses  of  the  edifice.  Of  describers  at  second-hand,  Mr.  Bancroft 
has  cited  thirty-four  authors,  according  to  our  reckoning,  and  to 
this  number  the  reader  must  add  that  authors  account  and  ours. 
This  fact  is  an  admonition  to  us  to  confine  ourselves  to  the 
briefest  possible  statement  of  facts,  for  certainly  the  thirty- 
sixth  repetition  of  the  accounts  furnished  by  two  or  three  original 
explorers  would  be  altogether  inexcusable,  were  it  not  for  the 
inseparable  relation  of  the  Grila  Casas  to  the  remains  to  be  de- 
scribed farther  on.  Mr.  Bancroft  has  treated  the  bibliography 
of  the  subject  in  his  usually  comprehensive  manner,1  and  it  only 
remains  for  us  to  refer  the  reader  to  the  original  descriptions. 
The  first  of  these  was  written  by  Padre  Mange,  the  secretary  of 
Padre  Kino,  on  the  latter's  tour  of  visitation  to  the  missions 
of  the  region  in  1697.2  Lieutenant  C.  M.  Bernal,  of  the  same 
expedition,  adds  also  a  description.3  Padre  Sedelmair,  who 
visited  the  ruin  in  1744,  copies  literally  Mange's  description  in 
his  account  of  the  Casas.4  Father  Font,  who,  in  company  with 
Father  Garces,  made  an  expedition  conducted  by  Captain  Anza 
to  the  Gila  and  the  missions  farther  north,  left  a  diary — now 
preserved  in  the  original,  in  the  archives  at  Guadalajara — from 
which  Mr.  Bartlett  translated  and  published  an  extensive  de- 

1  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  621  et  seq. 

2  Published  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  iv,  torn,  i,  pp.  282  et  seq.,  translated  in 
Schoolcraft's  Hist,  and  Condition  of  Indian  Tribes,  vol.  iii,  pp.  300  et  seq.,  and 
Bartlett's  Pers.  Narrative,  vol.  ii,  pp.  281-2.    Quoted  in  Native  Races,  vol.  iv, 
pp.  622-23. 

3  Bernal  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  iii,  torn,  iv,  p.  804. 

4  Sedelmair,  Relation,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  iii,  torn,  iv,  p.  847,  copied  by 
Orosco  y  Berra,  Geografia,  pp.  108-10.    Also  cited  by  Bancroft. 


280  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  CASAS. 

scrip tion  of  the  Casas.1  Of  later  writers,  only  four  wrote  from 
personal  observation,  namely,  Emory  ~  and  Johnston,3  of  General 
Kearney's  Military  Expedition  to  California  in  1846  ;  Bartlett 4 
in  1852,  and  Koss  Browne  in  1863.3  These  are  the  only  original 
sources  of  information  on  the  Casa  Grande  of  the  Gila,  of 
which  Bartlett 's  account  may  be  said  to  be  the  best.  However, 
Bancroft  has  contributed  much  to  facilitate  the  study  of  the 
subject  by  his  addition  of  a  full  literary  apparatus. 

From  all  of  these  we  draw  the  facts  without  further  citation. 
Two  and  a  half  miles  south  of  the  Gila,  on  a  slightly  elevated 
plateau,  stands  the  remains  of  the  Casa  Granda  surrounded  with 
a  growth  of  mesquite  trees.  The  ascent  from  the  river  bottom 
is  so  slight  and  gradual  that  its  former  inhabitants  had  con- 
structed acequias  between  the  river  and  the  buildings.  Mr. 
Bartlett  found  three  edifices  within  a  space  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  yards.  The  larger  one  only  was  in  a  fair  state  of  preserva- 
tion. Its  four  outer  walls  and  most  of. the  inner  ones  were 
standing.  Three  stories  were  plainly  marked  by  the  ends  of  the 
beams  remaining  in  the  walls  or  by  the  cavities  which  they  once 
occupied.  No  doubt  the  building  was  one  story,  at  least,  higher 
than  this  indicated,  as  the  upper  walls  have  crumbled  away 
considerably  and  filled  the  first  story  with  disintegrated  adobe 
and  a  mass  of  rubbish.  The  central  portion  or  tower  further- 
more rises  eight  or  ten  feet  higher  than  the  outer  walls,  and  may 
have  formed  another  story  above  the  main  building.  At  their 
base,  the  walls  are  between  four  or  five  feet  in  thickness,  rising 
perpendicular  on  the  inside,  but  on  the  outside  tapering  towards 
the  top  in  a  curved  line. 

The  material  of  the  walls  consists  of  blocks  of  adobe,  pre- 
pared as  in  the  Casas  Grandes  of  Chihuahua,  in  position  on  the 
walls,  probably  in  boxes  two  feet  high  and  four  feet  long  ;  after 
the  mud  had  dried  sufficiently,  the  box  was  moved  further  along 
the  walls  and  refilled.  Some  difference  of  opinion  has  existed  as 

1  Pers.  Narrative,  vol.  ii,  pp.  278-80. 

2  Emory's  Reconnaissance,  pp.  81-3. 

3  Johnston's  Journal  in  Ibid,  pp.  567-600. 

4  Pers.  Nar.,  pp.  271-234.  5  Browne's  Apache  Country,  pp.  114-24. 


AGE  OF  THE  CASA.  281 


to  the  color  of  the  mud  employed,  though  all  admit  it  to  be  that 
of  the  surrounding  valley.  Mr.  Bancroft  gives  some  attention  to 
this  point,  and  observes  that  Bernal  pronounced  it  "  white  clay," 
and  that  according  to  Johnston  it  is  also  white  with  an  admix- 
ture of  lime  from  the  vicinity.  Mr.  Hutton,  a  civil  engineer 
who  had  thoroughly  examined  them,  reported  to  Mr.  Simpson 
that  the  surrounding  earth  was  of  a  reddish  color,  but  the  ad- 
mixture of  pebbles  with  the  rnud  gave  the  Casa  a  whitish  appear- 
ance in  certain  reflections.  Mr.  Bancroft  seeks  by  this  argument 
to  identify  this  building  with  Castaneda's  Chichilticale,  which  is 
described  as  having  been  built  of  red  eartb.1  The  outer  sides  of 
the  walls  were  finished  with  a  plaster  similar  to  that  which  com- 
posed the  blocks,  but  the  inner  side  was  covered  with  hard  finish 
of  such  fine  quality  that  when  visited  they  still  retained  their 
polish  after  centuries  of  exposure.  It  is  estimated  that  the 
edifice  must  have  stood  a  hundred  years  at  least  prior  to  its  dis- 
covery by  the  Spaniards,  The  inner  walls  are  slightly  thinner 
than  the  outer  ones,  and  divide  the  building  into  five  apart- 
ments, as  shown  in  Mr.  Bartlett's  ground  plan.  The  building 
measures  fifty  feet  in  length  by  forty  in 
width.  The  three  central  rooms  indicated 
are  each  about  eight  by  fourteen  feet,  while 
those  at  each  end  of  the  edifice  are  ten  by 
about  thirty-two  feet.  The  doorways  in- 
dicated in  the  plan  are  three  feet  wide  by 

five  feet  high,  except  that  in  the  western 

,.       !          ,  .  ,     .          ,  „  .  n  GROUND  PLAN. 

fagade,  which  is  only  two  feet   wide  and 

seven   or  eight  feet  high.     The   main   part  of  the  edifice  was 

1  Coronado,  on  his  trip  from  Culiacan  to  the  "  seven  cities  of  Cibola  "  in  1540, 
saw  a  roofless  building  called  Chichilticale,  or  "  red  house."  Castaneda  says  it 
was  built  of  red  earth  and  had  formerly  been  occupied  by  people  from  Cibola. 
This  is  of  interest,  especially  since  it  is  quite  certain  that  the  seven  cities 
visited  were  identical  with  the  Pueblo  towns  around  old  Zuni  on  the  Zuili 
River  in  New  Mexico  (see  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  673-4,  and  Morgan  in  Nortli 
American  Review,  April,  1869).  The  best  treatment  of  Coronado's  march  is  by 
Simpson  in  Smithsonian  Report,  1859,  pp.  309  et  seq.  See  further  Castaneda,  in 
Ternaux-compans,  Voy.,  serie  i,  torn,  ix,  pp.  40-1,  161-2.  Gallatin  in  Am, 
Etlmol.  Soc.  Trans.,  vol.  ii,  and  Whipple  in  Pac.  R.  R.  Report,  vol.  iii. 


282  RUINS  OF  THE  GILA  VALLEY. 

probably  thirty  feet  high,  while  the  tower  rose  still  ten  feet 
higher.  Padre  Kino  found  a  floor  in  an  adjoining  ruin  still 
perfect,  the  supporting  timbers  of  which  were  round  and  about 
five  inches  in  diameter,  while  the  floor  proper  was  formed 
by  placing  cross-sticks  on  the  joist  and  covering  them  with  a 
layer  of  adobe.  Mr.  Browne  observed  the  marks  of  a  blunt  axe 
still  plainly  visible  in  the  timbers  of  cedar  or  sabine  which  had 
been  thus  employed,  while  their  charred  ends  furnish  the  only 
clue  to  the  cause  of  the  ruin  of  the  edifice,  a  fact  suggestive  of 
the  ravages  of  the  savage  Apaches.  No  stairways  or  other  means 
of  ascent  were  discovered,  and  it  is  inferred  that  ladders  were 
employed  upon  the  outside  as  among  the  modern  Pueblos. 
Near  the  main  building,  to  the  south-west,  Mr.  Bartlett  dis- 
covered another  Casa  in  ruins,  and  with  difficulty  traced  its 
ground  plan  ;  while  a  third  was  so  completely  decayed  as  to 
leave  no  certain  outline  of  its  form.  To  the  north-west  about 
two  hundred  yards,  was  a  circular  embankment  eighty  or  one 
hundred  yards  in  circumference,  which  Mr.  Bartlett  supposes  to 
have  been  used  as  a  stock  mclosure.  A  few  yards  farther  north 
Mr.  Johnston  observed  a  terrace,  two  hundred  by  three  hundred 
feet  and  five  feet  high,  and  having  a  summit  platform  seventy- 
two  feet  square,  from  which  an  excellent  view  of  the  valley  is 
afforded.  This  monument  is  unlike  any  other  found  among  the 
New  Mexican  remains.  The  entire  valley  is  strewn  with  heaps 
of  rubbish  and  ruined  adobe  edifices,  which  indicate  that  once 
the  whole  region  was  thickly  populated  by  this  remarkable 
people.  Mr.  Bartlett  found  broken  metates  (corn-grinders),  and 
innumerable  fragments  of  pottery  painted  tastefully  with  red, 
white,  lead  color,  and  black.  The  figures  were  geometrical, 
and  many  of  the  vessels  had  been  decorated  on  the  inside— a 
practice  not  in  vogue  with  the  modern  peoples  of  the  Gila  Valley. 
The  finish  was  also  far  superior  to  that  of  modern  pottery.  The 
Casa  Grande,  when  last  observed  by  Mr.  Browne,  was  fast  going 
to  pieces,  the  moisture  having  undermined  some  parts  of  the 
outer  walls,  which  were  only  kept  erect  by  their  great  thickness. 
In  1873,  Mr.  Bancroft  learned  that  the  edifice  was  still  standing, 
but  it  is  evident  that  it  must  soon  share  the  fate  of  its  fallen 


RUINS  OF  THE  GILA  VALLEY. 


283 


neighbors.  It  is  certain  that  this  Pueblo  civilization  spread 
itself  over  a  large  tract  of  country  north  of  the  Gila  Valley  in 
the  basin  of  the  Bio  Salado  or  Salinas,  the  principal  tributary 
of  the  Gila.  Numerous  buildings  similar  to  those  previously 
described,  have  been  noticed  by  different  writers  on  the  Kio 


CASA  GRANDE  OF  THE  GILA  VALLEY. 
(As  sketched  by  Ross  Browne  in  1863.) 

Salado  and  its  tributaries.  The  ruins  of  large  edifices  surrounded 
by  smaller  ones  are  described  by  Sedelmair  (discovered  in  1744) 
as  standing  between  the  Gila  and  Salado.1 

Velarde  has  also  cited  the  remains  of  similar  structures  at 
the  junction  of  Salado  and  Verde  and  of  the  Salado  and  Gila.2 
We  cannot  refer  to  all  of  the  remains  reported  in  this  region, 

1  Relation  in  DOG.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  iii,  torn,  iv,  p.  847.     Bancroft's  Native 
Races,  vol.  iv,  p.  634. 

2  Velarde  in  ibid.,  serie  iv,  torn,  i,  p.  363,  and  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  p.  63  i. 


284      TRANSITION  FROM  THE  ADOBE  TO  STONE  STRUCTURES. 

especially  since  most  of  them  are  indescribable  and  shapeless 
heaps  of  ruins.  One  edifice,  however,  was  observed  by  Mr.  Bart- 
lett,  two  hundred  feet  in  length  by  sixty  or  eighty  feet  in  width  ; 
and  from  the  accumulation  of  debris,  it  is  estimated  that  the 
edifice  must  have  been  three  or  four  stories  in  height.  This  was 
but  one  of  several  similar  heaps  of  ruins  observed  in  the  immediate 
vicinity.  This  locality,  distant  thirty-five  miles  from  the  river's 
mouth,  was  evidently  at  one  time  the  site  of  a  populous  city. 
The  remains  of  numerous  works,  probably  of  a  public  character, 
such  as  irrigating  canals— one  of  which  is  now  more  than  twenty 
feet  wide  and  four  feet  deep  and  several  miles  long,  in  the  con- 
struction of  which  it  was  necessary  to  cut  down  the  bank  of  the 
plateau — occur  in  considerable  numbers.  The  whole  region  is 
strewn  with  fragments  of  broken  pottery  of  fine  workmanship.1 
M.  Leroux,  in  1854,  discovered  on  the  Rio  Verde  ruins  of 
stone  houses  and  regular  fortifications  which  did  not  appear  to 
have  been  occupied  for  centuries.  The  walls  were  of  solid 
masonry  of  rectangular  form,  usually  from  twenty  to  thirty  paces 
in  length,  and  the  style  of  architecture  similar  to  that  of  the 
Casa  Grande  of  the  Gila.  Still  there  was  sufficient  resemblance 
to  the  Pueblos  of  the  Moquis  to  indicate  a  transition  from  the 
southern  to  the  northern  style  of  Pueblo  dwelling.  The  sudden 
change  in  the  material  employed — that  from  adobe  to  stone  in 
large  blocks,  well  hewn — is  rather  remarkable.  The  ruins  are 
found  with  more  or  less  continuity  between  Fort  McDowell  and 
Prescott.2  Mr.  Bancroft,  after  citing  the  above,  expresses  regret 
at  his  inability  to  secure  information  in  the  possession  of  officers 
in  the  Arizona  service.3 

Lieutenant  Whipple  describes  extensive  ruins  on  the  small 
streams  forming  the  head-waters  of  the  Kio  Verde.  Both  stone 
and  adobe  structures  were  numerous,  and  the  walls  usually  were 
found  to  be  about  five  feet  thick.4  Emory  has  described  some 

1  Bartlett's  Pers.  Nar.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  242-8.     Johnston  in  Emory's  Reconnais- 
sance, pp.  596-600.     Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  p.  636. 

2  Whipple,  Ewbank  and  Turner,  in  Pacific  It.  R.  Report,  vol.  iii,  pp.  14, 15. 

3  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  p.  636. 

4  Whipple  in  Pacific  R.  R.  Report,  vol.  iii,  pp.  91-4. 


RUINS  IN  THE  GRAND  CANON.  285 

Pueblo  buildings  of  singular  structure  on  the  upper  Gila  and 
its  tributaries  ;  most  interesting  of  these  is  one  with  a  laby- 
rinthine plan  of  inner  circular  walls.  The  region  also  abounds 
in  rock  inscriptions  of  a  rude  though  no  doubt  conventional 
character.1  It  is  quite  natural  to  suppose  that  remains  of  this 
ancient  people  would  have  been  found  extensively  on  the  greatest 
river  of  the  region — the  Colorado.  Mr.  Bancroft  passes  the  sub- 
ject with  the  statement  that  "  no  relics  of  antiquity  are  reported 
by  reliable  authorities/'  and  fitly  explains  that  it  is  unlikely,  in 
view  of  the  peculiarity  of  the  region,  that  none  will  ever  be 
found  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  river.2  Whipple  and  his 
associates  state  that  "  upon  the  lower  part  of  the  Rio  Colorado 
no  traces  of  permanent  dwellings  have  been  discovered." 3 

Since  the  publication  of  Mr.  Bancroft's  fourth  volume,  the 
public  has  been  made  acquainted  with  the  details  of  Major  J.  W. 
Powell's  exploration  of  the  Grand  Canon  of  the  Colorado.4  The 
descent  of  the  river  was  accomplished  by  the  Major  and  his  com- 
panions in  the  summer  of  1869,  amid  dangers  so  appalling  and 
privations  so  distressing,  that  we  need  not  hesitate  in  pro- 
nouncing it  an  exhibition  of  heroism  having  few  parallels  in 
the  history  of  exploration.  The  Major  has  since  repeated  his 
perilous  journey  of  which  we  have  enjoyed  the  pleasure  of  a 
verbal  description  in  part  from  the  explorer  himself.  Groups 
of  ruins  were  discovered  in  the  gloomy  depths  of  the  Grand 
Canon  at  three  different  points.  In  referring  to  them  we  will 
reverse  the  order  in  which  they  were  discovered.  A  hundred  or 
more  miles  (for  we  are  unable  to  estimate  the  distance  from  the 
account)  above  the  Virgen  River,  where  the  granite  walls  rise 
perpendicularly  from  the  water's  edge  thousands  of  feet,  the 
canon  widened  somewhat  and  a  considerable  group  of  ruined 
buildings  were  discovered  on  a  terrace  of  trap.  There  had  evi- 

1  Emory's  Reconnaissance,  pp.  C3-9,  80, 133-4.     Ibid.,  pp.  581-96.    Bancroft, 
Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  638-9,  has  copied  three  plans. 

2  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  p.  640. 

3  Whipple,  Ewbank  and  Turner,  in  Pacific  R.  R.  Report. 

4  First  published  in  Scribner's  Monthly,  vol.  is,  Nos.  3,  4  and  5,  for  January, 
February  and  March,  1875. 


286        EXPLORATION  OF  THE  CANON  OF  THE  COLORADO. 

dently  been  quite  a  village  in  that  solitary  spot,  shut  in  by  hun- 
dreds of  miles  of  granite  walls  either  up  or  down  the  river's 
course.  Mealing  stones  and  fragments  of  broken  pottery  were 
scattered  about  the  ruins,  and  so  many  beautiful  flint  chips  that 
the  discoverers  conjectured  that  it  might  have  been  the  home  of 
an  ancient  arrow-maker.  Major  Powell  found  on  a  natural  shelf 
in  the  rock,  back  of  the  ruin,  a  globular  basket,  badly  broken, 
and  so  decayed  that  when  taken  up  it  fell  to  pieces.1  Some  dis- 
tance farther  up  the  river,  the  grim  walls  of  more  than  a  mile  in 
height  parted  to  admit  the  clear  waters  of  a  stream  named  by 
the  explorers  "  Bright  Angel  Kiver."  In  a  little  gulch  above 
the  creek  the  foundations  of  two  or  three  Pueblo  houses  were 
discovered.  They  were  built  of  irregular  cut  stones,  laid  in 
mortar.  An  old,  deeply- worn  mealing  stone  and  a  great  quan- 
tity of  pottery  were  found,  and  old  trails  were  observed  worn 
into  the  rock.2 

It  cannot  fail,  however,  to  excite  the  wonder  of  the  reader  to 
learn  that  Major  Powell  found  ruined  pueblos  hundreds  of  miles 

1  "  Canons  of  the  Colorado,"  in  Scribner's  Monthly,  vol.  ix,  p.  528.     Powell's 
Explorations  of  the  Colorado  River  of  the  West.    Washington.  1875.    4to. 

2  "  It  was  ever  a  source  of  wonder  to  us  why  these  ancient  people  sought 
such  inaccessible  places  for  their  homes.     They  were  doubtless  an  agricultural 
race,  but  there  were  no  lands  here  of  any  considerable  extent  which  they  could 
have  cultivated.    To  the  west  of  Oraiby,  and  of  the  towns  of  the  Province-of 
Tusayan,  in  northern  Arizona,  the  inhabitants  have  actually  built  little  terraces 
along  the  face  of  the  cliff,  where  a  spring  gushes  out,  and  there  made  their  site 
for  gardens.     It  is  possible  that  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  this  place  made  their 
lands  in  the  same  way.    But  why  should  they  seek  such  spots  ?    Surely  the 
country  was  not  so  crowded  with  population  as  to  demand  the  utilization  of  a 
region  like  this.    The  only  solution  which  suggests  itself  is  this :   We  know 
that  for  a  century  or  two  after  the  settlement  of  Mexico,  many  expeditions  were 
sent  into  the  country  now  comprising  Arizona  and  New  Mexico  for  the  purposs 
of  bringing  the  town-building  people  under  the  dominion  of  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment.    Many  of  their  villages  were   destroyed,  and  the  inhabitants  fled  to 
regions  at  that  time  unknown,  and  there  are  traditions  among  the  people  who 
now  inhabit  the  pueblos  which  remain,  that  the  canons  were  these  unknown 
lands.    It  may  be  that  these  buildings  were  erected  at  that  time.     Sure  it  is 
that  they  had  a  much  more  modern  appearance  than  the  ruins  scattered  over 
Nevada,  Utah,  Colorado,  Arizona  and  New  Mexico." — Major  Powell  in  Scribner, 
vol.  ix,  p.  525.     Id.,  Explorations  of  the  Colorado  River  of  the  West,  pp.  87,  88. 


ANCIENT  STAIRWAY  IN  COLORADO  CANON.  287 

farther  up  that  dismal,  almost  subterranean  river.  Not  far  be- 
low the  foot  of  the  Cataract  Cation,  and  a  considerable  distance 
above  Escalante  Kiver,  in  Southern  Utah,  the  explorers  discov- 
ered on  a  wall  two  hundred  feet  above  the  river,  but  removed 
from  the  water  by  a  narrow  plain,  an  old  stone  house  of  good 
masonry.  The  stones  were  laid  in  mortar  with  much  regularity. 
It  had  been  a  three-story  building,  the  first  of  which  still  re- 
mained in  good  condition,  the  second  being  much  broken,  and 
but  little  being  left  of  the  third.  Flint  chips,  beautiful  arrow- 
heads and  broken  pottery  abounded  in  the  vicinity.  The  faces 
of  the  cliffs  were  also  covered  with  etchings.  Fifteen  miles 
farther  down  the  river  another  group  was  discovered,  the  princi- 
pal building  of  which  was  in  the  shape  of  an  L,  with  five  rooms 
on  the  ground  floor ;  one  in  the  angle  and  two  in  each  wing.  In 
the  centre  of  the  angle  there  was  a  deep  excavation,  doubtless 
an  underground  chamber  for  religious  services,  known  as  an 
Estufa.  Major  Powell  considers  these  remains  the  work  of  a 
branch  of  the  people  now  occupying  the  province  of  Tusayan  in 
northern  Arizona.  These  Moqui  peoples  will  be  noticed  farther 
on.  In  the  neighborhood  of  the  last-named  ruin,  the  Major 
found  a  tall,  pyramidal  work  of  nature,  formed  by  smooth  rock- 
mounds,  rising  one  above  another.  On  climbing  this  he  ob- 
served that  this  natural  eminence  had  'been  used  as  an  outlook 
by  the  people  of  the  Pueblo.  A  stairway  cut  in  the  rock  by 
human  hands  and  an  old  ladder  resting  against  a  perpendicular 
rock  were  discovered.1 

The  Colorado  Chiquito  and  its  tributaries  flows  through 
the  very  heart  of  the  Pueblo  country.  One  hundred  miles 
above  its  junction  with  the  Rio  Colorado,  Whipple,  Sitgreaves 
and  others,  found  numerous  ruins,  crowning  nearly  every 
prominent  point  in  the  valley.  The  pottery  of  the  region  is 
unlike  that  usually  met  with,  in  that  it  is  ornamented  with 


1  Canons  of  the  Colorado,  in  Scribner's  Monthly,  vol.  ix,  p.  402 ;  Powell's 
Exploration  of  the  Colorado  River  of  the  West,  pp.  68-9.  Major  Powell  on  the 
125th  page  of  his  report  on  the  Colorado,  gives  a  brief  description  of  remains 
in  a  side  canon,  a  few  miles  from  the  great  river. 


288      REMAINS  IN  VALLEY  OF  THE  COLORADO  CHIQUITO. 

impressions  and  raised  work,  instead  of  being  painted.1  Forty 
miles  farther  up  the  river  colossal  ruins  were  discovered  standing 
on  the  summit  of  a  sandstone  bluff.  The  walls,  such  as  remained 
standing,  were  ten  feet  thick,  while  the  building  measured  360 
feet  in  length  by  120  in  width.2  With  the  exception  of  the 
remains  of  stone-houses,  at  the  junction  of  the  Rio  Puerco  with 
the  Colorado  Chiquito,  the  only  aboriginal  remains  reported  are 
pottery,  scattered  arrow-heads  and  numerous  rock  inscriptions. 
The  next  tributary  of  the  Colorado  Chiquito — the  Zuni  River — 
is  celebrated  because  of  its  ancient  and  modern  Pueblo  struc- 
tures. For  fifty  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Zufii,  the  anti- 
quarian who  could,  might  read  the  history  of  this  ancient  people, 
spread  out  upon  the  imperishable  cliffs — the  parchment  of 
Nature's  children.  Within  eight  miles  of  the  inhabited  Pueblo 
towns,  numerous  ruins  are  encountered.3  Here,  within  a  few 
miles,  the  almost  mythical  "  seven  cities  of  Cibola,"  described 
by  Coronado  in  1540,  and  by  Marco  de  Niga  the  year  previous, 
are  demonstrated  to  have  been  situated.4  Zufii  itself  is  the 
Granada  of  the  devoted  and  romantic  conquerors.  In  the  centre 
of  a  plain  upon  a  commanding  eminence,  stands  the  inhabited 
Pueblo  of  Zuiii.  Its  frontage  is  upon  the  river  of  the  same 
name,  while  but  a  short  distance  in  the  background,  the  mesa 
terminates  in  tall  cliffs  of  metamorphic  rock  several  hundred 
feet  high.  The  town  is  built  in  blocks,  with  terrace-shaped 
houses,  usually  three  stories  high,  in  which  the  lower  stories  do 
service  as  the  platform  for  those  immediately  following  them. 
Access  is  obtained  by  means  of  ladders  reaching  to  the  roof 
or  terrace,  formed  upon  the  first  story  of  each  of  the  houses. 
The  town  is  very  compactly  built,  many  of  the  streets  passing 
under  the  upper  stories  of  houses.  The  whole  is  divided  into 
four  squares,  and  the  houses  in  each  are  continuously  joined 

1  Sitgreaves'  Report,  Zuni  and  Colorado  Rivers,  pp.  8-9 ;  Whipple,  Pacific 
R.  R.  Report,  vol.  iii,  pp.  46-50  ;  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  642-3. 

2  Whipple,  Pacific  R.  R.  Report,  vol.  iii,  pp.  76-7. 

3  Sitgreaves,  Zuni  Ex.,  p.  6  ;  Whipple,  in  Pacific  R.  R.  Report,  vol.  iii, 
pp.  39,  71 ;  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  645,  673. 

4  See  authorities  cited  on  page  281,  note  1,  of  this  chapter. 


ZUNI.  289 

together.  The  building  material  employed  is  stone,  plastered 
with  mud.1  A  little  more  than  two  miles  south-east  of  Zuni, 
the  ancient  ruined  Pueblo  of  the  same  name  is  situated  on  an 
elevated  mesa  of  a  mile  in  width,  the  precipitous  descent  from 
which,  upon  all  sides,  measures  a  thousand  feet.  The  ruins  of 
old  Zuni  are  surrounded  with  a  growth  of  cedars,  and  cover 
several  acres  of  ground.  The  walls,  constructed  of  small  sand- 
stone blocks  laid  in  mud-mortar,  are  only  eighteen  inches  thick 
and  are  sadly  dilapidated  from  age,  only  twelve  feet  marking 
their  highest  point  of  present  elevation.  Still,  there  is  a  deeper 
mystery  about  this  antiquated  ruin,  for  beneath  the  walls  now 
standing,  others  are  found  of  a  more  ancient  city,  whose  walls 
were  six  feet  thick,  which  perished  either  of  age  or  by  the  hand 
of  the  destroyer,  before  the  present  was  begun.  The  ascent  to 
the  ruin  is  a  winding  and  difficult  path,  guarded  with  stone 
battlements  at  different  points.  At  a  sacred  spring  near  Zuni, 
Whipple  found  vases  standing  inverted  upon  an  adobe  wall. 
"  Many  of  these  were  white,  well-proportioned,  and  of  elegant 
forms.  Upon  their  inner  and  outward  surfaces  they  were  curi- 
ously painted  to  represent  frogs,  tadpoles,  tortoises,  butterflies, 
and  rattlesnakes."  The  tufted  snakes  on  one  of  the  vases  are 
pronounced  almost  unique  in  America.2  Twelve  miles  above 
Zuni,  at  Ojo  del  Pescado,  four  or  five  ruined  towns  are  found, 
but  so  badly  decayed  as  to  furnish  little  clue  to  their  plan.  Two 
of  them,  however,  are  constructed  elliptically  around  a  spring, 
and  present  a  circumference  of  about  800  to  1000  feet.  Two- 
thirds  of  a  mile  down  the  river,  ruined  pueblos  in  a  fair  state 
of  preservation,  with  two  stories  standing,  are  described  as 
covering  an  area  of  150  by  200  yards.  At  the  time  of  Mollhau- 
sen's  visit,  the  roofs  and  fire-places  were  in  quite  good  condition.0 

1  See  Whipple,   in  Pacific  It.  R,  Report,  vol.  iii,  p.  67,  with  beautiful  full 
page  view.    Simpson's  Jour,  of  Mil.Recon.,  pp.  90-3  ;  Bancroft's  Native  Races, 
vol.  iv,  pp.  645,  667,  673. 

2  Whipple  in  Pacific  R.R.  Report,  vol.  iii,  pp.  68,  70,  66,  40-8,  views  of  old 
Zurii,  and  sacred  spring  ;    Mollhausen,  Reisen  im  die   Felsengebirge  Ji.  Am., 
torn,  ii,  pp.  196,  402  ;    Id.,  Tagebuch,  pp.  283-4,  278,  with  cut ;  Bancroft,  vol.  iv, 
pp.  645-7,  with  cut. 

8  Mollhausen's  Journey,  vol.  ii,  p.  82  :  Whipple  et  al.,  in  Pacific  R.  R.  Report, 

19 


290  RUINS  AT  OJO  DEL  PESCADO. 

A  square  estufa,  still  under  roof,  and  numerous  rock  inscrip- 
tions, were  observed.  In  this  instance  we  are  furnished  with 
abundant  evidence  that  the  destruction  of  this  people  never 
was  a  wholesale  one,  but  that  gradually  they  are  succumbing 
to  their  unpropitious  surroundings — a  land  which  is  fast  be- 
coming a  howling  wilderness,  with  its  scourging  sands  and 
roaming  savage  Bedouin — the  Apaches.  One  more  locality  in 
this  region  merits  attention.  Eighteen  miles  south-east  of 
the  sources  of  the  Zufii  Eiver,  stands  a  sandstone  rock  three 
hundred  feet  high,  which  at  a  distance  resembles  a  Moorish 
fortress.  The  Spaniards  named  it  El  Moro.  It  is  also  known  as 
"  Inscription  Kock,"  because  of  the  Spanish  and  Indian  inscrip- 
tions which  cover  its  smooth  face.  Simpson  has  copied  some  of 
them,  which  is  quite  fortunate,  since  later  explorers  have  found 
many  of  them  almost  effaced.  The  ruins  of  two  buildings  are 
found  on  the  summit,  which  is  reached  by  a  difficult  path.  .  The 
large  group  is  in -the  form  of  a  rectangle,  measuring  307  by  206 
feet.  The  walls,  faced  with  sandstone  blocks,  remain  standing  to 
the  height  of  six  and  eight  feet.  The  other  group  is  separated  from 
the  first  by  a  deep  ravine,  and  is  found  upon  the  very  brink  of 
the  outer  precipice.  A  circular  estufa  thirty-one  feet  in  diameter 
was  also  noticed.  Cedar  timbers  were  found  in  the  walls,  and 
broken  pottery  in  abundance.1  About  one  hundred  miles  in  a 
north  north-easterly  direction  from  Zufii,  in  longitude  108  °  and 
latitude  36°,  the  most  remarkable  of  the  pueblo  ruins  are  sit- 
uated. These  are  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Chaco  Kiver,  a 
tributary  of  the  Eio  San  Juan,  a  stream  the  affluents  of  which 
are  noted  for  a  greater  number  of  pueblo  and  cliff-dwellers'  ruins 
than  are  found  elsewhere.  Lieutenant  Simpson  has  described 
the  ruins  of  the  Chaco,  eleven  in  number,  occurring  within  a 
distance  of  twenty-five  miles.  The  first  of  these  met  with  in 

vol.  iii,  p.  39 ;  Simpson's  Jour.  Mil.  Recon.,  pp.  95-7 ;  Bancroft's  Native  Races, 
vol.  iv,  pp.  647-8. 

1  Simpson's  Jour.  Mil.  Recon.,  pp.  89-109,  60-1,  65-74,  100,  with  cuts,  views 
and  plans ;  Whipple,  Ewbank  and  Turner,  in  Pacific  R.  R.  Report,  vol.  iii, 
pp.  22,  52,  63-4 ;  see  also  Mollhausen's  Tagebuch  and  Journey;  Bancroft,  vol.  iv. 
pp.  645-50. 


PUEBLOS  OF  THE  CHACO  VALLEY.          291 

coming  from  the  south  is  called  at  present  (we  presume  in  the 
absence  of  the  knowledge  of  the  true  name)  the  Pueblo  Pintado. 
The  most  remarkable  feature  of  this  great  structure  is  the 
beauty  and  precision  of  the  masonry.  The  fine,  hard  gray  sand- 
stone blocks  are  quite  uniformly  three  inches  in  thickness  and 
are  laid  without  mortar,  always  breaking  joints.  The  crevices 
between  the  ends  of  the  blocks  are  filled  with  very  thin  pieces 
of  stone,  not  over  a  quarter  of  an  inch  thick.  The  walls  of  the 
pueblo  now  standing,  are  at  their  greatest  height,  thirty  feet, 
and  furnish  evidence  from  the  marks  of  the  floor-timbers  that 
the  building  was  three  stories.  The  walls  are  between  two  and 
three  feet  thick  at  the  base,  though  this  is  diminished  with  each 
succeeding  story  by  a  jog  of  a  few  inches,  upon  which  the 
flooring  timbers  rest.  These  are  from  six  to  eleven  inches  in 
diameter,  always  of  uniform  size  in  the  same  room.  On  these 
beams  small  round  sticks  are  laid  transversely,  and  these  in 
turn  covered  with  thin  cedar  strips,  lying  transversely  of  the 
round  sticks.  In  some  rooms  the  chinks  in  the  floor  were  filled 
with  small  stones  and  the  whole  covered  with  a  layer  of  mortar. 
One  room,  however,  had  a  floor  of  smooth  cedar  boards,  seven 
inches  wide  and  three-quarters  of  an  inch  thick.  The  edges  and 
ends  were  squarely  cut,  and  their  smooth  surfaces  indicate  that 
they  were  polished  by  being  rubbed  with  flat  stones.  The  size 
of  these  ruins  may  be  better  understood  when  we  state  that  five 
buildings  measured  in  circumference  respectively  872,  700, 1700, 
1300  and  1300  feet ;  while  the  number  of  rooms,  still  well-defined 
on  the  ground  floor  of  each,  is  72,  99,  112,  124  and  139.  Some 
of  these  buildings  undoubtedly  had  as  high  as  a  thousand  rooms, 
while  the  smallest  of  them  probably  contained  half  that  number. 
The  smallest  apartments  are  five  feet  square,  while  the  largest 
are  eight  by  fourteen  feet.  The  ground  plan  of  the  buildings 
of  this  valley  have  three  tiers  of  rooms,  while  one  building,  the 
Pueblo  Bonito,  has  four  tiers  of  apartments.  The  usual  form 
of  the  buildings  corresponds  to  three  sides  of  a  rectangle,  with 
the  fourth  (one  of  the  long  sides  of  the  figure)  left  unbuilt 
(except  that  in  some  cases  it  was  inclosed  by  a  semi-circular  stone 
wall),  thus  affording  a  partially  enclosed  court  of  large  dimen- 


292  PUEBLO  ARCH. 


sions.  The  exterior  walls  are  in  all  cases  perpendicular,  thus 
differing  from  the  pueblos  farther  south.  The  terracing  in  the 
Chaco  structures  is  upon  the  inside  (court  side)  of  the  buildings. 
In  some  of  the  buildings,  however,  the  angles  of  the  quad- 
rangle are  rounded,  and  in  one  instance — that  of  the  Penasco 
Blanco — the  structure  is  almost  circular.  From  the  nature  of 
the  plan  of  any  of  these  buildings  it  is  evident  that  many  of  the 
apartments  on  the  ground  floor  were  dark,  and  were  probably 
used  for  granaries  and  store-rooms.  There  are  no  doors  what- 
ever in  the  outer  walls,  and  no  windows  except  in  the  upper 
stories.  Windows  and  doors  opening  into  the  courts  are,  on  the 
contrary,  numerous  in  all  the  stories  but  the  first.  The  doors 
are  quite  small,  in  many  cases  not  exceeding  two  and  a  half  feet 
square.  The  lintels  of  the  doors  and  windows  are  in  most  cases 
stone  slabs,  but  in  some  instances  are  small  round  timbers  tied 
together  with  withes.  A  remarkable  feature  of  the  construction 
is  the  presence  of  the  Yucatan  arch  formed  of  overlapping  stones, 
illustrations  of  which  may  be  seen  in  our  next  chapter.  Dr. 
Hammond,  a  companion  of  Lieutenant  Simpson,  has  minutely 
described  a  room  of  very  perfect  finish.1  Each  edifice  was  pro- 
vided with  the  sacred  estufa,  and  some  of  the  houses  had  as 
many  as  seven,  circular  in  form,  excavated  several  feet  deep  in 
the  earth  and  enclosed  with  circular  walls.  One  in  the  Pueblo 
Bonito  was  of  remarkable  size,  having  been  sixty  feet  in  diameter, 
extending  twelve  feet  below  the  surface  and  rising  two  or  three 
stories  high.  Lieutenant  Simpson  found  in  close  proximity  to 
one  of  the  ruins  an  excavation  in  the  cliff  which  had  been 
enclosed  with  a  front  wall  of  well-laid  stone  and  mortar,  thus 
associating  one  of  the  simplest  of  the  cave-dwellings  to  which 
we  shall  refer  presently,  with  one  of  the  most  extensive  and  per- 
fect of  the  Pueblo  buildings ;  a  fact  of  no  little  value  in  identi- 
fying the  architects  of  both  as  one  and  the  same.2  This  intro- 

1  In  Simpson's  Jour.  Mil.  Recon.,  pp.  131-3,  and  copied  in  a  note  l>y  Ban- 
croft, vol.  iv,  p.  657. 

2  See  on  Chaco  ruins,  Simpson's  Jour.  Mil.  Recon.,  pp.  34-43, 131-3.  Dome- 
nech's  Deserts,  vol.  i,  pp.  199-200,  379-81,  385.    Baldwin's  Anc.  Am.,  pp.  80-9, 
cut.     The  best  description  except  Simpson's  is  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iv, 


THE   CLIFF-DWELLERS.  293 

duces  us  to  another  class  of  ruins,  which,  with  a  couple  of 
exceptions,  were  not  discovered  prior  to  the  summer  of  1874. 
We  refer  to  the  cliff-dwellings,  the  most  remarkable  habitations 
ever  occupied  by  man.  The  descriptions  of  them  seem  more 
suitable  to  form  parts  of  the  most  romantic  works  of  -fiction 
than  of  sober  and  scientific  memoirs  from  the  pens  of  govern- 
ment explorers.  One  hundred  miles  westward  from  the  ruins 
of  the  Chaco  lies  the  Chelly  Valley  or  Canon.  The  Chelly  is 
one  of  the  tributaries  of  the  Kio  San  Juan  from  the  south, 
having  its  source  in  the  Navajo  country.  The  Chelly  Canon  is 
described  as  from  one  hundred  and  fifty  to  nine  hundred  feet 
wide,  with  perpendicular  sides  between  three  hundred  and  five 
hundred  feet  high.  Simpson  in  1849  found  several  caves  built 
up  in  front  with  stone  and  mortar  in  a  side  canon.  About  four 
miles  from  its  foot  or  mouth  he  observed  on  a  shelf  fifty  feet 
high,  accessible  only  by  ladders,  a  stone  ruin,  the  plan  of  which 
resembles  that  of  the  Chaco  Valley  pueblos,  except  that'  it  was 
constructed  on  a  considerably  smaller  scale.  Three  miles  fur- 
ther up  the  canon  a  double  ruin  of  an  extraordinary  nature  was 
discovered.  At  the  base  of  the  canon  stood  an  ancient  pueblo 
in  ruins,  but  with  parts  of  the  first  and  second  stories  still  erect. 
Fifty  feet  in  a  perpendicular  line,  above  and  immediately  back 
of  the  first  edifice,  in  a  shelf,  or  in  the  mouth  of  a  cavern  in  the 
canon's  walls,  stood  another  building  constructed  of  sandstone 
and  mortar,  and  measuring  one  hundred  and  forty-five  by  forty- 
five  feet,  with  walls  eighteen  feet  high  still  standing.  Broken 
pottery  was  plentiful,  as  around  all  the  ruins  we  have  described. 
The  building  was  lighted  by  square  windows  and  provided  with 
a  circular  estufa.1 

The  most  surprising  results  in  all  the  history  of  archaeological 
exploration  in  this  country  were  obtained  in  September,  1874, 
by  a  party  connected  with  the  United  States  Geological  and 

pp.  .652-62,  which  we  have  found  of  valuable  assistance  in  preparing  the  above 
account. 

1  Simpson's  Jour.  Mil.  Eecon.,  pp.  74-5,  plates  53-4,  copied  by  Bancroft, 
vol.  iv,  p.  652 ;  also  ses  Domenech's  Deserts,  vol.  i,  p.  201,  and  Annual  Scienc. 
Discov.,  1850,  p.  362. 


294  CANON  OF  THE  RIO  MANGOS. 

Geographical  Survey  Corps.  This  party  was  composed  of  only 
three  persons,  Mr.  W.  H.  Jackson  and  Mr.  Ingersoll  with  their 
guide,  Captain  John  Moss,  a  resident  of  La  Plata,  who  possessed 
both  a  knowledge  of  the  country  and  an  acquaintance  with  the 
language  of  the  Indians.  In  the  south-western  corner  of  Colorado, 
the  canons  of  two  of  the  tributaries  of  the  San  Juan  were  exam- 
ined, namely,  the  valleys  of  the  Kivers  Mancos  and  McElmo.1  The 
former  stream  rises  among  the  western  foothills  of  the  Sierra  La 
Plata,  and  flows  south-westerly  through  fertile  valleys  to  a  great 
table-land  known  as  the  "  Mesa  Verde,"  thence  to  the  San  Juan 
near  the  crossing  of  the  boundary  lines  of  the  four  territories. 
In  the  upper  valley  of  the  Mancos,  between  the  mountains  and 
the  mesa,  groups  of  undistinguishable  ruins  were  discovered  in 
great  numbers.  An  examination  of  the  shapeless  heaps  revealed 
foundations  composed  of  great  square  blocks  of  adobe.  The 
great  multitude  of  these  heaps  of  masonry  overgrown  with  pines 
indicates  a  general  and  unsparing  destruction  of  the  houses  of 
the  people  who  once  inhabited  the  valley,  at  the  hands  of  their 
enemies.  The  canon  through  the  Mesa  Yerda  is  quite  uniformly 
two  hundred  yards  wide,  with  perpendicular  walls  of  grayish 
cretaceous  sandstone  ranging  from  six  hundred  to  one  thousand 
feet  in  height.  Numbers  of  the  mounds  of  ruined  adobe  were 
met  with  at  each  advance  into  the  cation,  and  upon  promontories 
jutting  out  towards  the  stream,  remains  of  stone  walls  were 
seen  as  high  as  fifty  feet  from  the  river's  bed.  Every  step  revealed 
great  quantities  of  broken  pottery,  and  with  this  statement  we 
will  let  the  subject  of  these  fragmentary  relics  of  the  by-gone 
civilization  rest  for  the  present. 

One  of  the  first  cliff  houses  discovered  by  the  explorers  is  a 
most  interesting  structure,  the  position  of  which,  over  six  hun- 
dred feet  from  the  bottom  of  the  cailon  in  a  niche  of  the  wall, 

1  W.  H.  Jackson  in  Bulletin  of  U.  8.  Geol.  and  G-eog.  Survey  of  the  Terri- 
tories, 2d  series,  No.  1,  Washington,  1875,  and  in  the  Annual  Report  of  the  same, 
Washington,  1876,  pp.  369  et  seq.  A  condensed  though  excellent  account  is 
furnished  by  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  718  et  seq.  Also  a  condensed  account  by 
Prof.  Edwin  A.  Barber  in  Congres  des  Americanistes,  Luxembourg,  1877. 
Seconde  Session,  torn,  i,  pp.  22-38.  Also  Ibid.,  The  Ancient  Pueblos,  or  Ruins 
of  the  Valley  of  the  Rio  San  Juan.  Parts  I,  II. 


CLIFF-HOUSE  OF  THE  EIO  MANGOS. 


295 


furnishes  a  significant  commentary  on  the  straits  to  which  this 
sorely-pressed  people  were  driven  by  their  enemies.  Five  hun- 
dred feet  of  the  ascent  to  this  aerial  dwelling  was  comparatively 
easy,  but  a  hundred  feet  of  almost  perpendicular  wall  confronted 
the  party,  up  which  they  could  never  have  climbed  but  for  the 
fact  that  they  found  a  series  of  steps  cut  in  the  face  of  the 
rock  leading  up  to  the  ledge  upon  which  the  house  was  built. 


CLIFF-HOUSE  IN  THE  CA^ON  OF  THE  MANGOS. 

This  ledge  was  ten  feet  wide  by  twenty  feet  in  length,  with  a 
a  vertical  space  between  it  and  the  overhanging  rock  of  fifteen 
feet.  The  house  occupied  only  half  this  space,  the  remainder 
having  been  used  as  an  esplanade,  and  once  was  inclosed  by  a 
balustrade  resting  on  abutments,  built  partly  upon  the  sloping 
face  of  the  precipice  below.  The  house  was  but  twelve  feet 
high  and  two-storied.  Though  the  walls  did  not  reach  up  to  the 
rock  above,  it  is  uncertain  whether  it  ever  had  any  other  roof. 
The  ground  plan  showed  a  front  room  of  six  by  nine  feet  in 
dimensions,  in  the  rear  of  which  were  two  smaller  rooms,  each 


296  CLIFF-HOUSE  OF  THE  RIO  MANGOS. 

measuring  five  by  seven  feet.  The  left-hand  room  projected 
along  the  cliff,  beyond  the  front  room,  in  the  form  of  an  L. 
The  rock  of  the  cliff  served  as  the  rear  wall  of  the  house.  The 
cedar  beams  upon  which  the  upper  floor  had  rested  had  nearly 
all  disappeared.  The  door  opening  on  the  esplanade  was  but 
twenty  by  thirty  inches  in  size,  while  a  window  in  the  same  story 
was  but  twelve  inches  square.  A  window  in  the  upper  story, 
which  commands  an  extended  view  down  the  canon,  corresponded 
in  dimensions  and  position  with  the  door  below.  The  lintels 
of  the  window  were  small  straight  cedar  sticks  laid  close  to- 
gether, upon  which  the  stones  rested.  Opposite  this  window 
was  another  and  smaller  one,  opening  into  a  semicircular  cistern, 
formed  by  a  wall  inclosing  the  angle  formed  by  the  side  wall  of 
the  house  against  the  rock,  and  holding  about  two  and  a  half 
hogsheads.  The  bottom  of  the  reservoir  was  reached  by  descend- 
ing on  a  series  of  cedar  pegs  about  one  foot  apart,  and  leading 
downward  from  the  window.  The  workmanship  of  the  structure 
was  of  a  superior  order  ;  the  perpendiculars  were  true  ones  and 
the  angles  carefully  squared.  The  mortar  used  was  of  a  grayish 
white  color,  very  compact  and  adhesive.  Some  little  taste  was 
evinced  by  the  occupants  of  this  human  swallow's  nest.  The 
front  rooms  were  plastered  smoothly  with  a  thin  layer  of  firm 
adobe  cement,  colored  a  deep  maroon,  while  a  white  band,  eight 
inches  wide,  had  been  painted  around  the  room  at  both  floor  and 
ceiling.  An  examination  of  the  immediate  vicinity  revealed  the 
ruins  of  half  a  dozen  similar  dwellings  in  the  ledges  of  the  cliffs, 
some  of  them  occupying  positions  the  inaccessibility  of  which 
must  ever  be  a  wonder,  when  considered  as  places  of  residence 
for  human  beings.  Half-way  down  the  canon,  one  of  Mr.  Jack- 
son's party  discovered  a  rather  remarkable  watch-tower,  which, 
because  of  the  accumulations  of  debris,  he  was  not  able  to  ac- 
curately measure,  though  approximate  figures  were  given.  Since 
his  visit,  the  tower  has  been  thoroughly  examined  by  Mr.  W.  H. 
Holmes,  to  whose  work  in  this  field  we  will  refer  on  a  future 
page.  Mr.  Holmes'  measurements  and  ground-plan  are,  there- 
fore, substituted  for  those  of  Mr.  Jackson. 

The   diameter  of  the  outer  wall   is   forty-three   feet,  that 


WATCH-TOWER  OF  THE  MANGOS.  297 

of  the  inner,  twenty-five  feet.  The  outer  wall  is  still  standing 
to  the  height  of  twelve  feet  at  one  point,  and  is  in  a  fair  state 
of  preservation,  with  a  thickness  of  twenty-one  inches,  and  has 
the  stones  dressed  to  the  curve.  The  ring-shaped  space  be- 
tween the  inner  and  outer  wall  is  estimated  to  have  contained 
ten  compartments,  two  of  which  at  present  have  complete  walls. 


GROUND   PLAN  OF  TOWER  IN  THE  MANGOS  CA^ON. 

No  door  or  window  was  observed  in  the  outer  wall,  and  it  is 
supposed  that  access  was  obtained  by  means  of  a  ladder.  Two 
nearly  rectangular  openings  were  found  connecting  the  outer 
apartments  with  the  central  part  of  the  tower,  which  no  doubt 
was  used  as  an  estufa.1  Mr.  Jackson,  after  leaving  the  tower 
which  Mr.  Holmes  has  so  fully  described  (of  which  the  above  is 
but  a  condensed  account),  saw  similar  towers  on  a  somewhat 

1  Bulletin  No.  1,  vol.  ii,  pp.  11,  12. 


298 


NEST-LIKE  DWELLINGS. 


smaller  scale.  His  next  discovery  in  the  face  of  the  vertical 
rock,  which  here  ran  up  from  the  bottom  of  the  canon  and  at  a 
height  of  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  feet,  were  a  number  of  nest- 
like  habitations,  one  of  which  is  figured  in  the  cut. 

The  cliff-house  in  this  case  was  reached  by  its  occupants 
from  the  top  of  the  canon.  The  walls  are  pronounced  as  firm  as 
the  rock  upon  which  they  were  built.  The  stones  were  very 


CLIFF-DWELLING  OF  THE  MANGOS  CANON. 

regular  in  size,  and  the  chinking-in  of  small  chips  of  stone 
rendered  the  surface  of  the  wall  remarkably  smooth  and  well 
finished.  The  dwelling  measured  fifteen  feet  in  length,  five  feet 
in  width,  and  six  feet  in  height.  A  short  distance  below  this  little 
dwelling,  five  or  six  cave-like  crevices  were  found  walled  up  in 
front  with  very  perfect  walls,  rendered  smooth  by  chinking. 
Three  miles  farther  down  the  canon,  the  party  discovered  at 
heights  ranging  from  six  hundred  and  eight  hundred  feet  above 
their  heads,  some  curious  and  unique  little  dwellings  sandwiched 
in  among  the  crevices  of  the  horizontal  strata  of  the  rock  of 


CLIFF-DWELLINGS  OF  THE  MANGOS  CANON. 


299 


CLIFF-DWELLING  OF  THE  MANGOS 
CA^ON. 


which  the  bluff  was  composed.  Access  to  the  summit  of  the 
bluff,  a  thousand  feet  high,  was  obtained  by  a  circuitous  path 
through  a  side  canon,  and  the  houses  themselves  could  only  be 
reached  at  the  utmost  peril — of  being  precipitated  to  the  bottom 
of  the  dizzy  abyss — by  crawl- 
ing along  a  ledge  twenty 
inches  wide  and  only  high 
enough  for  a  man  in  a  creep- 
ing position.  This  led  to 
the  wider  shelf  on  which  the 
houses  rested.  The  perfection 
of  the  finish  was  especially 
noticeable  in  one  of  these 


houses,  which  was  but  fifteen 
feet  long  and  seven  feet 
high,  with  a  side  wall  run- 
ning back  in  a  semicircular  sweep.  In  every  instance  the  party 
found  the  elevated  cliff-houses  situated  on  the  western  side  of 
the  canon  with  their  outlook  toward  the  east,  while  the  build- 
ings at  the  bottom  of  the  caiion  were  indiscriminately  built  on 
both  sides  of  the  river. 

A  circular  watch-tower,  which  may  be  said  to  serve  as  a  fair 
type  of  others  met  with  at  irregular  intervals,  is  shown  in  the  cut 
(p.  300).  The  tower  remained  standing  to  a  height  of  twenty  feet. 
Its  diameter  measured  twelve  feet  and  the  thickness  of  the  walls 
sixteen  inches,  the  stones  being  of  uniform  size  and  smoothly 
dressed  to  the  curve  of  the  circle.  A  rectangular  structure, 
divided  into  two  apartments,  each  about  fifteen  feet  square, 
once  joined  the  tower,  but  now  is  in  ruins,  all  but  the  founda- 
tion. It  is  supposed  that  this  edifice  was  built  over  a  large  sub- 
terranean keep  or  place  of  defence.  The  exploring  party  here 
emerged  from  the  canon,  and  could  discern,  as  they  glanced 
down  the  valley  of  the  Kio  Mancos,  which  now  turned  towards 
the  west,  mounds  of  shapeless  ruins  at  short  distances  from  one 
another  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach. 

Bearing  around  the  Mesa  to  the  west,  the  party  encamped 
upon  the  site  of  the  most  extensive  mass  of  ruins  yet  found  in 


300 


CIRCULAR  WATCH-TOWER. 


United  States  territory,  "known  as  the  Aztec  Springs/'  As 
Mr.  Jackson's  description  is  but  partial,  we  defer  the  treatment 
of  this  locality  until  we  take  up  the  explorations  of  Mr.  Holmes, 
already  mentioned.  Four  miles  distant  from  "  Aztec  Springs/' 
the  party  reached  a  river-bed,  dry  during  most  of  the  year,  and 
known  as  the  McElmo,  which,  when  it  flows  at  all,  empties  into 
the  San  Juan  farther  to  the  west.  On  the  mesa,  above  this 
river-bed,  a  tower  resembling  that  first  met  in  the  Mancos  was 


WATCH-TOWER  OF  THE  CA&ON  OF  THE  MANGOS. 

observed,  but  of  much  greater  size,  having  a  diameter  of  fifty 
feet.  Adjoining  the  tower  were  the  ruins  of  large  subdivided 
buildings  resembling  the  community  dwellings  of  the  Moquis 
and  the  old  ruins  of  the  Chaco.  This  group  of  ruins  was  very 
extensive  and  complicated,  literally  occupying  all  the  available 
space  in  the  vicinity. 

Half  a  dozen  miles  down  the  canon  of  the  McElmo,  several 
of  the  little  nest-like  dwellings  peculiar  to  the  Mancos  were  seen 
perched  forty  or  fifty  feet  above  the  valley.  A  couple  of  miles 
beyond  these,  the  tower  shown  in  the  cut  (p.  301)  was  discovered 
standing  on  the  summit  of  a  great  block  of  sandstone  forty  feet 
high,  and  detached  from  the  bluff  back  of  it. 


SQUARE  TOWER  ON  THE  McELMO. 


301 


The  building  which  surmounts  this  rocky  pedestal  is  square 
and  about  fifteen  feet  high  at  present.  Windows  open  toward 
the  north  and  east,  the  directions  from  which  the  enemies  of  this 
people,  according  to  tradition,  came  down  upon  them.  A  wall  at 
the  base  of  the  rock  is  mostly  in  ruins  and  covered  with  debris 
from  the  building  above.  Immediately  beyond  this  point  the 
boundary  line  into  Utah  was  crossed,  and  two  or  three  miles 
distant  the  party  came  upon  a  very  interesting  group,  a  historic 


SQUARE  TOWER  ON  THE  McEuvio. 

spot  in  the  career  of  this  ancient  race.  In  the  centre  of  the 
widening  valley  stands  a  solitary  butte  of  dark-red  sandstone, 
upon  a  perfectly  smooth  floor  of  the  same,  dipping  gently  towards 
the  centre  of  the  valley.  This  butte  or  cristone  is  about  one 
hundred  feet  high  and  three  hundred  feet  in  length,  of  irregular 
form.  All  around  the  rock  are  remains  of  stone  walls  which 
indicate  an  extensive  structure  and  complicated  system  of  walls 
and  towers.  At  the  back  of  the  rock  two  remains  attract 
special  attention.  One  wall  forming  the  corner  of  a  building 
near  the  base  of  the  rock,  seems  to  have  served  as  an  approach 


302 


ORIGIN  AND  FATE  OF  THE  CLIFF-DWELLERS. 


to  the  larger  house  up  in  the  side  of  the  butte.  This  structure 
is  about  eighteen  feet  in  length  and  twelve  feet  in  height,  nearly 
reaching  to  the  top  of  the  rock.  Part  of  the  walls  have  fallen, 
but  those  standing  show  a  finish  surpassing  those  of  any  struc- 
ture previously  discovered  in  the  region.  In  front  is  a  single 
aperture  eighteen  by  twenty- four  inches.  On  top  of  the  rock  are 
remains  of  masonry,  but  too  badly  ruined  to  indicate  their  original 
form.  All  the  crevices  and  irregularities  in  the  faces  of  the 


CLIFF  HOUSE  IN  THE  CANON  OF  THE  McELMo. 

butte  had  been  smoothly  walled  up  ;  it  is  supposed,  to  make 
its  ascent  impossible.  In  the  vicinity  a  tower  with  a  rounded 
corner  and  twelve  feet  in  diameter  by  twenty  feet  high  stood 
in  a  dry  creek  bed. 

We  remarked  that  this  was  a  historic  locality,  as  certainly 
it  was  if  the  legend  obtained  by  Captain  Moss  from  an  old  man 
among  the  Moquis  is  reliable.  Mr.  Ingersoll  has  rendered  it 
in  the  New  York  Tribune  for  November  3d,  1874,  as  follows  : 
"Formerly,  the  aborigines  inhabited  all  this  country  we  had  been 
over  as  far  west  as  the  head- waters  of  the  San  Juan,  as  far  north 
as  the  Rio  Dolores,  west  some  distance  into  Utah,  and  south  and 
south-west  throughout  Arizona  and  on  down  into  Mexico.  They 
had  lived  there  from  time  immemorial — since  the  earth  was  a 


THEIR  TRADITION.  3Q3 


small  island,  which  augmented  as  its  inhabitants  multiplied. 
They  cultivated  the  valley,  fashioned  whatever  utensils  and  tools 
they  needed  very  neatly  and  handsomely  out  of  clay  and  wood 
and  stone,  not  knowing  any  of  the  useful  metals  ;  built  their 
homes  and  kept  their  flocks  and  herds  in  the  fertile  river- 
bottoms,  and  worshipped  the  sun.  They  were  an  eminently 
peaceful  and  prosperous  people,  living  by  agriculture  rather  than 
by  the  chase.  About  a  thousand  years  ago,  however,  they  were 
visited  by  savage  strangers  from  the  North,  whom  they  treated 
hospitably.  Soon  these  visits  became  more  frequent  and  annoy- 
ing. Then  their  troublesome  neighbors — ancestors  of  the  present 
Utes — began  to  forage  upon  them,  and,  at  last,  to  massacre  them 
and  devastate  their  farms  ;  so,  to  save  their  lives  at  least,  they 
built  houses  high  upon  the  cliffs  where  they  could  store  food  and 
hide  away  till  the  raiders  left.  But  one  summer  the  invaders 
did  not  go  back  to  their  mountains  as  the  people  expected,  but 
brought  their  families  with  them  and  settled  down.  So,  driven 
from  their  homes  and  lands,  starving  in  their  little  niches  on  the 
high  cliffs,  they  could  only  steal  away  during  the  night,  and 
wander  across  the  cheerless  uplands.  To  one  who  has  traveled 
these  steppes,  such  a  flight  seems  terrible,  and  the  mind  hesitates 
to  picture  the  suffering  of  the  sad  fugitives.  At  the  Cristone 
they  halted  and  probably  found  friends,  for  the  rocks  and  caves 
are  full  of  the  nests  of  these  human  wrens  and  swallows.  Here 
they  collected,  erected  stone  fortifications  and  watch-towers,  dug 
reservoirs  in  the  rocks  to  hold  a  supply  of  water,  which  in  all 
cases  is  precarious  in  this  latitude,  and  once  more  stood  at  bay. 
Their  foes  came,  and  for  one  long  month  fought  and  were  beaten 
back,  and  returned  day  after  day  to  the  attack  as  merciless  and 
inevitable  as  the  tide.  Meanwhile,  the  families  of  the  defenders 
were  evacuating  and  moving  south,  and  bravely  did  their  pro- 
tectors shield  them  till  they  were  all  safely  a  hundred  miles 
away.  The  besiegers  were  beaten  back  and  went  away.  But 
the  narrative  tells  us  that  the  hollows  of  the  rocks  were  filled 
to  the  brim  with  the  mingled  blood  of  conquerors  and  conquered, 
and  red  veins  of  it  ran  down  into  the  canon.  It  was  such  a 
victory  as  they  could  not  afford  to  gain  again,  and  they  were  glad, 


304 


RUINS  OF  THE  HOVENWEEP. 


when  the  long  fight  was  over,  to  follow  their  wives  and  little 
ones  to  the  south.  There,  in  the  deserts  of  Arizona,  on  well-nigh 
unapproachable  isolated  bluffs,  they  built  new  towns,  and  their 
few  descendants,  the  Moquis,  live  in  them  to  this  day,  preserv- 
ing more  carefully  and  purely  the  history  and  veneration  of  their 
forefathers  than  their  skill  or  wisdom.  It  was  from  one  of  their 
old  men  that  this  traditional  sketch  was  obtained/'  In  a  side 
canon,  a  tower  eighteen  feet  high  was  seen  perched  on  a  huge 
block  of  sandstone  which  had  fallen  from  the  top  of  the  mesa 
and  lodged  on  a  projecting  shelf  of  rock,  midway  from  top  or 
bottom.  Eight  or  ten  miles  westward  of  the  McElmo,  Mr. 


RUINS  OF  THE  HOVENWEEP. 


Jackson  and  his  party  discovered  on  a  stream  known  as  the 
Hovenweep,  the  ruins  of  a  city.  Mr.  Jackson's  description  is  as 
follows  :  "  The  stream  referred  to  sweeps  the  foot  of  a  rocky 
sandstone  ledge,  some  forty  or  fifty  feet  in  height,  upon  which  is 
built  the  highest  and  better-preserved  portion  of  the  settlement. 
Its  semicircular  sweep  conforms  to  the  ledge,  each  little  house 
of  the  outer  circle  being  built  close  upon  its  edge.  Below  the 
level  of  these  upper  houses  some  ten  or  twelve  feet,  and  within 
the  semicircular  sweep,  are  seven  distinctly  marked  depressions, 
each  separated  from  the  other  by  rocky  debris,  the  lower  or  first 
series  probably  of  small  community  houses.  Upon  either  flank, 
and  founded  upon  rocks,  are  buildings  similar  in  size  and  in 
other  respects  to  the  large  ones  on  the  line  above.  As  paced  off, 


ADDITIONAL  EXPLORATIONS  BY  MR.   JACKSON.  305 

the  upper  or  convex  surface  measured  one  hundred  yards  in 
length.  Each  little  apartment  is  small  and  narrow,  averaging  six 
feet  in  width  and  eight  feet  in  length,  the  walls  being  eighteen 
inches  in  thickness.  The  stones  of  which  the  entire  group  is 
built  are  dressed  to  nearly  uniform  size  and  laid  in  mortar.  A 
peculiar  feature  here  is  in  the  round  corners,  one  at  least  appear- 
ing upon  nearly  every  little  house.  They  are  turned  with  consid- 
erable care  and  skill,  being  true  curves  solidly  bound  together/' 

Here  the  labors  of  Mr.  Jackson's  party  ended  for  the  year 
1874,  but  the  work  was  again  resumed  in  July  of  the  following 
year  with  even  richer  results.  Two  parties  were  put  in  the  field 
by  the  Government  Surveying  Corps,  one  headed  by  Mr.  Jack- 
son and  the  other  by  Mr.  W.  H.  Holmes,  geologists  of  the  San 
Juan  division  of  the  survey  for  1875.  I  am  indebted  to  Prof. 
Hayden,  United  States  geologist-in-charge,  for  the  memoirs  pre- 
pared by  these  gentlemen,  with  the  accompanying  illustrations.1 
The  reader  has  already  become  acquainted  with  the  general 
character  of  the  remains  of  the  cliff-dwellers,  and  it  will  not  be 
necessary  to  repeat  the  descriptions  of  buildings  or  ruins  similar 
to  those  already  described  in  these  pages.  We  shall  therefore 
cite  only  the  more  remarkable  ruins  discovered  by  the  above- 
named  explorers.  Mr.  Jackson  was  accompanied  on  his  second 
tour,  by  Mr.  E.  A.  Barber,  naturalist  and  correspondent  of  the 
New  York  Herald,  with  Harry  Lee  as  guide  and  interpreter. 
The  party  resumed  their  labors  in  the  arid,  waterless  region 
around  the  Hovenweep,  and  in  fact  the  same  barren  charac- 
teristics are  peculiar  to  the  whole  basin  of  the  San  Juan.  The 
whole  region  is  rapidly  drying  up  and  fast  becoming  a  desert. 
Down  the  canon  from  the  pueblo  of  the  Hovenweep,  broken  towers 
and  rock  shelters  were  passed  in  rapid  succession.  Seven  miles 
distant  from  their  starting-point,  they  found  on  the  western  side 
of  the  valley  three  elevated  benches  ranging  one  above  another 
in  the  face  of  a  jutting  promontory,  each  of  which  contained 

1  Published  in  Bulletin  of  the  Geological  and  Geographical  Survey  of  the 
Territories,  vol.  ii,  No.  1.  Washington,  1876.  Mr.  Bancroft's  account  in  the 
Native  Races,  necessarily  terminates  with  the  close  of  Mr.  Jackson's  labors  in 

1874. 

20 


306 


NICHE  STAIRWAY   OF   THE   HOVENWEEP. 


NICHE  STAIRWAY  OF 
THE  HO  YEN  WEEP. 

houses  (see  illustration,  page' 
307).  The  first  bench  was 
reached  by  climbing  over  a 
sloping  mass  of  debris  to  a 
height  of  one  hundred  feet 
from  the  base  of  the  cliff, 
while  the  upper  benches  were 
only  accessible  by  means  of 
a  niche  stairway  as  shown  in 
the  figure. 

Ruins  and  masses  of  char- 
coal were  found  at  the  base 
of  the  rock.  Numerous  adobe 
foundations,  probably  of  wood- 
en buildings,  always  circular 
in  form  and  ranging  from  fif- 
teen to  twenty-five  feet  in 
diameter,  were  met  with  a 
short  distance  down  the  canon. 


CLIFF-HOUSE  OF  THE  HOVENWEEP. 


307 


Near  the  junction  of  the  Hovenweep  and  McElmo  canons  an 
inscription  covers  sixty  feet  of  the  face  of  a  large  rock.  The 
figures  are  those  of  men,  goats,  lizards,  and  hieroglyphic  signs. 
As  the  party  proceeded 
in  the  canon  they  met 
rock  shelters  and  enclos- 
ures, the  latter  on  the  top 
of  the  mesa  in  which 
slabs  of  stone  three  by 
five  feet  in  size  were  set 
on  end.  Mr.  Jackson  re- 
ports that  a  party  con- 
nected with  the  survey 
corps  discovered  near  the 
head  of  the  Hovenweep, 
on  a  ledge  three  hundred 
feet  long  by  fifty  feet  wide, 
one- third  of  the  distance 
from  the  top  of  the  canon, 
some  forty  houses  crowded 
along  the  shelf  all  in  a 
row.  On  the  San  Juan 
west  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Montezuma  Canon,  upon 
a  bench  fifty  feet  high,  Mr. 
Jackson  found  a  quad- 
rangular structure  of  pe- 
culiar design,  as  shown  CLIFF-HOUSE  OF  THE  HOVENWEEP. 
in  the  cut  on  page  308. 

"  We  see  that  it  is  arranged  very  nearly  at  right  angles  to  the 
river,  its  greatest  depth  on  the  left,  where  it  runs  back  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  feet ;  the  front  sweeps  back  in  a  diagonal  line, 
so  that  the  right-hand  side  is  only  thirty-two  feet  in  depth. 
The  back  wall  is  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight  feet  long,  and  at 
right  angles  to  the  two  sides.  In  the  centre  of  the  building, 
looking  out  upon  the  river,  is  an  open  space  seventy-five  feet 
wide,  and  averaging  forty  feet  in  depth,  its  depressed  centre 


308 


RUINS  UPON  THE  SAN  JUAN. 


divided  nearly  equally  by  a  ridge  running  through  it  at  right 
angles  to  the  river.  We  judged  it  to  have  been  an  open  court, 
because  there  was  not  the  least  vestige  of  a  wall  in  front,  or  on 
the  ridge  through  the  centre,  while  upon  the  other  three  sides 
they  were  perfectly  distinct ;  although  it  is  difficult  to  explain 
why  it  should  have  been  hollowed  out  in  the  manner  shown  in 
the  plan.  Back  of  this  court  is  a  series  of  seven  apartments  of 
equal  size,  springing  in  a  perfect  arch  from  the  heavy  wall  facing 
the  court,  leaving  a  semicircular  space  in  the  centre,  forty-five 
feet  across  its  greatest  diameter.  Each  one  is  fifteen  feet  in 


RUINS  UPON  THE 

RIO  SAN  JUAN 


ff  50  ft.  in  height, 
ing  a  row  of 
small  buildings 


length,  and  the  same  in  width  across  its  centre,  the  walls  some- 
what irregular  in  thickness,  but  averaging  twenty  inches,  com- 
pact, and  well  laid.  On  the  left  are  three  rooms  extending 
across  the  whole  width  of  the  building,  each  averaging  forty-five 
by  forty  feet  square  ;  on  the  right  only  one  was  discernible. 
Back  of  the  circle,  our  impression  was  that  the  walls  diverged  in 
the  manner  shown  in  the  plan,  although  there  is  so  much  con- 
fusion resulting  from  the  heaping  up  of  the  debris  that  much 
must  be  left  to  conjecture.  There  is  also  a  slight  shadow  of 
doubt  in  regard  to  the  wall  facing  the  river  on  the  right ;  it  is 
barely  possible  that  it  extended  somewhat  farther  out,  although 


ROCK-SHELTERS   ON  THE   RIO   SAN  JUAN. 


309 


there  is  here  a  steep  inclination  to  the  brink  of  the  bluff,  and 
that  it  has  become  entirely  obliterated  by  its  foundations  giving 
way.  The  remains  of  the  wall  above,  however,  led  us  to  believe 
that  it  had  been  originally  built  in  the  way  it  is  shown  in  the 
plan.  Extreme  massiveness  is  indicated  throughout  the  whole 
structure  by  the  amount  of  debris  about  the  line  of  the  walls, 
forming  long  rounded  mounds  four  to  five  feet  high,  with  the 
stone-work  cropping  out,  twenty  to  twenty-four  inches  in  thick- 
ness." 

In  the  face  of  the  bluff 
immediately  under  this  ruin 
and  upon  a  recessed  bench 
three  hundred  feet  long  was 
a  row  of  little  rock-shelters, 
with  just  enough  room  on 
the  ledge  in  front  of  them 
to  admit  of  a  promenade  the 
entire  length  of  the  shelf. 
All  down  the  valley  of  the 
San  Juan,  rock  shelters  and 
dwellings  similar  to  the 
group  shown  in  the  cut, 
were  met  with. 

In  this  instance  the 
houses  were  situated  sixty 
feet  above  the  trail  without 


ROCK-SHELTERS  OF  THE  SAN  JUAN  CANON. 
any  visible  means  of  access. 

If  ladders  were  used,  they  were  made  of  timber  taller  than  any 
of  the  trees  now  growing  in  the  valley.  Twelve  miles  below  the 
Montezuma  the  party  discovered  really  one  of  the  most  pictur- 
esque and  wonderful  of  all  the  cliff  dwellings.  On  the  opposite 
side  of  the  river,  where  the  bluff  was  two  hundred  feet  high, 
near  the  top  of  the  cliff,  they  observed  a  deeply  receding  cave 
with  an  opening  nearly  circular  "  two  hundred  feet  in  diameter, 
divided  equally  between  the  two  kinds  of  rocks,  reaching,  within 
a  few  feet,  the  top  of  the  bluff  above  and  the  level  of  the  valley 
below.  It  runs  back  in  a  semicircular  sweep  to  a  depth  of  one 


310 


GREAT  ECHO  CAVE,  RIO  SAN  JUAN. 


hundred  feet ;  the  top  is  a  perfect  half  dome,  and  the  lower  half 
only  less  so  from  the  accumulation  of  dc-bris  and  the  thick  brushy 
foliage,  the  cool  dampness  of  its  shadowed  interior,  where  the 
sun  never  touches,  favoring  a  luxuriant  growth.  A  stratum  of 
harder  rock  across  the  central  line  of  the  cave  has  left  a  bench 
running  around  its  entire  half  circle,  upon  which  is  built  the 
row  of  buildings  which  caught  our  attention  half  a  mile  away." 


HORIZONTAL  SECTION" 
ofthe 

GREAT  ECHO  CAVE 

on  the 
.RIO  SAN  .JUAN  •Row  of  jj  jjoomg)  one  gtory  in  height,  from  4  to  10  feet  in  width,  by  130  feet. 


"It  will  be  seen  that  the  houses  occupy  the  left-hand  or 
eastern  half  of  the  cave,  for  the  reason,  probably,  that  the  ledge 
was  wider  on  that  side,  and  the  wall  back  of  it  receded  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  give  considerable  additional  room  for  the  second 
floor,  or  for  the  upper  part  of  the  one-story  rooms.  It  is  about 
fifty  feet  from  the  outer  edge  in  to  the  first  building,  a  small 
structure  sixteen  feet  long,  three  feet  wide  at  the  outer  end,  and 
four  at  the  opposite  end  ;  the  walls,  standing  only  four  feet  on 
the  highest  remaining  corner,  were  nearly  all  tumbled  in.  Then 
came  an  open  space  eleven  feet  wide  and  nine  deep,  that  served 
probably  as  a  sort  of  workshop.  Four  holes  were  drilled  into 
the  smooth  rock  floor,  about  six  feet  equiclistantly  apart,  each 
from  six  to  ten  inches  deep  and  five  in  diameter,  as  perfectly 
round  as  though  drilled  by  machinery.  We  can  reasonably 


GREAT   ECHO  CAVE. 


311 


assume  that  these  people  were  familiar  with  the  art  of  weaving, 
and  that  it  was  here  they  worked  at  the  loom,  the  drilled  holes 
supporting  its  posts.  At  b,  in  this  open  space,  are  a  number  of 
grooves  worn  into  the  rock  in  various  places,  caused  by  the 
artificers  of  the  little  town  in  shaping  and  polishing  their  stone 
implements.  The  main  building  comes  next,  occupying  the 
widest  portion  of  the  ledge,  which  gives  an  average  width  of  ten 


GREAT  ECHO  CAVE. 

feet  inside  ;  it  is  forty-eight  feet  long  outside,  and  twelve  high, 
divided  inside  into  three  rooms,  the  first  two  thirteen  and  a  half 
feet  each  in  length,  and  the  third  sixteen  feet,  divided  into  two 
stories,  the  lower  and  upper  five  feet  in  height.  The  joist  holes 
did  not  penetrate  through  the  walls,  being  inserted  about  six 
inches,  half  the  thickness.  The  beams  rested  upon  the  sloping 
back-wall.,  which  receded  far  enough  to  make  the  upper  rooms 


312  CASA  DEL   £CO. 


about  square.  Window-like  apertures  afforded  communication 
between  each  room,  all  through  the  second  story,  excepting 
that  which  opened  out  to  the  back  of  the  cave.  There  was  also 
one  window  in  each  lower  room,  about  twelve  inches  square, 
looking  out  toward  the  open  country,  and  in  the  upper  rooms 
several  small  apertures  not  more  than  three  inches  wide  were 
pierced  through  the  wall,  hardly  more  than  peep-holes.  The 
walls  of  the  large  building  continued  back  in  an  unbroken  line 
one  hundred  and  thirty  feet  farther,  with  an  average  height  of 
eight  feet,  and  divided  into  eleven  apartments,  with  communi- 
cating apertures  through  all.  The  first  room  was  nine  and  a 
half  feet  wide,  the  others  dwindling  down  gradually  to  only  four 
feet  in  width  at  the  other  extremity.  The  rooms  were  of  unequal 
length,  the  following  being  their  inside  measurements,  com- 
mencing from  the  outer  end,  viz. :  12  J,  9J,  8,  7t[,  9,  10,  8,  7,  7, 
8,  31  feet;  the  ledge  then  runs  along,  gradually  narrowing,  fifty 
feet  farther,  where  another  wall  occurs  across  it,  after  which  it 
soon  merges  into  the  smooth  wall  of  the  cave.  The  first  of  these 
rooms  had  an  aperture  leading  outward  large  enough  to  crawl 
through  ;  the  wall  around  it  had  been  broken  away  so  that  its 
exact  size  could  not  be  determined ;  all  the*  others^  of  which 
there  were  about  two  to  each  room,  were  mere  peep-holes, 
about  three  inches  in  diameter,  and  generally  pierced  through 
the  wall  at  a  downward  angle."  The  apartments  were  well 
plastered,  and  in  one  or  two  places  even  the  delicate  lines 
on  the  thumbs  and  fingers  of  the  plasterers  had  been  plainly 
retained.  At  one  point  an  entire  hand  had  left  its  impress  in 
the  cement. 

All  these  marks  indicated  that  the  hands  of  these  people 
were  much  smaller  than  those  of  the  explorers,  and  it  is  sup- 
posed that  they  were'  those  of  women  and  children.  A  circular 
hollow  place,  all  begrimed  and  blackened  by  smoke,  seemed  to 
indicate  the  locality  of  a  common  kitchen.  The  surroundings 
of  this  little  community  of  that  ancient  people  indicated  that 
they  were  well-to-do,  and  were  probably  the  lords  of  the  neighbor- 
ing country.  From  their  home  in  this  elevated  gallery,  under 


CAVE-VILLAGE  ON   THE  CHELLEY. 


313 


nature's  arching  roof  of  rock,  they  were  in  a  position  to  give 
defiance  to  their  enemies  and  enjoy  the  pursuit  of  their  pastoral 
occupations.  This  unique  residence  was  named  by  the  explorers 
the  Casa  del  Eco.  Over  the  plateau  westward,  the  remains  of 
this  ancient  people  were  numerous  and  of  the  same  general 
character  as  already  described.  The  party  after  reaching  the 
Canon  of  the  Chelley  (the  stream  flowing,  as  already  stated,  into 


CAVE-VILLAGE  IN  THE  VALLEY  OF 
THE  Rio  CHELLEY. 


the  San  Juan  from  the  south)  found  several  circular  caves  averag- 
ing about  one  hundred  feet  in  diameter  and  containing  the  ruins 
of  old  houses. 

About  five  miles  southward  from  the  San  Juan,  and  in  a 
valley  of  the  Chelley,  a  cave-village  of  considerable  extent  was 
discovered,  perched  upon  a  recessed  bench  about  seventy  feet 
above  the  valley,  and  overhung  by  a  solid  wall  of  massive 
sandstone,  extending  up  over  two  hundred  feet  farther.  Mr. 


314  CAVE-VILLAGE   ON   THE   CHELLEY. 

Jackson  describes  it  in  detail  as  follows  :  "  The  left-hand  side 
of  the  bench  supporting  the  buildings  sweeps  back  in  a  sharp 
curve  about  eighty  feet  under  the  bluff,  and  then  gradually 
comes  to  the  front  again  until,  on  the  extreme  right  hand,  the 
buildings  are  built  upon  a  mass  of  debris,  but  partially  pro- 
tected overhead.  The  total  length  over  the  solidly  built  por- 
tion of  the  town  is  five  hundred  and  forty-five  feet,  with  a 
greater  width  in  no  place  of  more  than  forty  feet.  There  are 
somewhere  in  the  neighborhood  of  seventy-five  rooms  upon  the 
ground-plan,  with  some  uncertainty  existing  as  to  many  of  the 
subdivisions  on  the  right ;  but  in  the  cave-built  portion  every 
apartment  was  distinctly  marked.  Midway  in  the  town  is  a 
circular  room  of  heavily  and  solidly  built  masonry,  that  was 
probably  meant  for  an  estufa  or  council-hall ;  that  is,  if  we 
can  reasonably  assume  any  similarity  in  the  methods  of  build- 
ing or  worship  to  those  of  the  pueblos  of  New  Mexico.  Start- 
ing from  this  estufa  is  a  narrow  passage  running  back  of  the 
line  of  houses  on  the  left  to  a  two-story  group,  where  it  ends 
abruptly,  further  access  being  had  through  the  back  row  of 
rooms,  or  over  the  roofs  of  the  lower  front  row,  probably  the 
latter,  for  it  is  likely  that  these  roofs  served  as  a  platform  from 
which  to  enter  the  rooms  back  of  it.  At  the  extreme  end  a 
still  higher  ledge  occurs,  with  the  overhanging  wall  coming 
down  close  over  it,  its  outer  edge  enclosed  by  a  wall,  and  a 
little  store-room  in  its  farther  corner ;  it  was  reserved,  prob- 
ably, as  an  out-door  working-room.  All  the  buildings  of  this 
half  are  of  one  story,  with  the  exception  of  one  group,  the 
residence  probably  of  the  chief  or  of  some  other  important 
family  in  the  community.  The  rooms  just  back  of  it  are  the 
store-rooms  of  the  family,  where  the  corn  and  squashes  were 
put  away  for  the  winter's  consumption.  Near  these  store-rooms, 
there  are  two  half-round  enclosures  of  stone- work,  that  are 
very  likely  the  remains  of  small  reservoirs  or  springs.  The 
rock  back  of  them  is  dug  out  beneath,  and  had,  even  in  the 
dry  season,  when  we  were  there,  a  damp  appearance,  as  though 
water  was  not  far  removed,  and  might  easily  be  coaxed  to  the 
surface.  The  front  line  of  wall  of  this  left  side  of  the  town  is 


EPSOM   CREEK   AND   THE   SAN  JUAN  VALLEYS.  315 

built  upon  a  steep  angle  of  smooth  rock,  with  the  interior  of  the 
apartments  filled  up  with  earth  so  as  to  make  their  floors  level, 
bringing  them  a  little  below  the  passage  way.  In  two  or  three 
instances  the  front  wall  has  given  way,  precipitating  all  but 
the  back  wall  to  the  bottom  of  the  cliffs.  Holes  have  been 
drilled  into  the  rock  in  a  few  places  beneath  the  walls,  evidently 
to  assist  in  retaining  them  in  their  places.  The  whole  front 
of  this  portion  of  the  town  is  without  an  aperture,  save  very 
small  windows,  and  is  perfectly  inaccessible,  both  from  the 
solidity  of  the  wall  and  the  precipitous  nature  of  the  founda- 
tion-rock beneath  it.  Admittance  was  probably  gained  from 
near  the  circular  building  in  the  centre,  by  ladders  or  any  other 
well-guarded  approach  over  the  rocks." 

Two  miles  down  the  Canon  of  the  Chelley,  below  the  mouth 
of  the  fertile  Cafion  Bonito  Chiquito,  the  house  figured  on  page 
306  was  found  with  its  niched  stairway  cut  in  the  face  of  the 
rock.  The  house  is  two-storied,  twenty  feet  in  height,  the  lower 
story  of  which  is  eighteen  by  ten  feet  square,  divided  into  two 
rooms.  A  natural  reservoir  of  water  was  found  in  the  rock  only 
twenty  rods  distant.  Eight  miles  up  the  Chelley  they  came  to 
the  cave  Pueblo,  seen  by  Simpson  and  mentioned  on  page  293. 
From  this  point  it  was  but  forty  miles  to  the  inhabited  Moquis 
town  Tegua.  The  explorers  after  visiting  that  interesting  place 
returned  northward  again  to  the  San  Juan,  reaching  Epsom  Creek, 
a  tributary  of  the  same  from  the  north,  a  short  distance  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Chelley  Cation.  Among  a  number  of  remains 
found  in  the  Canon  of  Epsom  Creek,  one  in  particular  is  of 
interest ;  this  was  the  remnant  of  a  square  tower,  of  most  per- 
fect masonry,  built  upon  a  point  of  rock  entirely  inaccessible  to 
the  explorers. 

A  few  miles  farther  up  the  Epsom  Valley,  the  ruins  of  quite 
a  town  were  discovered.  "  It  lay  upon  both  sides  of  a  small,  dry 
ravine,  some  twenty  or  thirty  rods  back  from  the  bed  of  the 
creek,  and  consisted  of  a  main  rectangular  mass  sixty  by  one 
hundred  feet,  occupying  quite  an  elevation,  dominating  all  the 
others.  Just  below  it  and  close  upon  the  edge  of  the  ravine, 
was  a  round  tower,  twenty-five  feet  in  diameter ;  and  seventy- 


316 


ELEVATED   TOWER  ON   EPSOM  CREEK. 


five  below  that,  and  also  close  to  the  ravine,  was  a  square  build- 
ing, twenty-feet  across,  nearly  obscured  by  a  thicket  of  pirlon- 
trees,  growing  about  it.  On  the  opposite  bank  were  two  small 

round  towers,  each  fifteen 
feet  in  diameter,  with  two 
oblong  structures  between, 
twelve  by  fifteen  feet  square; 
at  right  angles  to  these 
four,  which  were  arranged 
in  a  straight  line,  another 
square  building  occurred, 
the  same  size  as  the  one 
just  opposite  on  the  other 
bank."  The  surroundings 
of  this  ancient  village  are  de- 
scribed as  truly  picturesque 
arid  the  valley  fertile,  con- 
trasting considerably  with 
the  Chelley  Canon.  The 
exploring  party  followed  the 

Epsom  to  a  point  thirty  miles  above  the  San  Juan,  and  in  the 
head  canons  between  it  and  the  Montezuma  found  themselves  in 
the  midst  of  ruins  which  mark  the  former  presence  of  a  dense 
population.  No  ruins  were  found  near  the  Sierra  Abajo  nor  in 
the  great  basin  lying  between  it  and  the  Sierra  La  Sal.  In  the 
deep  canon  of  the  Montezuma  (fifteen  hundred  feet  deep),  cliff- 
dwellings  and  other  remains  were  found  in  great  numbers. 
Cave-shelters,  with  the  orifice  of  the  oval  and  circular  crevices 
in  the  rocks  walled  up  with  neat  masonry  and  accessible  by 
means  of  niche-steps  for  the  hands  and  feet,  leading  up  the 
perpendicular  cliff  fo  the  little  nest-like  houses  above,  were 
especially  numerous.  In  one  of  these  a  skeleton  was  found,  but 
examination  proved  it  to  be  that  of  a  Navajo,  and  quite  certainly 
not  that  of  one  of  the  ancient  residents.  At  different  points 
midway  down  the  canon,  narrow  promontories  jut  out  into  the 
valley  a  hundred  yards  or  more,  ranging  from  twenty  to  one 
hundred  feet  in  height.  Within  a  distance  of  sixteen  miles, 


ELEVATED  TOWER  ON  EPSOM  CREEK. 


DWELLINGS  ON   THE  MONTEZUMA. 


317 


eighteen  of  these  were  observed,  covered  with  ruins  of  massive 
stone-built  structures.  They  were  rectangular  in  form,  ranging 
from  one  hundred  by  two  hundred  feet,  down  to  thirty  by  forty 
feet  in  size.  We  cannot  devote  further  attention  to  the  vast 
number  of  ruins  found  by  Mr.  Jackson  and  party  in  the  Monte- 
zuma  Valley,  except  to  note  the  curious  little  house  shown  in 
the  cut. 

Among  a  colony  of  these  cave-dwellings,  occurring  at  the  first 
bend  of  the  West  Montezuma,  a  dozen  miles  above  its  junction 
with  the  east  fork,  this  one  commands  attention  as  much  for  the 
neatness  and  perfection  of 
its  masonry  as  for  the  snug 
little  cave  in  which  its 
architect  lodged  it.  A  block 
of  sandstone  resting  on  the 
edge  of  the  mesa  bench  fifty 
feet  above  the  valley,  had  a 
deep  oval  hole  worn  in  it  by 
the  winds  and  sands.  This 
was  occupied  by  the  little 
house,  ten  feet  long,  six  feet 
high  and  five  feet  deep ;  a 
space,  however,  was  reserved 
at  one  end  to  serve  as  a 
platform  from  which  to 
enter. 

In  addition  to  the  ex- 
plorations of  Mr.  Jackson 
and  party,  Mr.  W.  H. 
Holmes  of  the  Geological  CAVE-DWELLING^NJHE  MONTEZUMA 

and    Geographical    Survey, 

was  also  assigned  the  duty  of  examining  ancient  remains  in  the 

valley  of  the  Upper  San  Juan,  during  the  summer  of  1875.1 


1  See  A  Notice  of  the  Ancient  Ruins  of  South-western  Colorado,  examined 
during  the  summer  of  1875,  "by  W.  H.  Holmes,  in  Bulletin  of  the  Geological  and 
Geographical  Survey  of  the  Territories,  vol.  ii,  No.  1.  Washington,  1876. 


318  EXPLORATIONS  BY  MR.  HOLMES. 

Mr.  Holmes  and  party  examined  an  area  of  nearly  six  thousand 
square  miles,  chiefly  in  Colorado  on  the  San  Juan  and  its  tribu- 
taries. Most  of  the  ruins  met  with  were  of  the  same  general 
character  and  description  as  those  examined  by  Mr.  Jackson,  and 
to  repeat  in  detail  the  majority  of  descriptions  contained  in  Mr. 
Holmes'  memoir,  would  be  to  weary  the  reader  with  repetitions 
without  affording  additional  advantage.  However,  a  few  remark- 
able ruins  described  by  Mr.  Holmes  command  our  attention. 
The  first  of  these  which  may  be  pronounced  unique  in  this 
section  of  the  country,  and  quite  unlike  anything  met  with  thus 
far  in  the  exploration,  is  situated  on  the  Kio  La  Plata,  about 
twenty-five  miles  above  its  junction  with  the  San  Juan.  The 
remains  of  an  extensive  village  with  structures  of  various  forms, 
are  scattered  upon  a  terrace  some  twenty  feet  above  the  river- 
bed. The  distribution  of  the  works  viewed  in  connection  with 
plans  upon  which  they  were  constructed  are  suggestive  of  the 
remains  of  the  mound-builders  of  the  Ohio  valley.  The  forms 
are  chiefly  rectangular  and  circular,  one  or  two  seem  to  have 
been  elliptical  while  a  number  have  consisted  of  irregular  groups 
of  apartments.  All  now  lie  in  ruins  with  their  outlines  marked 
by  ridges  of  debris  composed  of  earth,  water-worn  pebbles,  and 
small  fragments  of  sandstone.  The  walls  of  the  main  structure 
are  still  prominently  defined,  while  those  of  a  circular  enclosure, 
used  probably  as  an  estufa,  are  standing  to  the  height  of  four 
feet.  Three  hundred  feet  directly  north  of  this  enclosure  is  a 
truncated  rectangular  mound  nine  feet  high,  measuring  fifty 
by  eighty  feet.  In  one  of  the  angles  of  the  east  end  are  the 
remains  of  what  may  have  been  a  tower  rising  above  the  plat- 
form of  the  mound.  One  hundred  feet  north  of  this  mound  is  a 
rectangular  enclosure  measuring  sixty  by  one  hundred  feet.  Its 
wall  ranges  from  four  to  six  feet  in  height.  The  ruins  of  a  wall 
extending  between  the  mound  and  the  enclosure,  indicate  that 
they  were  once  connected.  A  system  of  works  joined  these  to  a 
range  of  low  hills,  lying  to  the  north.  Southward  from  the 
large  central  circle  are  earthworks  and  ruins  covering  an  area 
of  fifteen  thousand  square  feet.  A  large  number  of  small  circles 
and  mounds  occupy  the  southern  extremity  of  the  terrace.  It 


CAVE-SHELTERS  AND  TOWERS   OF  THE   SAN  JUAN.       319 

is  impossible  to  account  for  the  sudden  change  in  the  plan  of 
works  so  contiguous  to  those  of  a  well-marked  pueblo  origin. 
On  the  San  Juan  Kiver,  thirty-five  miles  below  the  mouth  of 
the  La  Plata  and  ten  miles  above  the  Mancos,  Mr.  Holmes  ob- 
served an  interesting  combination  of  cave-shelters  and  towers 
united  in  a  system  for  giving  signals  upon  the  approach  of  the 
enemy.  In  the  face  of  a  vertical  bluff  thirty-five  feet  high  and 
about  half  way  from  the  trail  below,  caves  had  been  quarried  or 
weathered  in  considerable  numbers  in  the  shales  which  consti- 
tute one  of  the  strata  in  the  bluff.  A  hard  platform  of  rock 
formed  the  floor,  and  afforded  sufficient  protection  for  a  narrow 
platform  in  front  of  these  openings.  Immediately  above  these 
caves  upon  the  summit  of  the  bluffs,  a  system  of  ruined  circular 
towers,  enclosed  by  semicircular  walls  with  the  open  side  of  the 
semicircle  facing  the  precipice,  was  observed.  The  caves  were 
accessible  from  the  valley  below  only  by  means  of  ladders,  and 
the  towers  in  turn  only  by  ladders  from  the  caves  through  the 
open  side  of  their  semicircular  enclosures.  The  walls  of  these 
enclosures  presented  no  openings  to  the  plateau  above,  and  it  is 
inferred  that  the  towers  which  they  enclosed  served  as  outlooks 
from  which  the  sentinel  could  signal  the  people  who  were 
engaged  in  tilling  the  valley  below  to  flee  to  their  cave-shelters 
at  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  and  when  too  closely  pressed  by 
an  enemy  upon  the  plateau  the  sentinel  himself  could  make  his 
retreat  by  means  of  his  ladder  to  the  caves  beneath. 

The  most  remarkable  cliff-dwellings,  discovered  by  Mr. 
Holmes,  are  shown  in  the  cut. 

These  extraordinary  fortresses,  lodged  in  caves  eight  hundred 
feet  above  the  level  of  the  valley,  are  situated  in  the  canon  of  the 
Mancos,  a  few  miles  from  its  mouth.  The  first  five  hundred  feet 
of  the  ascent  from  the  level  of  the  stream,  is  over  a  rough  cliff- 
broken  slope,  the  remainder  of  massive  sandstone,  full  of  niches 
and  caves.  The  upper  house  is  situated  in  a  deep  cavern  with 
overhanging  roof  about  one  hundred  feet  from  the  cliff's  top. 
The  front  wall  of  the  house  is  built  upon  the  very  edge  of  the 
giddy  precipice.  The  larger  house  is  lodged  in  a  niche  or  cave 
thirty  feet  below.  The  lower  house  was  easily  accessible.  The 


320 


CAVE-DWELLINGS   ON   THE  RIO  MANGOS. 


CAVE-FORTRESSES  OF  THE  Rio  MANGOS. 


wall  was  built  flush,  with  the  precipice  and  remained  standing 
to  a  height  of  fourteen  feet  at  the  highest  point,  though  other 
portions  had  crumbled  away  considerably.  The  house  occupied 
the  entire  floor  of  the  niche,  which  measures  sixty  feet  long  by 
fifteen  feet  wide.  Mr.  Holmes  described  these  structures  as  fol- 
lows ;  of  the  first  he  says  : 


322  CAVE-DWELLINGS  OF  THE   MANGOS. 

"  The  arrangement  of  the  apartments  is  quite  complicated 
and  curious,  and  will  be  more  readily  understood  by  a  refer- 
ence to  the  ground-plan  (figure  1).  The  precipice  line  or  front 
edge  of  the  niche-floor,  extends  from  a  to  b.  From  this  the 
broken  cliffs  and  slopes  reach  down  to  the  trail  and  river,  as 
shown  in  the  accompanying  profile  (figure  3).  The  line  bed 
represents  the  deepest  part  of  the  recess,  against  which  the  walls 
are  built.  To  the  right  of  5,  the  shelf  ceases,  and  the  vertical 
face  of  rock  is  unbroken.  At  the  left,  beyond  a,  the  edge  is  not 
so  abrupt,  and  the  cliffs  below  are  so  broken  that  one  can  ascend 
with  ease.  Above,  the  roof  comes  forward  and  curves  upward, 
as  seen  in  the  profile. 

"  The  most  striking  feature  of  this  structure  is  the  round- 
room,  which  occurs  about  the  middle  of  the  ruin  and  inside 
of  a  large  rectangular  apartment.  *  Its  walls 

are  not  high  and  not  entirely  regular,  and  the  inside  is  curiously 
fashioned  with  offsets  and  box-like  projections.  It  is  plastered 
smoothly,  and  bears  considerable  evidence  of  having  been  used, 
although  I  observed  no  traces  of  fire.  The  entrance  to  this 
chamber  is  rather  extraordinary,  and  further  attests  the  peculiar 
importance  attached  to  it  by  the  builders,  and  their  evident 
desire  to  secure  it  from  all  possibility  of  intrusion.  A  walled 
and  covered  passage-way,  /,  /,  of  solid  masonry,  ten  feet  of 
which  is  still  intact,  leads  from  an  outer  chamber  through  the 
small  intervening  apartments  into  the  circular  one.  It  is  possible 
that  this  originally  extended  to  the  outer  wall,  and  was  entered 
from  the  outside.  If  so,  the  person  desiring  to  visit  the  estufa 
would  have  to  enter  an  aperture  about  twenty-two  inches  high 
by  thirty  wide,  and  crawl,  in  the  most  abject  manner  possible, 
through  a  tube-like  passage-way  nearly  twenty-feet  in  length. 
My  first  impression  w'as  that  this  peculiarly-constructed  doorway 
was  a  precaution  against  enemies,  and  that  it  was  probably  the 
only  means  of  entrance  to  the  interior  of  the  house  ;  but  I  am  now 
inclined  to  think  this  hardly  probable,  and  conclude  that  it  was 
rather  designed  to  render  a  sacred  chamber  as  free  as  possible  from 
profane  intrusion.  The  apartments  £,  &,  m,  n,  do  not  require  any 
especial  description,  as  they  are  quite  plain  and  almost  empty. 


CAVE-DWELLINGS  OF  THE  MANGOS.  323 

The  partition  walls  have  never  been  built  up  to  the  ceiling 
of  the  niche,  and  the  inmates,  in  passing  from  one  apartment  to 
another,  have  climbed  over.  The  row  of  apertures  indicated  in 
the  main  front  wall  are  about  five  feet  from  the  floor,  and  were 
doubtless  entered  for  the  insertion  of  beams,  although  there  is  no 
evidence  that  a  second  floor  has  at  any  time  existed.  In  that 
part  of  the  ruin  about  the  covered  passage-way,  the  walls  are 
complicated,  and  the  plan  can  hardly  be  made  out,  while  the 
curved  wall  enclosing  the  apartment  e  is  totally  overthrown. 
*  *  The  rock-face  between  this  ruin  and  the  one 
above  is  smooth  and  vertical,  but  by  passing  along  the  ledge  a 
few  yards  to  the  left  a  sloping  face  was  found,  up  which  a  stair- 
way of  small  niches  had  been  cut ;  by  means  of  these,  an  active 
person,  unincumbered,  could  ascend  with  safety.  On  reaching 
the  top,  one  finds  himself  in  the  very  doorway  of  the  upper 
house  (a,  figure  2)  without  standing-room  outside  of  the  wall, 
and  one  can  imagine  that  an  enemy  would  stand  but  little  chance 
of  reaching  and  entering  such  a  fortress  if  defended,  even  by 
women  and  children  alone.  The  position  of  this  ruin  is  one  of 
unparalleled  security,  both  from  enemies  and  from  the  elements. 
The  almost  vertical  cliff  descends  abruptly  from  the  front  wall, 
and  the  immense  arched  roof  of  solid  stone  projects  forward 
fifteen  or  twenty  feet  beyond  the  house  (see  section,  figure  3). 
At  the  right  the  ledge  ceases,  and  at  the  left  stops  short  against 
a  massive  vertical  wall.  The  niche-stairway  affords  the  only 
possible  means  of  approach. 

"  The  house  occupies  the  entire  floor  of  the  niche,  which  is 
about  one  hundred  and  twenty  feet  long  by  ten  in  depth  at  the 
deepest  part.  The  front  wall  to  the  right  and  left  of  the  door- 
way is  quite  low,  portions  having  doubtless  fallen  off.  The 
higher  wall/gr  is  about  thirty  feet  long,  and  from  ten  to  twelve 
feet  high,  while  a  very  low  rude  wall  extends  along  the  more 
inaccessible  part  of  the  ledge,  and  terminates  at  the  extreme 
right  in  a  small  enclosure,  as  seen  in  the  plan  at  c. 

"  In  the  first  apartment  entered,  there  were  evidences  of  fire, 
the  walls  and  ceiling  being  blackened  with  smoke.  In  the 
second,  a  member  of  the  party,  by  digging  in  the  rubbish, 


324 


TRIPLE-WALLED   TOWER   ON   THE  McELMO. 


obtained  a  quantity  of  beans,  and  in  the  third  a  number  of 
grains  of  corn  ;  hence  the  names  given.  There  are  two  small 
windows  in  the  front  wall,  and  doorways  communicate  between 
rooms  separated  by  high  partitions. 

"The  walls  of  these  houses  are  built  in  the  usual  manner, 
and  average  about  a  foot  in  thickness. 

"  The  upper  house  seems  to  be  in  a  rather  unfinished  state, 
looking  as  if  stone  and  mortar  had  run  short.  And  when  one 
considers  that  these  materials  must  have  been  brought  from  far 
below  by  means  of  ropes,  or  carried  in  small  quantities  up  the 
dangerous  stairway,  the  only  wonder  is  that  it  was  ever  brought 
to  its  present  degree  of  finish." 


TRIPLE-WALLED  TOWER  ON  THE  McELMO. 


The  ruins  of  a  triple-walled  tower  with  fourteen  sectional 
apartments  between  the  outer  and  second  walls  were  examined 
near  the  McElmo.  One  of  these  sectional  apartments  was  still 
standing  to  the  height  of  twelva  feet. 

We  have  already  referred  to  the  group  of  ruins  at  Aztec 
Springs  near  the  divide  between  the  McElmo  and  the  lower 
Mancos  tributaries.  "  These  ruins,"  says  Mr.  Holmes,  "  form 
the  most  imposing  pile  of  masonry  yet  found  in  Colorado.  The 
whole  group  covers  an  area  of  about  four  hundred  and  eighty 
thousand  square  feet,  and  has  an  average  depth  of  from  three  to 
four  feet."  The  accompanying  plan,  with  the  measurements  and 


m 

riJ' 

t i« — ^; 


DDO£ 


GCDDDDDhf 
n^ 


AZ.TEC  SPRING 

SO  QTH  WEST  COLORADO 
WJI.Hdmea 


iso  by  200  ft. 


326  CLIFF-DWELLER   AND  MOQUI  POTTERY. 

dimensions  indicated  upon  it,  precludes  the  necessity  of  a  detailed 
description. 

The  walls  are  twenty-six  inches  thick,  and  in  some  cases  are 
built  double.  The  whole  resembles  in  plan  one  of  the  ruined 
pueblos  of  the  Chaco,  with  the  addition  that  it  was  designed  to 
be  an  impregnable  fortress. 

The  plate  from  Mr.  Jackson's  memoir  shows  ^  specimens  of 
pottery  collected  during  his  explorations  among  the  cliff-dwell- 
ings. The  pieces  a  and  b  are  of  modern  make,  and  were  obtained 
among  the  Moquis  of  Tegua.  The  ware  and  finish  of  both  these 
vessels  are  far  inferior  as  compared  with  the  ancient  fragments. 

We  have  quoted  on  a  previous  page  Mr.  IngersolFs  rendering 
of  the  romantic  legend  which  tells  in  few  words  the  sad  his- 
tory of  the  ancient  architects  of  these  aerial  abodes.  We  have 
observed  that,  according  to  this  account,  the  remnant  of  this 
people  who  escaped  the  destruction  visited  upon  the  cliff-dwellers 
by  the  warlike  Utes  fled  to  the  South — to  the  deserts  of  Arizona 
— and  built  the  present  Moqui  towns.  We  have  already  stated 
that  Mr.  Jackson's  party  found  it  necessary  to  travel  forty  miles 
due  southward  from  the  ruins  of  the  Chaco  Canon  in  order  to 
reach  Tegua,  the  nearest  of  the  Moqui  settlements. 

It  may  be  a  matter  of  some  interest  to  the  reader,  after 
having  studied  the  cliff  architecture,  to  be  introduced  into  one 
of  the  habitations  now  occupied  by  the  descendants  of  that 
remarkable  people.  Lieutenant  Ives,  who  visited  the  Moqui 
towns  in  1858,  has  furnished  an  interesting  account  of  their 
general  characteristics,  from  which  we  take  condensed  extracts  : 
"  As  the  sun  went  down,"  says  Lieutenant  Ives,  "  and  the  con- 
fused glare  and  mirage  disappeared,  I  discovered  with  the  spy- 
glass two  of  the  Moqui  towns  eight  or  ten  miles  distant,  upon 
the  edge  of  a  high  bluff  overhanging  the  opposite  side  of  the 
valley.  They  were  built  close  to  the  edge  of  the  precipice.  The 
outlines  of  the  closely-packed  structures  looked  in  the  distance 
like  the  towers  and  battlements  of  a  castle,  and  their  command- 
ing position  enhanced  the  picturesque  effect."  "The  face  of 
the  bluff,  on  the  summit  of  which  the  town  was  perched,  was 
cut  up  and  irregular.  We  were  led  through  a  passage  that 


CLIFF-DWELLER  AND  MOQUI  POTTERY. 


327 


wound  among  some  low  hillocks  of  sand  and  rock  that  extended 
half-way  to  the  top.  It  did  not  seem  pos- 
sible, while  ascending  through  the  sand-hills, 
that  a  spring  could  be  found  in  such  a  dry- 
looking  place ;  but  presently  a  crowd  was 
seen  collecting  upon  a  mound  before  a  small 
plateau,  in  the  centre  of  which  was  a  circular 
reservoir  fifty  feet  in  diameter,  lined  with 
masonry  and  filled  with  pure  cold  water 
The  basin  was  fed  by  a  pipe  connecting  with 
some  source  of  supply  upon  the  summit  of 
the  mesa.  Continuing  to  ascend,  we  came 
to  another  reservoir,  smaller,  but  of  more 
elaborate  construction  and  finish.  From  this 
the  guide  said  they  got  their  drinking  water, 


CLIFF  AND  MOQUI  POTTERY. 


328  INTERIOR  OF  A  MOQUI  DWELLING. 

the  other  reservoir  being  intended  for  animals.  Between  the  two 
the  face  of  the  bluff  had  been  ingeniously  converted  into  terraces. 
These  were  faced  with  neat  masonry,  and  contained  gardens,  each 
surrounded  with  a  raised  edge  so  as  to  retain  water  upon  the  sur- 
face. Pipes  from  the  reservoir  permitted  them  at  any  time  to  be 
irrigated.  Peach  trees  were  growing  upon  the  terraces  and  in 
the  hollow  below.  A  long  flight  of  stone  steps  with  sharp  turns 
that  could  be  easily  defended  was  built  into  the  face  of  the 
precipice,  and  led  from  the  upper  reservoir  to  the  foot  of  the 
town.  The  scene,  rendered  animated  by  the  throngs  of  Indians 
in  their  gayly-colored  dresses,  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  I 
had  ever  witnessed."  "  Without  giving  us  time  to  admire  the 
scene,  the  Indians  led  us  to  a  ladder  planted  against  the  centre 
of  the  front  face  of  the  pueblo.  The  town  is  nearly  square  and 
surrounded  by  a  stone  wall  fifteen  feet  high,  the  top  of  which 
forms  a  landing  extending  around  the  whole.  Flights  of  stone 
steps  led  from  the  first  to  a  second  landing,  upon  which  the 
doors  of  the  houses  open.  Mounting  the  stairway  opposite  to 
the  ladder,  the  chief  crossed  to  the  nearest  door  and  ushered  us 
into  a  low  apartment,  from  which  two  or  three  others  opened 
towards  the  interior  of  the  dwelling."  "  The  room  was  fifteen 
feet  by  ten  ;  the  walls  were  made  of  adobes  ;  the  partitions  of 
substantial  beams,  the  floor  laid  with  clay.  In  one  corner  were 
a  fireplace  and  a  chimney.  Everything  was  clean  and  tidy. 
Skins,  bows  and  arrows,  quivers,  antlers,  blankets,  articles  of 
clothing  and  ornament,  were  hanging  from  the  walls  or  arranged 
upon  shelves.  Vases,  flat  dishes,  and  gourds  filled  with  meal  or 
water,  were  standing  along  on  one  side  of  the  room.  At  the 
other  end  was  a  trough  divided  into  compartments,  in  each  of 
which  was  a  sloping  stone  slab  two  or  three  feet  square,  for 
grinding  corn  upon.  In  a  recess  of  an  inner  room  was  piled  a 
goodly  store  of  corn  in  the  ear.  I  noticed,  among  other  things, 
a  reed  musical  instrument  with  a  bell-shaped  end  like  a  clarionet 
and  a  pair  of  painted  drum-sticks  tipped  with  gaudy  feathers." 

"  We  learned  that  there  were  seven  towns  ;  that  the  name 
of  that  which  we  were  visiting  was  Mooshahneh.  A  second 
smaller  town  was  half  a  mile  distant ;  two  miles  distant  was  a 


MOQUI,  ONE  OF  THE  SEVEN  PUEBLOS. 


329 


MOQUI,    ONE   OF  THE   SEVEN    PUEBLOS. 

(From  a  photo  taken  by  the  U.  S.  exploring  party  in  1875.) 

third.  *  *  *  Five  or  six  miles  to  the  north-east  a  bluff  was 
pointed  out  as  the  location  of  three  others  ;  and  we  were  informed 
that  the  last  of  the  seven,  Gray  be,  was  still  further  distant  on 
the  trail  towards  the  great  river." 

"  Each  pueblo  is  built  around  a  rectangular  court,  in  which 
we  suppose  are  the  springs  that  furnish  the  supply  to  the  reser- 
voirs. The  exterior  walls,  which  are  of  stone,  have  no  openings, 


330  ORAYBE. 


and  would  have  to  be  scaled  or  battered  down  before  access 
could  be  gained  to  the  interior.  The  successive  stories  are  set 
back  one  behind  the  other.  The  lower  ones  are  reached  through 
trap-doors  from  the  first  landing.  The  houses  are  three  rooms 
deep,  and  open  upon  the  interior  court.  The  arrangement  is  as 
strong  and  compact  as  well  could  be  devised,  but  as  the  court  is 
common  and  the  landings  are  separated  by  no  partitions,  it 
involves  a  certain  community  of  residence/' 

In  describing  the  gardens  of  Oraybe,  distant  eight  or  nine 
miles,  he  remarks  : 

"  At  the  foot  [of  the  bluff]  was  a  reservoir  and  a  broad  road 
winding  up  the  steep  ascent.  On  either  side  the  bluffs  were  cut 
into  terraces,  and  laid  out  into  gardens  similar  to  those  seen  at 
Mooshahneh,  and  like  them  irrigated  from  an  upper  reservoir. 
The  whole  reflected  great  credit  upon  Moqui  ingenuity  and  skill 
in  the  department  of  engineering.  The  walls  of  the  terraces 
and  reservoirs  were  of  partly-dressed  stone,  well  and  strongly 
built,  and  the  irrigating  pipes  conveniently  arranged.  The  little 
gardens  were  neatly  laid  out.  *  *  *  The  walls  of  the  terraces 
and  the  gardens  themselves  are  kept  in  good  order  and  preserva- 
tion. The  stone  and  earth  for  construction  and  repairs  they 
carry  in  blankets  upon  their  shoulders  from  the  valley  below/' 1 

Mr.  Bancroft  has  furnished  the  reader  descriptions  of  several 
of  the  New  Mexican  group  of  pueblos,  which  he  has  extracted 
from  the  reports  of  various  travelers.  We  do  not  consider  it 
necessary  to  repeat  accounts  so  generally  accessible.2  The  New 
Mexican  group,  situated  on  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte  and  its 
tributaries,  is  the  most  numerous  in  inhabited  pueblos,  but  as 
they  differ  little  if  at  all  from  those  of  the  Moqui s,  further 
treatment  of  them  is  unnecessary.  The  pueblos  which  are  and 
have  been  inhabited  during  the  nineteenth  century  number  about 
twenty,  some  of  which  are  well  known  to  have  been  occupied  by 
the  ancestors  of  their  present  inhabitants  when  first  visited  by 

1  Ives'  Colorado  River  of  the   West,  pp.  119-26,  with  plates.    The  same 
extract  condensed  into  nearly  the  same  form  as  above  is  given  by  Bancroft, 
Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  667-80. 

2  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  662  et  seq ,  and  the  authors  cited  therein. 


PECOS.  331 


the  Spaniards.  The  best  specimen  of  inhabited  pueblos  is  that 
of  Taos,  situated  on  one  of  the  northern  forks  of  the  river  which 
gives  it  its  name.  There  are  two  large  houses,  each  between 
three  and  four  hundred  feet  long  by  one  hundred  and  fifty  wide, 
situated  on  opposite  sides  of  a  small  creek,  and  tradition  states 
that  formerly  they  were  connected  by  a  bridge.  They  are  five 
and  six  stories  high. 

Besides  the  inhabited  towns  there  are  a  number  now  unoccu- 
pied and  fast  going  to  decay.  The  names  of  these  are  given 
with  slight  variations  by  different  writers  ;  the  following,  how- 
ever, are  generally  agreed  upon :  Pecos,  Quivira,  Valverda,  San 
Lazaro,  San  Marcos,  San  Cristobal,  Socorro,  Senacu,  Abo, 
Quarra,  Eita,  Poblazon,  old  San  Filipe,  and  old  Zufii.1  The 
most  important  of  all  these  ruins  is  Pecos,  one  of  the  sacred 
cities  of  the  pueblos.  Here  the  everlasting  fire  dedicated  to  their 
god  Montezuma  was  kept  burning  from  time  immemorial  down 
to  the  abandonment  of  the  town,  which  occurred  some  time 
during  the  second  quarter  of  the  present  century.  The  reader 
will  remember,  however,  that  the  culture-god  of  the  Pueblos 
and  the  Aztec  monarch  are  in  no  sense  to  be  associated  with 
each  other,  since  it  is  quite  certain  that  they  were  not  con- 
founded in  the  mythology  of  the  worshippers  of  the  deity. 
Whether  the  Pueblos,  Cliff-dwellers,  etc.,  were  ever  in  any  way 
related  to  the  Aztecs  or  any  Nahua  people  is  difficult  to  deter- 
mine. Certainly  there  is  no  architectural  nor  traditional  evi- 
dence that  they  were.  When  the  Spaniards  under  Coronado 
traversed  the  region  in  1540  A.  D.,  no  reports  of  inter-com- 
munication between  the  two  peoples  seem  to  have  been  current. 
Father  Escalante,  who  in  1776  visited  many  of  the  pueblos,  and 
mentions  many  ruins  not  since  located,  as  well  as  many  inhabited 
towns  now  in  ruins,  found  nothing  to  really  substantiate  the 
"  Aztec  theory." 2  On  the  contrary,  substantial  arguments  can 

1  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  p.  663,  and  Simpson's  Journal  Mil.  Recon.,  p.  114. 

2  I  have  carefully  examined  Father  Escal ante's  Diario  in  the  MS.  copy 
deposited  in  the  Congressional  Library  at  Washington,  but  find  nothing  to 
contradict  the  opinion  of  recent  explorers.     The  reader  will  also  see  Dominguez 
and  Escalante's  Diario  y  Derrotero  Sante  Fe  d  Monterey,  1776,  in  Doc.  Hist. 
Mex.     Serie  ii,  torn.  i. 


332  MR.  BECKER  ON  THE  PUEBLOS. 

be  presented  for  the  intimate  relationship  of  the  Nahuas  and 
some  of  the  Pueblos. 

In  the  tenth  chapter  of  this  work  will  be  found  the  basis  of 
linguistic  affinities  between  the  Nahua  and  Moqui  languages, 
though  none  is  claimed  between  the  Nahua  and  New  Mexican 
Pueblos.  Mr.  Becker,  in  his  memoir  addressed  to  the  Congres 
des  Americanistes  at  Luxembourg,  refers  to  Camergo's  account 
of  the  migration  of  the  Teo-Chichimecs,  the  allies  of  the  Toltecs, 
and  to  his  statement  that  they  came  from  Amaquetepic  ("  the 
mountains  of  the  Amaques  "),  and  expresses  the  belief  that  the 
words  Amaques  and  Moquis  are  identical.  Mr.  Becker  considers 
the  "A"  prefix  of  the  former  to  be  an  abbreviation  of  the  Nahua 
"atl"  water,  and  Amaqui  would  mean  the  Maqui  or  Moqui 
living  by  the  water,  just  as  Acolhuas  means  Culhuas  near  the 
water  and  Anahuac,  the  Nahua  land  on  the  water.  The  tradition 
of  the  Moquis  distinctly  states  that  they  formerly  lived  on  the 
river  at  the  north-east  of  their  present  home.  The  reader  will 
remember  that  the  Quiches  called  the  Nahuas  Yaqui,  the  name 
of  a  river  of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora  where  marked  traces  of  the  Nahua 
language  are  found,  and  the  supposed  locality  of  the  first  Toltec 
station.  Is  it  not  possible  that  Yaqui  is  a  dialectic  modification 
of  Maqui  or  Moqui  ?  It  has  been  observed  in  the  pages  of  this 
chapter  that  in  more  than  one  instance  ruined  pueblos  were  com- 
posed of  either  red  adobe  or  had  been  painted,  a  circumstance 
which  had  won  for  them  such  a  designation  as  "Red-house" 
or  "  Pueblo-pintado,"  etc.  Furthermore,  the  red  glare  of  the 
desert  north  of  the  Moqui  settlements  has  received  the  name  of 
the  "  Painted  desert."  The  fact  that  Hue  hue  Tlapalan  signifies 
"  old  red  land "  is  suggestive  that  this  locality  may  have  been 
the  mysterious  rendezvous  of  the  Toltecs.  The  Moquis  like 
the  Nahuas  are  sun-worshippers,  though  the  ceremonial  of  both 
people  differ  considerably. 

Besides  the  mound-works  observed  on  the  upper  San  Juan  by 
Mr.  Holmes  associated  with  the  work  of  the  Cliff-dwellers,  recent 
exploration  has  shown  that  combinations  of  mound  and  pueblo 
features  of  architecture  exist  in  Utah,  Dr.  C.  C.  Parry  found  in 
a  mound  on  the  St.  Clara  Eiver  in  Southern  Utah  very  fine 


THE  CULTURE-HERO  MONTEZUMA.  333 

specimens  of  Pueblo  pottery,  and  other  articles  which  clearly 
identify  its  architects  with  the  people  of  the  cliffs  or  with  the 
village  builders  at  the  South.1  The  recent  exploration  of  several 
mounds  in  southern  Utah  by  Dr.  Edward  Palmer  fully  confirms 
this  conclusion.  In  Kane  County,  Utah,  the  same  explorer  dis- 
covered among  a  number  of  articles  of  apparent  Moqui  make 
in  a  cave-shelter,  a  shovel  of  horn  having  a  blade  fourteen  inches 
long  by  five  inches  wide.  Among  the  articles  was  a  pair  of  shoes 
made  of  the  fibre  of  the  Yucca,  which  in  style,  shape,  manner 
of  braiding,  etc.,  closely  resemble  shoes  made  of  the  leaves  of  the 
Typa  found  by  Prof.  F.  W.  Putnam  in  a  cave  in  Kentucky.2 

The  mound  examined  by  Mr.  Barrand  on  the  west  fork  of 
the  Little  Sioux  of  Dakota,  and  found  to  contain  a  large  interior 
circular  chamber,  probably  was  the  work  of  the  ancestors  of  this 
western  branch  of  the  mound-building  people.3  The  circular 
chamber  was  much  like  an  estufa. 

The  many-sided  culture-hero  of  the  Pueblos,  Montezuma, 
is  the  centre  of  a  group  of  the  most  poetic  myths  found  in 
Ancient  American  Mythology.  The  Pueblos  believed  in  a 
supreme  being,  a  good  spirit,  so  exalted  and  worthy  of  rever- 
ence that  his  name  was  considered  too  sacred  to  mention,  as, 
with  the  ancient  Hebrews,  Jehovah's  was  the  "  unmentionable 
name."  Nevertheless  Montezuma  was  the  equal  of  this  great 
spirit,  and  was  often  considered  identical  with  the  sun.  The 
variety  of  aspects  in  which  Montezuma  is  presented  to  us  is  due 
to  the  fact  that  each  tribe  of  Pueblos  had  its  particular  legends 
concerning  his  birth  and  achievements.  Many  places  in  New 
Mexico  claim  the  honor  of  his  nativity  at  a  period  long  before 
those  village  builders  were  acquainted  with  the  arts  of  archi- 
tecture, which  have  since  given  them  their  distinguishing  name. 
In  fact,  this  culture-god  was  none  other  than  the  genius  who 
introduced  the  knowledge  of  building  among  them.4  Some  tradi- 

1  Ninth  Annual  Report  of  Peabody  Museum,  p.  12.     Cambridge,  1876. 

2  Eleventh  Annual  Report  of  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  1878,  pp.  198- 
200,  267-80. 

3  Smithsonian  Report  for  1872,  pp.  413  et  seq.;  and  this  work,  chapter  I. 

4  The  facts  claimed  in  the  following  account  are  drawn  from  Bancroft's 


334  THE  CULTURE-HERO   MONTEZUMA. 

tions,  however,  make  him  the  ancestor  and  even  the  creator  of 
the  race  ;  others,  its  prophet,  leader  and  lawgiver.  Mr.  Bancroft 
says,  "  Under  restrictions,  we  may  fairly  regard  him  as  the  Mel- 
chizedek,  the  Moses,  and  the  Messiah  of  these  Puehlo-desert 
wanderers  from  an  Egypt  that  history  is  ignorant  of,  and  whose 
name  even  tradition  whispers  not.  He  taught  his  people  how 
to  build  cities  with  tall  houses,  to  construct  Estufas,  or  semi- 
sacred  sweat-houses,  and  to  kindle  and  guard  the  sacred  fire." 
It  has  been  aptly  remarked  by  Mr.  Tyler,  that  Montezuma  was 
the  great  "somebody"  of  the  tribe  to  whom  the  qualities  and 
achievements  of  every  other  were  attributed. 

Fremont  gives  an  account  of  the  birth  of  the  hero,  in  which 
his  mother  is  declared  to  have  been  a  woman  of  exquisite  beauty, 
admired  and  sought  for  by  all  men.  She  was  the  recipient  of 
rich  presents  of  corn  and  skins  from  her  admirers,  yet  she 
refused  the  hands  of  all  her  suitors.  A  famine  soon  occurred, 
and  great  distress  followed.  Now  the  fastidious  beauty  showed 
herself  to  be  a  lady  of  charitable  spirit  and  tender  heart.  She 
opened  her  granaries,  in  which  all  her  presents  had  been  stored, 
and  out  of  their  abundance  relieved  the  wants  of  the  poor.  The 
offerings  of  love  were  made  to  perform  their  mission  a  second 
time.  At  last,  when  the  pure  and  plenteous  rains  again  brought 
fertility  to  the  earth,  the  summer  shower  fell  upon  the  Pueblo 
goddess,  and  she  gave  birth  to  a  son,  the  immortal  Montezuma. 
The  intelligent  chief  of  the  Papagoes,  whose  people  occupy  the 
territory  between  the  Santa  Cruz  River  and  the  Gulf  of  California, 
related  a  legend  of  the  origin  and  offices  of  Montezuma,  which, 
while  it  surprises  the  reader  with  its  close  resemblances  to  some 
leading  points  in  the  Hebrew  and  Chaldean  genesis  and  deluge 
accounts,  still  is  conspicuous  for  its  inconsistencies,  and  in  its 
closing  statements  for  the  absence  of  any  knowledge  of  time  or 
order.1 

Native  Races,  vol.  iii.,  pp.  171-74  and  75-7.  Ward,  in  Ind.  Aff.  Report,  1864, 
pp.  192-3.  Brinton's  Myths  of  the  New  World,  p.  190.  Ten  Broeck  in  School- 
craft's  History  and  Condition  of  the  Indian  Tribes,  vol.  iv,  p.  73,  and  Tyler's 
Primitive  Culture,  vol.  ii,  p.  384. 

1  Davidson,  in  Ind.  Af.  Report,  1805,  pp.   131-3,  and  Bancroft's  Native 
Races,  vol.  iii,  pp.  75-77. 


THE  CULTURE-HERO  MONTEZUMA.  335 


In  substance  it  is  as  follows  :  The  Great  Spirit,  having 
made  all  things — sky,  earth,  and  the  living  creatures  which  in- 
habit it — descended  into  the  earth  for  the  purpose  of  creating 
man  also.  Digging  in  the  earth,  he  found  clay,  such  as  a  potter 
uses  ;  this  he  carried  back  with  him  to  his  celestial  abode,  and 
dropped  it  again  from  the  sky  into  the  pit  from  which  he  had 
dug  it.  Instantly  Montezuma,  the  genius  of  life,  sprang  from 
the  pit,  and  became  a  partner  in  the  creation  of  other  men. 
The  Apaches  were  the  next  formed,  and  were  so  wild  that  they 
severally  ran  away  as  fast  as  created.  Those  were  golden  days 
which  followed  the  birth  of  the  race  ;  the  sun  was  very  much 
nearer  the  earth  than  now,  and  his  grateful  presence  rendered 
clothing  useless.  A  common  language  between  all  men,  shared 
even  by  beasts,  was  one  of  the  strongest  possible  bonds  of  peace. 

But  at  last  this  paradisiacal  age  was  ended  by  a  great  deluge 
in  which  all  men  and  living  creatures  perished.  Only  Mon- 
tezuma and  his  friend,  the  coyote — a  prairie-wolf — escaped. 
This  wonderful  animal,  with  semi-divine  attributes,  plays  a 
remarkable  part  in  the  religion  of  many  of  the  Pacific  tribes, 
and  furnishes  us  a  parallel  in  our  Occidental  mythology  with  the 
half-human,  half-brute  combinations  of  Greco-Roman  myth- 
ology. The  coyote,  gifted  with  prophetic  powers,  had  foretold 
the  approach  of  this  great  calamity,  and  Montezuma,  heeding 
the  warning,  had  built  him  a  boat,  which  he  kept  in  readiness  on 
the  summit  of  Santa  Eosa.  His  sagacious  friend,  the  coyote, 
also  escaped  in  an  ark  made  from  a  gigantic  cane  which  grew  by 
a  river's  side  ;  having  gnawed  it  down  and  crawled  into  it,  he 
stopped  up  the  ends  with  gum,  and  escaped.  When  the  waters 
subsided,  the  two  met  again  on  dry  ground.  Montezuma  then 
employed  the  coyote  on  several  wearisome  excursions  in  order  to 
discover  the  extent  of  the  land,  which  developed  the  fact  that 
upon  the  east  and  south  and  west  the  water  yet  remained.  Only 
on  the  north  was  there  land. 

The  Great  Spirit  and  Montezuma  again  created  men  and 
animals,  and  the  former  committed  to  his  partner  in  the  work 
the  duties  of  governing  the  new  race.  These  were,  however, 
neglected  by  Montezuma,  who  became  puffed  up  with  pride,  and 


336  THE  CULTURE-HERO  MOXTEZUMA. 

permitted  all  manner  of  wickedness  to  prevail.  The  Great  Spirit 
remonstrated  with  him,  even  descending  to  the  earth  for  the 
purpose  of  moving  his  faithless  and  haughty  vicegerent  to 
restore  order,  but  with  no  avail.  Then,  returning  to  his  abode 
in  heaven,  he  pushed  the  sun  back  to  a  remote  part  of  the  sky 
as  a  punishment  on  the  race.  At  this,  Montezuma  became 
enraged,  collected  the  tribes  around  him,  and  set  about  the  con- 
struction of  a  house  which  should  reach  heaven.  The  builders 
had  already  completed  several  apartments,  lined  with  gold  and 
silver  and  precious  stones,  and  progressed  to  a  point  which 
encouraged  all  to  believe  that  their  defiant  purpose  would  be 
accomplished,  when  the  Great  Spirit  smote  it  to  the  earth  amid 
the  crash  of  his  thunder.  Here  the  account  becomes  very  con- 
fused— a  great  leap  is  made  from  Montezuma  the  culture-hero 
to  Montezuma  the  emperor,  and  the  two  become  confounded. 

The  legend  states  that  upon  the  defeat  of  his  rebellious 
scheme,  Montezuma  still  hardened  his  heart,  and  caused  the 
sacred  images  to  be  dragged  through  the  streets  for  the  derision 
of  the  villagers  ;  the  temples  were  desecrated,  and  defiance  to 
the  Supreme  declared.  As  a  punishment,  the  Great  Spirit 
caused  an  insect  to  fly  toward  the  east  to  an  unknown  land,  to 
bring  the  Spaniards,  who  utterly  destroyed  him. 

The  post-diluvian  part  of  this  story  presents  the  hero  in 
quite  another  light  than  that  generally  accepted  by  most  of  the 
Pueblo  tribes,  in  which  he  is  represented  as  having  been  the 
very  model  of  goodness  and  beneficence — the  founder  of  their 
cities,  of  which  Acoma  was  the  first  and  Pecos  the  second. 
Before  taking  his  departure  from  his  people,  he  prophesied  that 
they  should  suffer  from  drought  and  from  the  oppressions  of  a 
strange  nation,  but  promised  them  to  return  as  their  deliverer. 
He  then  planted  a  tree  upside  down,  and  bade  them  preserve  the 
sacred  fire  notwithstanding  their  misfortunes,  until  the  tree  fell, 
at  which  time  he  would  return  with  a  white  race,  who  would 
destroy  all  their  enemies  and  bring  back  the  fertile  showers. 

It  is  said  that  this  tree  fell  from  its  place  as  the  American 
army  entered  Santa  Fe,  in  1846.  In  the  cramped,  subterranean 
estufa,  the  Pueblo  fed  the  sacred  fire  burning  in  the  basin  of  a 


THE  CULTURE-HERO   MONTEZUMA.  337 

small  altar.  It  was  a  warrior's  vigil,  for  by  turns  their  heroes 
descended  into  its  suffocating  atmosphere,  thick  with  smoke,  and 
charged  with  carbonic  acid,  to  wait  often  for  two  successive  days 
and  nights  without  refreshment,  often  even  until  death  relieved 
the  guard.1 

For  generations  these  strange  architects  and  faithful  priests 
have  waited  for  the  return  of  their  god — looked  for  him  to  come 
with  the  sun,  and  descend  by  the  column  of  smoke  which  rose 
from  the  sacred  fire.  As  of  old  the  Israelitish  watcher  upon 
Mount  Seir  replied  to  the  inquiry,  "  What  of  the  night  ? " 
"  The  morning  cometh,"  so  the  Pueblo  sentinel  mounts  the 
house-top  at  Pecos,  and  gazes  wistfully  into  the  east  for  the 
golden  appearance,  for  the  rapturous  vision  of  his  redeemer,  for 
Montezuma's  return ;  and,  though  no  ray  of  light  meets  his 
watching  eye,  his  never-failing  faith,  with  cruel  deception, 
replies,  "  The  morning  cometh." 2 

1  This  feature  of  the  legend  is  beautifully  developed  by  Mr.  Bancroft. 

2  In  this  account  of  Montezuma  I  have  used,  with  few  variations,  the  same 
language  employed  by  me  in  treating  the  subject  in  an  article  entitled,  "  Culture- 
Heroes  of  the  Ancient  Americans,"  published  in  Appleton's  Journal  for  March, 
1877,  pp.  275-6. 

22 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

ANCIENT  AMERICAN  CIVILIZATION  AND  SUPPOSED  OLD  WORLD 
ANALOGIES  — ARCHITECTURE,  SCULPTURE  AND  HIERO- 
GLYPHICS. 

Analogies,  Real  and  Fancied — MAYA  ARCHITECTURE— The  American  Pyramid 
—The  Palace  of  Palenque— The  French  Roof  at  Palenque— The  Trefoil 
Arch — Yucatanic  Architecture — Uxmal — The  Casa  de  Monjas— Kabah— 
Casa  Grande  of  Zayi — QUICHE  ARCHITECTURE— Copan — Circus  of  Copan — 
Description  by  Fuentes — Utatlan — NAHUA  ARCHITECTURE — Remains  in 
Oajaca — Mitla — Grecques  at  Mitla — Remains  in  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz — 
Cholula — Pyramid  of  Xochicalco — The  Temple  of  Mexico — Teotihuacan 
— Los  Edificios  of  Quemeda — Maya  and  Nahua  Architecture  Compared — 
Old  World  Analogies — SCULPTURE — Of  the  Mounds — At  Palenque — At 
Uxmal — At  Chichen-Itza — On  the  Isla  Mujeres — Of  the  Nahuas — Ancient 
American  Art  and  its  Old  World  Analogies — Egyptian  Tau  at  Palenque — 
Serpent  Sculpture— Nahua  Symbolism  probably  Asiatic  —  HIEROGLYPHICS 
— Maya  MSS.  and  Books — Landa's  Alphabet — The  Attempts  at  the  Inter- 
pretation of  Maya  MSS.  by  Bollaert,  Charencey,  and  Rosny — Rosny's  Clas- 
sification of  the  Hieroglyphics — Hopes  that  a  Key  has  been  Discovered — 
The  Mexican  Picture-writing — Aztec  Migration  Maps. 

"TTT^ITHOUT  pretending  to  furnish  an  exhaustive  treatment 
VV  of  the  subject  proposed  for  this  chapter,  we  desire  to  make 
observations  on  some  phases  of  the  development  of  American' 
civilization  in  the  Pre-Historic  period.  One  of  the  most  natural 
fruits  of  the  study  of  the  arts  and  customs  of  any  people,  is  a 
disposition  on  the  part  of  the  investigator  to  institute  a  com- 
parison with  corresponding  features  of  civilization  in  all  parts 
of  the  world.  Unfortunately  this  disposition  has  led  many 
writers  on  America  into  wild  and  fanciful  speculations,  which 
tend  only  to  deceive  the  reader  and  add  nothing  to  true  investi- 
gation. In  a  few  instances  pronounced  old  world  analogies  have 


ANALOGIES   REAL  AND  FANCIED.  339 

been  proven  to  exist  in  ancient  American  institutions  and  arts, 
but  their  number  bears  a  small  ratio  to  the  multitude  of  fancied 
analogies  which  never  existed,  except  in  the  imaginations  of 
their  discoverers.  To  discuss  the  subject  in  hand  without  tran- 
scending the  limits  of  the  period  which  is  treated  in  previous 
chapters,  namely,  the  Primitive  period — that  which  antedates 
the  era  of  the  annals  of  those  ancient  peoples,  is  a  somewhat 
difficult  task,  since  the  question  of  dates  is  a  very  uncertain  one 
in  the  absence  of  any  sufficient  key  to  the  hieroglyphic  and 
picture  records.  The  customs  and  political  organization,  to- 
gether with  the  Aztec  civilization,  have  been  often  treated,  and 
by  none  better  than  our  own  Prescott  and  Bancroft.  The 
repetition  of  their  labors  here  would  be  highly  superfluous.  We 
shall,  however,  ask  the  attention  of  the  reader  to  some  considera- 
tions upon  the  following  divisions  of  the  subject : 

1.  ARCHITECTURE.  2.  SCULPTURE  and  HIEROGLYPHICS. 
3.  CHRONOLOGICAL  and  ASTRONOMICAL  KNOWLEDGE.  4.  KE- 
LIGIOUS  ANALOGIES. 

Architecture. — The  works  of  the  Mound-builders  and  Pueblos 
have  already  been  described  and  their  transitional  forms  or  stages 
noted.  To  seek  for  parallelisms  or  analogies  between  the  Mound- 
builders  and  the  people  of  Asia  because  mounds  are  common 
to  both  continents,  or  to  seek  to  identify  them  with  the  people 
of  Northern  Europe  because  the  shell-heaps  of  our  sea-board 
resemble  those  of  Denmark,  would  certainly  be  an  unjustifiable 
use  of  the  imagination,  in  anything  like  a  serious  discussion  of 
the  question.  We  have  no  disposition  to  speculate  on  this  sub- 
ject, since  such  speculation  cannot  furnish  any  satisfactory 
results.  Certain  resemblances  between  American  and  Hindoo- 
mounds  have  been  supposed  to  exist,  but  the  resemblance,  if  any, 
proves  nothing.1  That  more  fruitful  and  wonderful  field  of 
ancient  architecture  in  Central  America,  Yucatan  and  Mexico, 
furnishes  abundant  opportunity  for  the  discussion  of  our  subject. 
Detailed  descriptions  of  the  remains  found  in  different  localities 

1  Hindoo  Mounds,  see   Squier's  observations  on  Dr.   Westerman  in   Am. 
.  Ethnol.  Soc.    Trans.,  April,   1851 ;  and  Atwater,  in  Am.  Ethnol.  Soc.  Trans., 
vol.  i,  pp.  196-267. 


340  MAYA  ARCHITECTURE— PALENQU& 

have  been  given  by  travelers,  artists  and  authors,  the  latter 
availing  themselves  of  several  accounts  and  instituting  com- 
parisons between  the  statements  of  different  explorers.  Such 
works,  savoring  somewhat  of  the  critical,  cannot  be  under- 
rated, since  their  development  of  the  true  facts  has  contrib- 
uted largely  to  our  knowledge  of  the  subject.  It  has  been 
generally  the  rule  for  writers  to  undertake  the  description 
of  remains  in  a  particular  locality  and  treat  them  in  detail, 
thus  presenting  to  the  mind  a  pleasant  picture  of  the  whole, 
together  with  the  relation  of  parts.  This  is  certainly  a  satis- 
factory plan  to  many  readers,  but  it  seems  to  us  that  such  a 
course  is  unnecessary,  after  it  has  been  once  pursued  by  the 
explorer.  By  repetitions  nothing  is  gained,  unless  the  work  of 
classification  (by  which  certain  architectural  forms  and  methods 
are  woven  into  a  style  and  their  variations  noted)  receives  atten- 
tion. In  preceding  chapters  we  have  treated  of  the  Maya,  the 
Quiche,  and  the  Nahua  peoples,  and  in  this,  it  is  our  purpose  to 
briefly  note  the  main  features  of  their  styles  of  architecture, 
sculpture,  etc.,  as  indicated  in  the  divisions  above  laid  down. 

Maya  Architecture  furnishes  evidence  of  growth,  and  may 
be  classified  into  the  Chiapan  or  ancient  and  the  Yucatanic  or 
modified  styles.  The  Chiapan  or  ancient  style  is  exhibited  in 
the  imposing  remains  of  Palenque,  with  which  the  reader  is 
supposed  to  be  already  familiar,  from  the  descriptions  of  several 
explorers.1  Palenque  is  situated  in  the  Usumacinta  Kiver  region 
in  Chiapas,  on  a  small  stream  sometimes  called  the  Otolum,  a 
tributary  of  the  Tulija,  which  is  itself  a  branch  of  the  Usuma- 
cinta. The  ruins  are  situated  in  a  small  valley  of  the  foot-hills, 
from  which  rise  the  high  table-lands  of  the  interior.  They  are 
known  as  the  Palace,  with  a  pyramidal  base  measuring  two 
hundred  and  sixty  by  three  hundred  and  ten  feet  and  forty  feet 
high  ;  Temple  of  the  three  Tablets  ;  Temple  of  the  Beau 
Relief;  Temple  of  the  Cross,  and  Temple  of  the  Sun.  The 

1  Chief  among  whom  are  Dupaix,  in  Kingsborough's  Mexican  Antiquities; 
Waldeck  (exploration  performed  in  1832-3),  Pub.  1866  fol.;  Stevens  and  Cather- 
wood  in  1840  ;  M.  Morelet  in  1846,  and  Charney  in  1858  ;  for  best  bibliographical 
treatment,  see  Bancroft's  Native  Maces,  vol.  iv,  pp.  289-294,  note. 


THE  AMERICAN  PYRAMID. 


341 


most  conspicuous  feature  of  the  architecture  employed,  and  seen 
in  most  of  the  Central  American  structures,  is  the  massive 
pyramidal  foundation.  The  sides  of  the  pyramid  of  the  Pa- 
lenque  palace  are  faced  with  regular  blocks  of  hewn  stone,  with 
extensive  nights  of  stairs,  upon  the  east  and  north  leading  to 
its  summit.1  Mr.  Bancroft  has  analyzed  the  structure  of  the 
American  pyramid  in  a  philosophical  way,  and  no  doubt  has  in 
part  explained  its  object.  "  I  think,"  he  remarks,  "  that  per- 
haps with  a  view  to  raise  this  place  or  temple  above  the  waters 
of  the  stream,  four  thick  walls,  possibly  more,  were  built  up 
perpendicularly  from  the  ground  to  the  desired  height ;  then, 
after  the  completion  of  the  walls,  to  strengthen  them,  or  during 
the  progress  of  the  work  to  facilitate  the  raising  of  the  stones, 


MODE  OF  CONSTRUCTING  PYRAMID. 

the  interior  was  filled  with  earth,  and  the  exterior  graded  with 
the  same  material,  the  whole  being  subsequently  faced  with  hewn 
stone." 2 

In  the  above  cut  Mr.  Bancroft  illustrates  his  opinion. 
Stephens  and  Waldeck,  who  excavated  from  the  summit  down- 
wards, imply  that  the  interior  D  is  of  earth.  Twenty  years  later 
Charnay  found  a  perpendicular  wall  on  the  eastern  side,  quite 
contrary  to  the  observations  of  all  previous  travelers.  Mr.  Ban- 
croft accounts  for  this  on  the  supposition  that  the  stone  facing, 
loosened  by  the  growth  of  trees  which  covered  it,  had  fallen  from 
B  to  F,  and  that  the  earth  which  filled  the  sides  at  E  E  had 
been  washed  away  by  the  rain  and  left  the  perpendicular  wall 

1  Stephens,  vol.  ii,  p.  310;  Waldeck's  Palenque,  p.  2,  and  Brasseur  in  Ibicl, 
p.  17  ;  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  p.  300. 

2  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  300-1. 


342 


THE  PALACE  OF  PALENQUE. 


exposed  at  B.  Such  a  supposition  we  consider  to  be  perfectly 
probable  in  view  of  the  rapid  dilapidation  of  the  ruins  since 
Dupaix's  visit  in  1806.  The  ancient  model  thus  established  in 
the  construction  of  this,  perhaps  oldest  of  existing  American 
cities,  may  have  determined  the  style  of  many  similar  edifices. 
A  plan  of  the  palace  has  been  furnished  by  several  authors.1  The 
accompanying  restoration  from  Armin's  Das  Heutige  Mexiko. 


THE  PALACE  RESTORED. 

employed  by  Mr.  Bancroft,  may  serve  to  give  an  idea  of  the 
proportions  of  the  structure.  The  edifice  occupies  the  entire 
summit  platform  of  the  pyramid  except  a  narrow  passage-way 
around  the  edge,  and  measures  228  feet  by  182,  and  about  30 
feet  in  height.  The  doorways,  of  which  there  are  forty  in  the 
outer  wall,  are  wider  than  the  piers  intervening  between  them, 
and  were  constructed  originally  with  flat  wooden  lintels,  all  of 
which  have  disappeared.  The  main  architectural  features  will 


1  Waldeck's  Palenque,  pi.  vii.     See  also  Stephens,  vol.  ii,  p.  310 ;  Dupaix, 
pi.  xi. ;  Kingsborough,  vol.  iv,  pi.  xiii  ;  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  p.  307. 


ARCHITECTURAL  FEATURES  AT  PALENQUE. 


343 


be  observed  in  the  accompanying  plate  from  Waldeck.  The 
lower  right-hand  figure  shows  the  angle  of  the  foundations  of 
one  of  the  interior  buildings  and  the  manner  in  which  the  stones 
were  laid.  The  left-hand  figure  affords  a  sectional  view  of  the 
eastern  stairway  descending  from  the  principal  corridor  into  the 
grand  court.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  height  of  the  steps 


ARCHITECTURAL  FEATURES  AT  PALENQUE. 

considerably  exceeds  their  width.  Waldeck  illustrates  this  sin- 
gular disproportion  by  a  diagram  in  which  a  native  is  represented 
as  sitting  upo*n  the  stairway.  The  perpendicular  face  of  a  step 
is  shown  to  be  considerably  higher  than  the  Indian's  knee,  and 
must  have  measured  two  feet.  The  upper  left-hand  figures 
represent  the  forms  of  niches,  which  are  of  frequent  occurrence. 
The  T  shaped  niche  is  the  representative  of  a  numerous  class 
so  resembling  the  Egyptian  tau  or  cross  as  to  excite  no  little 
interest  in  its  origin.  M.  Waldeck  found  the  marks  of  lamp- 
black upon  the  tops  of  some  of  them,  and  supposes  them  to  have 


344  PALENQUE  ROOFS. 


held  torches  which  illuminated  the  corridors  ;  others,  which 
extend  through  the  walls,  may  have  served  for  the  purposes  of 
ventilation  ;  while  others  perhaps  contained  idols.1  The  right- 
hand  upper  figures  represent  the  highly  artistic  double  cornices 
employed.  Nothing  of  a  definite  nature  is  known  of  the  style  of 
roof  with  which  the  palace  was  covered,  since  every  vestige  of  it 
has  disappeared.  Castaneda  represents  it  as  sloping  and  plas- 
tered, while  Dupaix  refers  to  it  as  consisting  of  large  stone  flags, 
carefully  joined  together.2 

The  neighboring  buildings,  such  as  the  Temple  of  the  Three 
Tablets,  the  Temple  of  the  Cross,  and  the  Temple  of  the  Sun, 
each  have  well-preserved  roofs  of  masonry,  which  are  quite 
remarkable.  The  first  of  these  stands  upon  its  lofty  pyramidal 
base,  measuring  one  hundred  and  ten  feet  on  the  slope,  with 
continuous  steps  on  all  sides.  The  temple,  which  is  thirty-five 
feet  high,  is  crowned  with  a  sloping  ornamental  roof  of  great 
beauty.  Stephens  illustrated  the  temple  in  several  views,  sub- 
sequently copied  by  Bancroft.3  The  roof  is  divided  into  three 
parts  ;  the  lower  section  recedes  from  the  cornice  with  a  gentle 
slope,  and  resembles  the  corresponding  section  of  a  French  or 
Mansard  roof.  The  stucco  decorations  of  this  lower  section, 
which  is  also  painted,  add  considerably  to  the  general  effect. 
Five  solid  square  projections  with  perpendicular  faces  suggestive 
of  the  attic  windows  of  a  modern  French  roof  are  found  on  this 
section,  corresponding  to  the  several  doors  of  the  temple  imme- 
diately below.  The  second  section,  which  slopes  back  at  a  more 
acute  angle,  is  of  solid  masonry.  The  crowning  section  seems  to 
have  been  purely  ornamental,  consisting  of  a  line  of  pillars  of 
stone  and  mortar,  eighteen  inches  high  and  twelve  inches  apart, 
surmounted  by  a  layer  of  flat  stones  with  projecting  sides.  The 
Temple  of  the  Cross 'and  Temple  of  the  Sun  both  have  roof- 
structures  which  may  be  described  as  resembling  a  lattice-work 
of  stone. 

The  most  interesting  feature  of  Palenque  architecture  is 


1  Ibid.,  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  p.  312.  2  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  p.  303. 

8  Stephens,  vol.  ii,  pp.  339-43,  and  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  323-27. 


THE  PALENQUE  ARCH. 


345 


the  arch,  of  which  there  are  two  styles,  if  one  of  them  may 
be  classed  as  an  arch  at  all ;  of  this  we  have  doubts.  The 
style  to  which  we  allude  is  that  which  has  been  designated  as 
the  Yucatan  arch.  A  section  of  the  double  corridor  of  the 
palace  furnishes  an  example  as  shown  in  the  cut  from  Mr.  Ban- 
croft's work. 

This  so-called  arch  is  nothing  more  than  the  approach  of 
two  walls  toward  each  other  in  straight  lines,  nearly  forming  an 
acute  angle  at  the  top.  These  inclining  walls  are  constructed 

of  overlapping  stones,  with 
a  small  surface  of  exposed 
ceiling,  produced  by  a  lin- 
tel-like covering.  The  prin- 
cipal doorway,  which  is 
eighteen  feet  high,  is  con- 
structed in  the  form  of  a 
trefoil  arch,  while  niches 
or  depressions  of  the  same 
trefoil  form  are  ranged 
along  the  inclined  face  of 
the  gallery  on  each  side  of 
the  entrance.  This  arch 

is  suggestive  of  the  Moorish  pattern,  though  the  latter  probably 
is  the  more  modern.  The  accompanying  cut — a  photographic 
reduction  from  Waldeck — will  convey  a  clear  idea  of  its  form. 

The  tower  situated  in  the  southern  court  is  considered  by 
Waldeck  as  the  crowning  work  of  all.  The  frontispiece  is  a 
photographic  reduction  from  Waldeck' s  drawing,  and  no  doubt 
indicates  the  true  number  of  its  stories,  as  well  as  the  remarkable 
growth  of  vegetation  upon  its  roof.  The  descent  of  the  little 
roots  and  tendrils  of  the  trees  above  in  quest  of  nourishment, 
furnish  a  striking  illustration  of  the  luxuriant  vegetable  growth 
which  pervades  the  region.  The  very  air  is  laden  with  life, 
though  the  remains  of  man's  handicraft  and  power  are  but  the 
lifeless  monuments  of  his  vanished  glory.  The  gentle  evening 
breeze  which  plays  upon  the  tendrils  stretching  themselves  down 
the  tower's  wall,  produces  a  soft  melodious  sound,  resembling 


SECTION  OF  PALACE  CORRIDOR. 


346 


THE  TREFOIL  ARCH,  PALENQUE. 


that  of  the  -ZEolian  harp,  and  gives  rise  to  the  apprehension  in 
the  minds  of  the  natives  that  the  place  is  enchanted.1 


TREFOIL  ARCH,  PALENQUE. 

The  second  division  of  Maya  architecture,  namely,  the  Yuca- 
tan or  modified  style,  presents  some  variations  from  the  ancient 

1  On  the  tower,  see  Waldeck's  Palenque,  p.  iii,  pi.  xviii,  xix.  Morel et's 
Voyage,  torn,  i,  p.  266.  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  p.  315,  and  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg, 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i,  pp.  86-7. 


CASA  DEL  GOBERNADOR,    UXMAL.  347 

or  Chiapan.  Probably  the  most  remarkable  group  of  ruins  in 
that  richest  of  American  architectural  fields — Yucatan — is 
situated  at  Uxmal,  in  Lat.  20°  27'  30",  thirty-five  miles  south 
of  Merida.  The  reader  is  of  course  acquainted  with  the  detail 
of  the  survey  of  this  remarkable  city  of  antiquity  through  the 
work  of  Stephens  and  Catherwood.1  These  indefatigable  ex- 
plorers examined  about  forty  ruined  cities,  nearly  all  of  which 
were  previously  unknown  to  others  than  the  natives,  and  many 
of  them  were  unknown  at  Merida,  the  capital  of  the  country. 
While  these  travelers  are  pre-eminently  the  explorers  of  Yuca- 
tan, there  are  others  whose  services  have  been  of  great  value  in 
the  same  field.2 

Mr.  Bancroft  has  divided  the  architectural  remains  in  Yuca- 
tan into  four  groups,  classifying  them  geographically.  We 
do  not  consider  it  necessary  to  follow  such  a  course,  nor  enter 
into  the  detailed  description  of  any  group,  but  will  content 
ourselves  by  simply  noting  any  variations  from  the  Palenque 
models.  At  Uxmal  our  attention  is  at  once  arrested  by  the 
irregular  pyramidal  base  of  the  building  known  as  the  Casa 
del  Gobernador.  The  base  of  the  pyramid  is  a  figure  of  an 
irregular  rectangular  form.  The  northern  and  eastern  sides  of 
the  base  are  equal,  and  measure  about  six  hundred  feet  each  ; 
the  southern  and  western  are,  however,  irregular.  As  all  the 
angles  are  right  angles,  and  two  contiguous  sides  are  equal,  it 
will  be  understood  that  the  figure  of  the  base  would  have  been 
a  square,  but  for  the  irregularity  of  the  remaining  two  sides. 
These  irregularities  fall  within  the  figure  of  the  square.  The 
pyramid  is  terraced,  the  first  promenade  when  observed  being- 
but  three  feet  from  the  ground.  The  second  terrace  rises  from 

1  Stephens'  Incidents  of  Travel  in  Yucatan.     New  York  (1st  ed.  1843,  and 
others  subsequently). 

2  Waldeck,  Voyage  Pittoresque  et  Archeologique  dans  la  Province  d'  Yucatan, 
Paris,  1838,  large  fol.,  22  illustrations.    Norman,  Rambles  in   Yucatan,  New 
York,  1843,  8vo,  illustrated.     Baron  von  Friederichstal,  Les  Monuments  de 
I' Yucatan,  in  Nouvelles  Annales  des  Voyages,  1841,  torn,  xcii,  pp.  297,  314. 
Charnay,  Cites  et  Ruines  Americaines,  Paris,  1863,  large  folio.    Of  many  general 
notices  made  up  from  these  sources  we  consider  Bancroft's  as  the  most  critical 
and  satisfactory.     His  note  on  the  bibliography  of  the  subject  is  also  of  interest. 


348 


CASA   DEL  GOBERNADOR,   UXMAL. 


this  to  a  height  of  twenty  feet,  and  supports  a  platform  with 
sides  545  feet  in  length.  A  trifle  west  of  the  centre  of  this 
platform  rises  the  third  terrace,  nineteen  feet  high,  and  sup- 
porting the  summit  platform,  measuring  about  100  by  360  feet, 


CASA  DEL  GOBERNADOR,  UXMAL. 

with  an  elevation  above  the  ground  of  upwards  of  forty  feet.1 
The  pyramid  is  composed  of  fragments  of  limestone  thrown 
together,  but  with  the  terraces  substantially  faced  with  walls 
of  regular  and  smoothly-hewn  limestone-blocks,  laid  in  mortar 

1  We  have  followed  the  measurements  of  Stephens ;  seeming  to  us  most 
accurate.  (See  Yucatan,  vol.  i,  p.  165  et  seq.)  Norman,  Charnay  and  Waldeck 
all  differ  in  their  measurements.  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  154-5  has  given  a  good 
condensation  of  the  description. 


UXMAL  ARCHES.  349 


which  has  become  intensely  hard.  The  corners  of  the  pyramid 
differ  from  those  usually  met  with  in  that  they  are  rounded. 
The  terrace  walls  incline  slightly  toward  the  centre  of  the  pyra- 
mid. The  second  platform  was  reached  by  a  long  inclined  plain 
on  the  south  side  one  hundred  feet  wide.  A  regular  stairway 
with  thirty-five  steps,  and  one  hundred  and  thirty  feet  wide, 
furnished  the  means  of  ascent  from  the  second  platform  to  the 
summit.  The  crowning  feature  of  the  structure  is  the  Casa  del 
Gobernador,  a  characteristic  Yucatan  building,  measuring  three 
hundred  and  twenty-two  feet  long  but  only  thirty-nine  feet  wide. 
The  Casa  is  surrounded  by  a  promenade  thirty  feet  wide,  and 
in  its  interior  contains  two  parallel  rows  of  apartments  (a  plan 
of  which  is  given  by  Mr.  Stephens).1  A  sectional  view  of  the 
Casa  resembles  the  sectional  view  of  the  palace  corridors  at 
Palenque,  except  that  in  the  arches  conspicuous  in  the  latter, 
the  irregularities  produced  by  the  square  overlapping  stones 
(which  are  filled  up  to  an  even  surface  by  mortar  and  plastering), 
are  avoided  in  Yucatan,  by  the  overlapping  stones  of  the  arch 
being  dressed  carefully  to  the  angle  of  inclination  of  the  wall 
or  ceiling,  thus  presenting  a  smooth  surface.  The  roof  is  formed 
by  filling  in  the  space  between  the  tops  of  the  arches  and  between 
the  arches  and  the  outer  walls  with  stone,  up  to  the  desired 
level ;  after  which  a  perfectly  flat  covering  of  well-cut  stones 
is  laid  over  the  whole,  having  a  neat  though  small  projecting 
cornice,  as  will  be  observed  in  the  accompanying  cut  from  Ban- 
croft's work.  The  rear  wall  is  about  nine  feet  thick  and  perfectly 
solid.  The  comparative  modernness  of  the  building  may  be  real- 
ized when  we  state  that  Mr.  Stephens  found  the  top  of  each 
doorway  supported  by  a  heavy  beam  of  zapote-wood.  One  of 
these,  which  was  elaborately  and  beautifully  carved,  and  meas- 
uring ten  feet  long  and  ten  by  twenty  inches  wide,  he  brought 
to  New  York,  where,  unfortunately,  it  was  destroyed  by  fire  with 
the  remainder  of  his  collection.  It  is  presumed  that  the  zapote- 
wood  was  prized  for  its  rarity,  as  it  is  not  found  at  present 

1  Yucatan,  vol.  i,  p.  175.    Reproduced  in  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  p.  156,  and  Bald- 
win, Anc.  America,  p.  132. 


350 


SECTION   OF  CASA  DEL   GOBERNADOR. 


near  Uxmal.  Inside  of  and  above  the  doors  of  the  Casa  were 
stone  rings,  which  occur  frequently  in  Yucatanic  structures,  and 
are  supposed,  to  have  supported  curtains  for  closing  the  doorways. 
Stephens  presents  in  a  cut  (page  347)  a  view  of  the  imposing 
and  elegant  front  looking  toward  the  south.1 

Of  the  several  Uxmal  edifices,  one  especially  demands  atten- 
tion as  representing  the'  highest  state  of  ancient  architecture  and 
sculpture  in  America.  This  is  known  as  the  Casa  de  Monjas,  or 


SECTION  OF  CASA  DEL  GOBERNADOR. 

Nunnery,  and  is  situated  nearly  three  hundred  yards  north  of 
the  Casa  del  Grobernador,  on  a  pyramid  with  three  terraces,  and 
measuring  three  hundred  and  fifty  feet  square  at  its  base.  On 
the  summit  platform,  only  nineteen  feet  above  the  level  of  the 
ground,  stand  four  of  the  characteristic  Yucatan  buildings  upon 
four  sides  of  a  nearly  square  court.  The  northern  building  does 
not  stand  quite  parallel  to  the  building  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  court.  The  plan  from  Stephens  will  present  clearly  the 
arrangement  of  the  apartments,  in  which  it  will  be  observed 
that  of  the  eighty-eight  rooms  contained  in  the  Casa  de  Monjas, 
not  more  than  two  apartments  open  into  each  other,  except  in 


1   Yucatan,  vol.  i,  p.  174.     Reproduced  by  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  p.  160,  and  Bald- 
win, Anc.  America,  p.  132. 


GROUND  PLAN  OF  THE  NUNNERY. 


351 


one  instance,  which  occurs  in  the  eastern  front.1  The  court 
formed  by  these  long  narrow  edifices  measures  258  by  214  feet, 
and  according  to  M.  Waldeck  was  paved  with  43,660  blocks  of 


GROUND  PLAN  OF  THE  NUNNERY. 


stone  six  inches  square.  In  the  centre  stood  the  fragments  of  a 
rude  column  similar  to  others  observed  in  the  Casa  del  Gober- 
nador.2 

A  cut  of  one  of  the  beautifully  sculptured  facades  of  the  Casa 

1  Stephens'  Yucatan,  vol.  i,  p.  301.     Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  176-7.    Bald- 
win's Anc.  America,  p.  136. 

2  Waldeck  reports  that  a  turtle  was  sculptured  upon  each  of  the  blocks  of 
the  pavement.     See  Yoy.  Pitt.,  pi.  xii,  where  four  are  figured.     Stephens,  how- 
ever, found  no  traces  of  them.     Ses  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  p.  175. 


352  KABAH. 

de  Monjas  will  be  found  on  a  future  page.  Near  the  Casa  de 
Monjas  stands  the  pyramid  and  edifice  generally  known  as  the 
Casa  del  Adivino  or  Prophet's  house,  and  named  by  M.  Waldeck 
the  Pyramid  de  Kingsborough.  The  pyramid  rises  to  a  height  of 
80  feet  from  a  base  of  155  by  235  feet.  The  corners  are  rounded, 
and  the  sides,  which  are  carefully  faced  with  cubical  blocks  of 
stone,  rise  so  steep  that  the  ascent  and  descent  by  the  grand 
stairway  on  the  eastern  face  is  giddy  and  dangerous.  The  stair- 
way measuring  one  hundred  and  two  feet  on  the  slope  is  inclined 
at  an  angle  of  eighty  degrees.1 

About  a  dozen  miles  south-eastward  from  Uxmal  are  the 
remains  of  the  ancient  city  known  as  Kabah,  where  ruins  quite 
similar  and  nearly  as  extensive  as  those  already  described  are 
found.  However,  new  architectural  features  here  meet  the  ob- 
server. In  one  instance  the  structure  which  surmounts  a  terraced 
pyramid  is  square,  instead  of  long  and  narrow  as  at  Uxmal. 
The  inner  rooms  of  the  edifice  have  floors  two  feet  higher  than 
the  floors  of  the  outer  rooms,  and  are  entered  by  two  stone  steps. 
In  one  instance  these  were  cut  from  a  single  block  with  the  lower 
step  in  the  form  of  a  scroll.  At  Kabah  we  meet  with  an  entirely 
new  feature  in  Maya  architecture,  and  the  reader's  acquaintance 
with  the  terraced  casas,  of  the  New  Mexican  region,  will  supply 
the  lack  of  an  illustration  at  this  point.  In  the  style  of  building 
referred  to,  the  pyramid  instead  of  serving  as  a  foundation  for 
the  building,  serves  as  a  central  support  around  which  the  house 
with  its  receding  stories,  one  above  another,  is  built.  The  first 
story  of  the  building  referred  to  is  built  upon  the  ground,  with  the 
perpendicular  sides  of  a  mound  for  its  rear  wall.  Just  above,  on 
a  level  with  the  roof  of  the  first  story  on  the  platform  of  the  first 
terrace  of  the  mound,  stands  the  second  story,  with  the  roof  of  the 
first  serving  as  a  promenade  in  front  of  it,  while  the  third  story 
rests  upon  the  second  platform  of  the  mound  The  platforms  or 
roofs  of  the  first  and  second  stories  are  reached  by  means  of  a  stone 


1  Stephens'  Yucatan,  vol.  i,  p.  313.  Waldeck's  Voy.  Pitt.,  pp.  95-6,  pi.  ix, 
x,  xi.  Stephens'  Cent.  Amer.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  435  et  seq.  Charnay's  Ruines  Americ., 
pp.  70  et  seq.  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  192  et  seq. 


ELEPHANT  TRUNK."  353 


stairway  supported  upon  a  half  arch.  The  first  story  is  acces- 
sible from  the  ground  by  doorways.  The  interior  apartments 
are  constructed  on  the  model  of  the  Yucatanic  arch.  Here, 
however,  lintels  of  stone  are  met  with,  supported  in  the  centre 
by  rude  stone  columns  surmounted  by  square  capitals.  These 
buildings  are  of  large  proportions,  equalling  any  we  have  thus 
far  described.  The  decorations  of  the  edifices  were  considered 
by  Mr.  Stephens  equal  to  those  of  any  known  era,  even  when 
tried  by  the  severest  rules  of  art.1  At  Zayi,  one  of  the  finest 
illustrations  of  this  style  of  architecture  is  to  be  seen  in  what  is 
known  as  the  Casa  Grande.  The  dimensions  of  the  Casa  Grande 
are  as  follows :  lower  story,  120  by  265  feet ;  the  second  story, 
60  by  220  feet ;  and  the  third,  resting  on  the  summit  platform 
of  the  mound,  18  by  150  feet ;  a  stairway  thirty-two  feet  wide 
furnishes  a  means  of  ascent  to  the  third  story  on  the  front,  while 
a  narrow  stairway  leads  to  the  second  story  at  the  rear.  Kound 
columns  both  in  doorways  and  the  fagade  constitute  the  chief 
variation  from  the  styles  already  observed.  An  "elephant  trunk" 
ornament  protruding  from  the  cornice  (also  found  on  Casa  del 
Gobernador  and  the  Casa  de  Monjas  at  Uxmal)  is  a  marked 
feature  of  decoration.  It  is  unnecessary  for  us  to  say  that  its 
presence  has  given  rise  to  much  speculation  as  to  its  origin.  M. 
Waldeck  has  given  the  figure  the  name  which  we  have  applied 
to  it,  and  perhaps  with  some  reason.2 

At  Labna  ruins  of  a  curious  and  extraordinary  nature  exist, 
though  far  gone  in  decay.  The  accompanying  cut,  employed  in 
Stephens',  Baldwin's  and  Bancroft's  works,  will  serve  to  show 
the  extravagant  decoration  lavished  upon  the  cornices  of  the 
edifices.  At  Chichen-Itza,  the  so-called  "  Nunnery "  is  sup- 
ported by  a  solid  mass  of  masonry,  with  perpendicular  walls. 

1  Stephens'  Yucatan,  vol.  i,  p.  397,  view  of  Kabah  edifice.     See  a  sectional 
view  in  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  p.  207. 

2  D'abord  j'ai  ete  frappe  de  la  ressemblance  qu'offrent  ces  etranges  figures 
des  edifices  mayas  avec  la  tete  de  I'elephant.     Get  appendice,  place  entre  deux 
yeux  et  depassant  la  bouclie  de  presque  toute  la  longneur,  m'a  semble  ne 
pouvoir  entre  autre  chose  que  1'image  de  la  trompe  d'un  proboscidien ,  car  le 
museau  charnu  et  saillant  du  tapir  n'est  pas   de  cette  longueur. — Waldeck, 
Voy.  Pitt.,  p.  74,  pi.  xiv,  xv.    Alsp  Humboldt,  Vues,  ed.  1810,  p.  92. 

23 


354 


RUINS  AT  LABNA. 


CORNER  AT  LABNA. 


CIRCULAR  STRUCTURES  AT  MAYAPAN.  355 

The  dimensions  of  this  base  are  one  hundred  and  twelve  by 
one  hundred  arid  sixty  feet  and  forty-two  feet  high.  This  was 
crowned  by  a  building  having  two  receding  stories.  The  great 
pyramid  of  Chichen  is  celebrated  for  the  solid  stone  balustrade 
which  guards  its  northern  stairway  of  ninety  steps,  forty-four 
feet  wide.  These  balustrades  terminate  in  colossal  serpent 
heads,  ten  feet  long.1  Both  at  Chichen  and  at  Mayapan  circular 
structures  are  met  with  and  are  figured  by  Stephens.2  The 
same  author  has  described  the  rectangular  watch-towers  of 
Tuloom,  which  rise  majestically  amid  the  extensive  ruins  of  the 
ancient  city  of  the  same  name,  situated  upon  the  eastern  coast  in 
latitude  20°  10'.  At  Tuloom,  Mr.  Stephens  (its  only  describer), 
found  the  first  walled  city  in  Yucatan.  He  believes  it  to  have 
been  occupied  long  after  the  conquest,  and  probably  was  one  of 
the  cities  whose  many  towers  met  the  gaze  of  the  wondering 
Spaniards,  who  beheld  them  as  they  coasted  along  the  shore.3 

Quiche  Architecture. — The  propriety  of  classifying  the  great 
ruins  of  Honduras  and  Guatemala  as  Quiche  in  their  origin  and 
style,  may  be  questioned  by  some  of  our  readers.  It  must  be 
admitted  that  great  contrasts  in  style  are  found  in  this  region, 
which  was  occupied  by  the  powerful  kingdom  of  the  Quiches 
and  Cakchiquels,  at  the  time  of  the  conquest.  However,  it  is 
probable  that  the  ancient  Quiches  (who,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  at  an  early  day  developed  a  religion  and  literature),  were 
the  authors  of  the  more  ancient  cities,  like  Copan  and  Quirigua. 
The  Quiche- Cakchiquels  of  more  modern  times  were  quite 
another  people,  whose  institutions,  language,  and  no  doubt  their 
architecture,  had  been  largely  influenced  by  Nahua  people  from 
the  Mexican  plateau.  Utatlan,  the  magnificent  capital  of  this 
modern  and  mixed  people,  was  in  the  height  of  its  glory  just 
before  the  blighting  power  of  the  conquerors  laid  it  in  ruins. 
As  ours  is  not  an  attempt  at  the  history  of  discovery,  we  omit 
entirely  that  interesting  feature  in  the  treatment  of  antiquities, 

1  Stephens'  Yucatan,  vol.  ii,  pp.  311-17 ;  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  220-30,  with, 
plans  and  cuts  from  Stephens'  and  Baldwin's  Anc.  Amer.,  p.  140. 

2  Yucatan,  vol.  i,  pp.  130-9  ;  Baldwin,  Anc.  Amer.,  p.  129. 

3  Stephens'  Yucatan,  vol.  ii,  pp.  387  et  seq.;  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  254-9. 


356  QUICHE  ARCHITECTURE. 

and  call  attention  at  once  to  the  features  conspicuous  in  Quiche 
architecture.  The  ancient  city  known  as  Copan,  on  the  eastern 
bank  of  a  river  of  the  same  name,  in  latitude  14°  45'  and  longi- 
tude 90  °  52 '  in  Honduras,  and  four  leagues  from  the  Guatemala 
line,  is  interesting  in  furnishing  material  for  study  in  this  de- 
partment. It  is  probably  the  most  ancient  city  on  the  continent. 
Copan  no  doubt  could  successfully  contend  with  Palenque  for 
the  palm  of  antiquity.  It  is  again  to  the  indefatigable  Stephens 
and  the  skillful  Catherwood  that  we  are  most  indebted  for 
our  knowledge  of  these  ruins.1  The  period  of  the  abandon- 
ment of  Copan  is  a  question  with  reference  to  which  we  possess 
too  few  data  to  render  an  intelligent  decision  concerning  it. 
Following  the  example  of  Stephens  and  Bancroft,  we  first  intro- 
duce the  account  of  Fuentes  contained  in  Juarros.2  "  In  the 
year  1700,  the  great  circus  of  Copan  still  remained  entire. 
This  was  a  circular  space,  surrounded  by  stone  pyramids  about 

1  The  original  accounts  furnished  by  actual  explorers  of  Copan  are  as  fol- 
lows :    1st,  by  the   Licenciado   Diego   Garcia   de   Palacio,  who  prepared   an 
account  of  his  duties  and  their  performance,  for  the  king,  Felipe  II  of  Spain, 
dated  March  8,  1576,  and  preserved  in  the  Muuoz  collection  of  MSS.     The  ac- 
count has  been  published  several  times,  at  least  once  in  the  United  States,  in 
Palacio,  Carta  Dirijida  al  Rey,  Albany,  1860,  and  translated  into  English  by 
E.  G.  Squier ;    2d,  an  account   by  Fuentes  y  Guzman,  in  a  MS.  dated  1689. 
However,  so  much  as  related    to  Copan  was  published  in  1808  in  Juarros, 
Compendia  de  la  Hist,  de  la  Ciudad  de  Guatemala,  trans,  in  English  in  1823 ; 
3d,  by  Col.  Juan  Galindo,  an  officer  in  Central  American  service  (explorations 
made  in  1835),  published  communication  in  Am,  Antiq.  Soc.  Trans.,  vol.  ii, 
pp.  545-50,  and  in  Antiq.  Hex.,  torn,  i,  div.  ii,  pp.  73,  76 ;  4th,  Stephens  and 
Catherwood  in  1839,  published  in  Incidents  and  Travels  in  Central  America, 
vol.  i,  pp.  95-160.    New  York,  1841. 

The  ruins  have  been  visited  by  two  or  three  persons  since  described  by 
Stephens,  but  the  public  has  not  enjoyed  the  benefit  of  their  researches,  as  we 
believe  nothing  has  since' been  published  on  Copan.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg, 
who  visited  the  ruins  in  1863  and  1866,  testifies  to  the  perfect  accuracy  of  the 
descriptions  and  plates  in  Stephens'  and  Catherwood's  work.  A  considerable 
number  of  notices  of  Copan  have  been  made  up  by  different  writers  from  these 
sources.  The  latest  and  best  of  such  notices  is  that  by  Mr.  Bancroft,  Native 
Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  77-105,  from  whose  bibliographical  note  we  have  drawn 
somewhat  for  the  above  facts. 

2  Juarros,  Hist.  G-uat.,  pp.  56-7;  Stephens'  Central  America,  vol.  i,  p.  144, 
and  Bancroft,  Native  Maces,  vol.  iv,  pp.  82-3. 


CIRCUS  OF  COP  AN— FUEXTES'  ACCOUNT.  357 

six  yards  high  and  very  well  constructed ;  at  the  base  of  these 
pyramids  were  figures,  both  male  and  female,  of  very  excellent 
sculpture,  which  then  retained  the  colors  they  had  been  enam- 
eled with ;  and  what  was  not  less  remarkable,  the  whole  of 
them  were  habited  in  the  Castilian  costume.  In  the  middle 
of  this  area,  elevated  above  a  flight  of  steps,  was  the  place  of 
sacrifice.  The  same  author  (Fuentes)  relates  that,  a  short  dis- 
tance from  the  circus,  there  was  a  portal  constructed  of  stone, 
on  the  columns  of  which  were  the  figures  of  men,  likewise 
represented  in  Spanish  habits,  with  hose,  ruff  round  the  neck, 
sword,  cap,  and  short  cloak.  On  entering  the  gateway  there  are 
two  fine  stone  pyramids,  moderately  large  and  lofty,  from  which 
is  suspended  a  hammock  that  contains  two  human  figures,  one 
of  each  sex,  clothed  in  the  Indian  style.  Astonishment  is  forci- 
bly excited  in  viewing  this  structure,  because,  large  as  it  is,  there 
is  no  appearance  of  the  component  parts  being  joined  together  ; 
and  although  entirely  of  stone  and  of  an  enormous  weight,  it 
may  be  put  in  motion  by  the  slightest  impulse  of  the  hand.  Not 
far  from  this  hammock  is  the  cave  of  Tibulca ;  this  appears  like 
a  temple  of  great  size  hollowed  out  of  the  base  of  a  hill,  and 
adorned  with  columns  having  bases,  pedestals,  capitals  and 
crowns,  all  accurately  adjusted  according  to  architectural  prin- 
ciples ;  at  the  sides  are  numerous  windows  faced  with  stone 
exquisitely  wrought.  All  these  circumstances  lead  to  a  belief 
that  there  must  have  been  some  intercourse  between  the  in- 
habitants of  the  old  and  new  world  at  very  remote  periods/' 
The  swinging  stone  hammock  is  probably  a  work  of  the  fancy 
rather  than  that  of  the  artist's  hand,  though  the  padre  at 
Gualan  told  Stephens  that  he  had  seen  it,  and  an  Indian  remem- 
bered to  have  heard  his  grandfather  speak  of  it.  None  of  these 
remarkable  remains  have  been  identified  with  certainty,  though 
it  is  not  improbable  that  they  might  be  discovered  if  the  heavy 
growth  of  vegetation  were  removed  by  a  conflagration  and  ex- 
plorers to  extend  their  observations  farther  from  the  banks  of 
the  Rio  Copan.  According  to  Stephens'  survey,  a  wall  encloses 
a  rectangular  area  measuring  about  nine  hundred  by  sixteen 
hundred  feot.  The  principal  group  of  buildings  is  designated 


358  STEPHENS'   SURVEY. 


as  the  temple.  It  is  built  of  heavy  blocks  of  cut  stone,  with 
walls  of  about  twenty-five  feet  in  thickness,  and  when  examined 
they  were  between  sixty  and  ninety  feet  high  on  the  river's 
bank.  The  temple  measured  six  hundred  and  twenty-four  feet 
north  and  south  by  eight  hundred  and  nine  feet  east  and  west. 
The  general  feature  of  the  ruin  is  that  of  an  immense  pyramidal 
terrace,  with  a  platform  elevated  about  seventy  feet  above  the 
ground.  The  river  side  of  the  terrace  is  perpendicular,  while 
the  remaining  sides  are  sloping  ;  viewing  the  ruin  from  this 
general  platform  seventy  feet  high,  depressions  such  as  amphi- 
theatre-like courts  descend  from  it  in  some  instances  thirty  or 
forty  feet,  or  about  half  way  to  the  level  of  the  ground,  while 
above  the  level  of  the  general  platform  pyramidal  structures  rise 
to  a  considerable  height,  in  one  instance  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
two  feet.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  of  what  might  have  been 
the  nature  of  the  superstructure,  if  any  surmounted  the  general 
platform.  It  is  probable  that  for  the  purposes  of  assembly  the 
amphitheatres  with  their  sloping  sides  may  have  answered  every 
purpose,  while  the  pyramids  may  have  been  surmounted  by 
temples  now  in  ruins.  Of  the  sculptured  columns  of  this 
locality  we  will  speak  farther  on.  Utatlan,  the  former  capital 
of  the  modern  Quiche  kingdom,  would  naturally  be  selected  as 
a  point  at  which  to  seek  for  remains  of  the  newer  Quiche  styles 
of  architecture.  The  conquerors,  however,  left  little  that  can 
serve  as  the  basis  for  architectural  study.  The  city  was  sur- 
rounded by  a  deep  ravine  or  barranca,  which  can  be  crossed  at 
only  one  point,  and  there  long  lines  of  stone  fortifications  still 
guard  the  passage.  A  fortress,  called  El  Eesguardo,  is  among 
these  works.  It  rises  one  hundred  and  twenty  feet  high  in  the 
form  of  a  terraced  pyramid,  with  a  stone  wall  plastered  with 
cement  enclosing  its  summit  platform,  on  which  a  circular 
tower  provided  with  a  stairway  was  built.  Only  fragmentary 
walls  of  the  Quiche  palaces  remain ;  their  dimensions  were 
eleven  hundred  by  twenty-two  hundred  feet,  and  nothing  but 
their  cement  covered  floors  have  survived  the  vandalism  of  the 
conquerors  and  the  architects  of  the  modern  town ;  the  latter 
having  carried  away  the  upper  portions  for  building  purposes. 


NAHUA  ARCHITECTURE.  359 

A  pyramidal  structure  near  by,  known  as  El  Sacrificatorio,  pre- 
sents no  architectural  contrasts  to  pyramids  already  described. 
Its  stairway,  composed  of  nineteen  steps  each  eight  inches  broad 
and  seventeen  inches  high,  is  characteristically  Central  Amer- 
ican.1 In  the  province  of  Yera  Paz,  especially  in  the  Kabinal 
Valley,  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  observed  numbers  of  tumuli, 
resembling  those  of  the  Mississippi  Valley  both  in  material 
and  structure.  These  were  especially  prevalent  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  villages,  and  sometimes  were  associated  with  pyra- 
midal structures  equal  in  finish  to  any  we  have  described. 
The  name  cakhay,  "  red  houses,"  is  generally  applied  to  these 
tumuli.2 

Naliua  Architecture. — It  would  be  quite  impossible  for  us  to 
devote  that  space  to  this  subject  which  the  number  of  remains 
would  justify,  and  the  presentation  of  the  typal  features  of  the 
architecture  of  that  interesting  family  of  nations  will  be  all  that 
we  shall  here  attempt ;  of  geographical  and  detailed  treatments 
there  are  several  on  the  different  departments  of  the  subject.3 
In  the  pages  which  follow  we  will  select  a  few  examples  of 
Nahua  architecture  in  order  to  illustrate  our  subject,  but  we 
would  state  that  many  equally  important  works,  though  per- 
haps presenting  no  new  features,  have  been  purposely  passed 
by  unnoticed.  In  a  preceding  chapter  we  referred  to  those- 
intermediate  nations  which  occupied  the  transition  position 
between  the  Mayas  and  Nahuas.  The  Miztecs,  Zapotecs  and. 
others,  were  probably  a  mixed  people,  related  in  different 
degrees  to  both  of  the  great  families  on  the  north  and  south 
of  them.  Oajaca  and  Guerrero  were  the  homes  of  these  peoples, 
where  they  developed  their  own  civilization  and  styles  of  art  in 
channels  distinct  from  those  of  their  neighbors.  The  isthmus 
of  Tehuantepec  presents  some  interesting  remains,  chief  among 

1  Stephens'  Central  America,  vol.  ii,  pp.  171,  182-8,  and  Bancroft,  Native 
Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  124-8. 

2  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i,  p.  15,  and  cited  by  Bancroft,, 
vol.  iv,  p.  131. 

3  The  only  comprehensive  and  satisfactory  treatment  of  the  entire  field  in 
detail  is  that  by  Mr.  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  chaps,  vii,  viii,  ix,  x. 


360  REMAINS  OF  TEHUANTEPEC. 

which  we  may  cite  two  stone  pyramids  situated  three  leagues 
west  of  the  city  of  Tehuantepec.  One  of  these  measures  fifty- 
five  by  one  hundred  and  twenty  feet  at  the  base  and  thirty  by 
sixty-six  feet  on  the  summit.  A  grand  stairway  composed  of 
forty  steps  and  thirty  feet  in  width  leads  up  the  western  slope. 
The  summit  is  also  made  accessible  by  smaller  stairways  on  the 
north  and  south  sides.  The  lower  of  the  four  terraces  compos- 
ing the  structure,  is  perpendicular;  the  others  have  inclined 
walls.  On  the  face  of  the  second  terrace  were  four  ranges  of 
flat  stones,  one  above  another,  extending  entirely  around  the 
pyramid  and  furnishing  a  series  of  shelves,  devoted  no  doubt 
to  some  sacred  or  sacrificial  use.  The  whole  structure  was 
plastered  with  a  cement,  colored  brilliantly  by  red  ochre.  The 
adjoining  pyramid  presents  an  architectural  novelty  in  its  grace- 
fully curved  sides.  Castaneda  has  sketched  and  Dupaix  de- 
scribed it.  The  height  of  the  pyramid  is  over  fifty  feet  while 
its  general  dimensions  are  about  the  same  as  those  of  its  neigh- 
bor. In  close  proximity  to  the  pyramids,  altar-like  structures 
were  observed,  one  of  which  was  composed  of  eight  circular 
stones,  like  mill-stones,  placed  one  above  another.  The  base 
measured  ten  and  a  half  feet,  but  the  summit  only  four  and  a 
half  feet ;  the  height  measures  twelve  feet.1  Numerous  earthen 
tumuli  resembling  those  of  the  Mississippi  Valley  were  observed 
by  the  German  traveler  Miiller,  scattered  over  the  region,  espe- 
cially to  the  southeast.2  The  most  important  group  of  ruins  in 
Oajoca  is  that  at  Mitla,  situated  about  thirty  miles  southeast 
of  the  capital  of  the  State.  This  is  probably  the  finest  group 
of  remains  north  of  the  isthmus  of  Tehauntepec.  Still  they 
are  not  purely  Nahua  in  their  style,  being,  according  to  tradi- 
tion, the  work  of  the  Zapotecs.  T,his  group  has  been  described 
several  times  by  explorers,  whose  accounts  have  differed  consider- 
ably in  value.  The  most  important  of  these  are  the  descriptions 

1  Dupaix,  Third  Expedition,  pp.  6-7,  pi.  iii-v,  fig.  6-9  ;  Kingsborough,  Hex. 
Ant.,  vol.  vi,  p.  469,  and  Mayer's  Observations  on  Mexican  History  and  Arclmology ', 
pp.  25-6,  and  cuts  (Smithsonian  contribution,  No,  86),  1856 ;  Bancroft,  Native 
Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  368-71,  with  cuts. 

2  Reisen,  torn,  ii,  p.  282,  and  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  p.  375. 


REMAINS   IN   OAJACA— MITLA.  361 

and  drawings  by  Dupaix  and  Castaneda,  made  in  1806,  and  the 
description  and  valuable  photographs  by  Charnay,  the  latest 
explorer  of  this  group,  whose  work  was  performed  in  1S59.1 

The  mitla  ruins  are  distributed  into  four  groups  of  buildings 
(generally  called  palaces  or  temples)  and  two  pyramids.  The 
principal  edifice  is  described  as  follows  :  three  low  oblong  mounds 
only  six  or  eight  feet  high  but  surmounted  by  stone  buildings, 
enclose  a  court.  The  court  measures  130  by  120  feet.  The 
eastern  and  western  buildings  are  in  a  fallen  and  ruined  condition. 
The  northern  building,  however,  presents  a  singular  example  of 
ancient  grandeur.  The  southern  portion  measures  36  by  130 
feet,  and  the  northern  61  feet  square.  The  edifice  is  about 
eighteen  feet  high,  having  walls  varying  from  four  to  nine  feet  in 
thickness.  The  accompanying  cut,  a  photographic  reduction  of 
Charnay's  photograph,  gives  a  correct  idea  of  the  western  fagade 
of  the  northern  building.2 

The  walls  of  this  edifice  are  constructed  in  a  somewhat  novel 
manner,  their  interior  portions  being  nothing  more  than  clay 
intermixed  with  stones,  thus  furnishing  a  poor  substitute  for  the 
cement  and  stone  filling  in  the  inner  parts  of  Yucatanic  walls. 
However,  the  exterior  facing  of  the  walls  is  of  hewn  stone  blocks 

1  Dupaix,  Seconde  Expedition,  published  in  Kingsborough,  vol.  v,  pp.  255-68, 
vol.  vi,  pp.  447-56,  vol.  iv,  pi.  xxvii-xli,  fig.  81-95,  and  in  Antiq.  Mex.',  Seconde 
Expedition,  pp.   30-44,  pi.   xxix-xlvi,    figs.    78-93.;   Charnay,   Cites  et  Ruines 
Americaines,  pp.  261-9,  photographs  ii-xviii,  and  Viollet-le-Duc  in  Ibid,  pp.  74- 
104 ;  Humboldt  obtained  his  information  and  plates  from  the  survey  and  draw- 
ings of  Don  Luis  Martin  and  Col.  de  la  Laguna,  who  visited  the  ruins  in  1802 ; 
see  Vues,  torn,  ii,  pp.  278-85,  pi.  xvii-xviii,  and  in  his  other  works  on  the  same 
subject.     The  remaining  original  works  are  Miihlenpfordt  in  the  Ilustracion 
Mejicana,  torn,  ii,  pp.  493-8 ;  Tempsky's  Mitla,  pp.  250-3,  with  plates  ;  Garcia, 
in  Soc.  Mex.  Georg.  Boletin,  torn,  ii,  pp.  271-2  ;  Sawkius  in  Mayer's  Observa- 
tions ;  Fossey  in  his  Mexique,  pp.  365-70,  and  Miiller,  Reisen,  torn,  ii,  pp.  279-81. 
We  might  append  a  large  number  of  notices  made  second-hand  from  the  above, 
but  as  they  contain  nothing  original  we  omit  them,  and  refer  the  reader  who  is 
desirous  of  examining  them,  to  Bancroft's  note  in  Native  Races,  vol.  iv.  p.  391. 
Our  examination  of  the  subject  has  been  confined  to  the  accounts  of  Dupaix, 
Humboldt,  and  Charnay,  together  with  Mr.  Bancroft's  critical  review  of  the 
field.     From  the  latter  we  draw  some  of  our  bibliographical  material. 

2  Charnay,  Mexique,  Phot,  iv  ;  also  Cites  et  Ruines  Amer.,  Phot,  v,  vi.     Other 
views  in  Bancroft's  Nativs  Rzces,  vol.  iv,  pp.  896-405. 


362  MITLA  EDIFICES. 


cut  in  different  forms  and  sizes,  and  so  set  in  relation  to  each 
other  as  to  present  examples  of  perhaps  the  finest  variety  of 
grecques  found  in  any  structure  in  the  world.1  Two  layers  of 
large  stone  blocks  form  the  base  of  the  palace,  from  which  rises 
buttresses  and  a  framework  of  stone,  filled  in  with  panels  of 
mosaic,  in  patterns  as  described.  We  pronounce  these  grecque 
patterns  mosaics,  because  of  the  manner  of  their  structure. 
They  are  not  of  the  nature  of  sculpture,  since  each  pattern,  with 


WESTERN  FACADE  OF  THE  PALACE  AT  MITLA. 

all  its  regularity,  is  composed  of  small  brick-shaped  blocks  of 
stone  built  into  the  wall,  mosaic-like,  thus  forming  the  graceful 
patterns  shown  in  the  cut.  No  trace  of  mortar  has  been  found 
at  Mitla.  The  inner  surface  of  the  wall  in  the  northern  building 
was  smoothly  plastered  without  any  ornament.  Six  round  stone 
columns  standing  in  line  occupy  the  centre  of  the  apartment, 
and  no  doubt  supported  a  roof  of  wood  or  stone,  but  more 
probably  of  the  former.2  The  cut  in  Baldwin's  work,  copied  by 

1  Fossey,  Mexique,  p.  367,  finds  twenty-two  different  styles  of  grecques  in 
this  front,  while  Miililenpfordt  gives  cuts  of  sixteen  different  styles  in  llustracion 
Mej.,  torn,  ii,  p.  501. 

2  See  full  discussion  by  Viollet  le  Due  in  Charnay's  Ruines  Amer.,  pp.  78-9. 


GRECQUES  AT  MITLA. 


363 


Bancroft  showing  the  interior  of  the  apartment  and  the  six 
columns,  conveys  an  incorrect  impression  as  to  the  form  of 
the  columns  and  the  character  of  the  walls,  as  is  proven  by 
Charnay's  photograph.1  The  facades  of  the  inner  court  of  the 
northern  wing  of  the  palace  are  finished  with  mosaics  of  great 

beauty.  Four  or  five  feet  of  the  wall 
is  plain  at  the  bottom  except  that  the 
plastering  was  evidently  frescoed  in 
various  colors.  The  remainder  of  the 
wall  is  decorated  with  bands  of  mo- 
saic grecques,  as  shown  in  the  cut, 
which  is  a  fac-simile  of  Charnay's 
photograph  engraven  for  Mr.  Ban- 
croft's work.  We  should  not  fail  to 
note  the  use  of  immense  stones  in 
the  base,  framework  and  lintels  of 
the  southern  wing  of  the  building. 
One  of  these  is  of  granite,  sixteen  or 
nineteen  feet  long,  with  the  pattern 
of  the  adjacent  grecques  sculptured 
on  its  face.  None  of  the  other  build- 
ings at  Mitla  present  any  architectural 
contrasts  to  the  one  already  described, 
and  require  no  special  attention.  Un- 
der a  temple  on  the  south-west  side 
of  the  one  we  have  just  referred  to, 
is  a  subterranean  gallery,  constructed 
in  the  form  of  a  cross.  The  opening 

is  at  the  base  of  the  mound  upon  which  the  temple  stands, 
The  arms  of  the  cross  pointing  toward  the  East,  North  and 
West,  are  each  twelve  feet  long,  five  and  a  half  feet  wide,  and 
six  and  a  half  feet  high.  The  southern  arm  is,  however,  about 
twenty  feet  long,  and  not  more  than  four  feet  high  through- 
out most  of  its  length.  Near  the  centre  of  the  cross  (which 


GRECQUES  OF  AN  INTERIOR 
ROOM  AT  MITLA. 


1  Charnay,  phot.  x.     Mr.  Bancroft  was  not  ignorant  of  this  error.     Temp- 
sky's  plate  served  as  the  guide  for  Baldwin's  cut. 


364  REMAINS  IN  VERA  CRUZ. 

lies  directly  under  the  centre  of  the  temple  above)  a  flight 
of  four  steps  descends  in :  the  southern  arm  of  the  cross  to  a 
lower  level,  so  that  the  southern  arm  of  the  passage  is  somewhat 
lower  than  the  others.  The  entire  subterranean  chamber  was 
roofed  with  large  flat  stones  reaching  from  side  to  side.  The 
walls,  besides  being  painted  red,  were  ornamented  with  panels  of 
mosaic,  but  of  a  ruder  style  than  that  of  the  superstructure, 
which  is  suggestive  of  an  earlier  period  in  the  growth  of  the  art. 
A  circular  pillar  resting  on  a  square  base,  and  called  by  the 
natives  "  the  pillar  of  death,"  because  of  the  belief  entertained 
among  them  that  whoever  embraced  it  would  immediately  die, 
supports  the  large  flagstone  which  covers  the  intersection  of  the 
galleries.  An  immense  fortification  over  a  mile  in  circumference 
and  with  stone  walls  six  feet  thick  and  eighteen  feet  high  crowns 
the  summit  of  a  hill,  which  stands  three-fourths  of  a  league 
south-west  of  Mitla.  The  place  was  inaccessible  except  on  the 
side  toward  the  village  where  the  wall  was  double.  Castaneda 
lias  delineated  and  Bancroft  copied  the  plan  of  this  fortress.1 

Passing  into  the  state  of  Yera  Cruz,  the  attention  of  the 
observer  is  arrested  by  great  numbers  of  mounds  of  all  the  varie- 
ties peculiar  to  the  Mississippi  Valley.  Excavations  have  yielded 
pottery  of  burnt  clay,  idols,  and  flint  and  stone  weapons,  as  well 
as  implements  of  agriculture,  but  no  trace  of  iron  or  copper  is 
recorded.  As  the  Nahuas  are  said  by  Duran  and  Sahagan  to 
have  landed  on  the  Gulf  coast  not  far  north  of  this  region,  and 
to  have  traversed  it  in  their  wanderings  southward,  and  since 
the  tradition  derives  them  from  Florida,  it  is  not  improbable 
that  here  we  see  the  continuation  of  the  works  of  the  lower 
Mississippi.2 

Of  several  interesting  specimens  of  ancient  architecture  in  the 
state  of  Yera  Cruz  we  have  selected  a  few  examples.  At  Puente 

1  Dupaix,  Seconde  Exped.,  pp.  40-1,  pi.  xliv-v,  fig.  93-4.  Kingsborough,  vol.  v, 
p.  265 ;  vol.  vi,  p.  455 ;  vol.  iv,  pi.  xl-i,  fig.  95,  and  Bancroft's  Native  Maces, 
vol.  iv,  p.  413. 

2  See  especially  a  communication  from  Mr.  Hugo  Finck,  for  twenty-eight 
years  a  resident  of  the  region,  published  in  the  Smithsonian  Report  for  1870, 
an  extract  from  which  is  published  in  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  431-3. 


PYRAMIDS   OF  PUENTE  NACIOXAL   AND   CENTLA. 


365 


Nacional  the  remarkable  pyramid  shown  in  the  cut  is  situated. 
It  was  described  by  J.  M.  Esteva  in  the  Museo  Mexicano  in 
1843.  The  pyramid  is  six  stories  high,  and  the  eastern  side  is 
faced  by  a  grand  stairway  in  the  form  of  a  cross.  Mr.  Bancroft 
has  described  it,  employing  the  accompanying  cut.  At  Centla, 
twenty-five  or  thirty  miles  north  of  Cordova,  a  series  of  remark- 
able fortifications  were 
discovered  in  1821, 
which  have  been  most 
thoroughly  described 
by  Sr.  Sartorius,  who 
visited  the  locality  in 
1833,  but  whose  ac- 
count was  not  pub- 
lished until  1869.1 

The  most  notable 
fortification  is  situ- 
ated at  a  narrow  pass 
between  two  ravines, 
with  perpendicular 
walls  several  hundred 
feet  deep.  The  dis- 
tance between  the 
precipices  at  this  point 

is  only  twenty-eight  feet.  The  defensive  works  consist  of  several 
pyramidal  structures  built  of  stone  and  mortar.  The  largest  of 
these  has  three  terraces  rising  from  the  rear  until  they  approach 
a  perpendicular  wall,  fronting  a  narrow  passage-way  only  three 
feet  wide.  This  perpendicular  wall  is  surmounted  with  parapets 
and  loop-holes  for  defence.  A  pyramid  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  passage-way,  the  platform  of  which  is  reached  by  a  single 
flight  of  steps,  is  possessed  of  the  same  defensive  features,  with 
the  addition  of  a  ditch  at  its  front  eleven  feet  wide  excavated 
in  the  solid  rock  to  a  depth  of  five  and  a  half  feet.  The  object 

1  Sr.  Gondra  received  considerable  information  concerning  these  ruins  from 
some  unnamed  person,  which  he  published  in  Mosaico  Mexicano,  torn,  ii, 
pp.  368-72. 


PYRAMID  NEAR  PUENTE  NACIONAL. 


366 


TYPE   OF  PYRAMIDS  AT   CENTL.l. 


of  the  fortress  seems  to  have  been  the  protection  of  an  oval- 
shaped  tract  of  fertile  land  containing  about  four  hundred  acres, 
lying  between  the  barrancas.  At  the  opposite  end  of  the  oval 
tract,  the  precipices  approach  so  closely  to  each  other  as  to 
leave  a  narrow  passage  of  only  three  feet  in  width,  which  also  is 
guarded  by  stone  walls.  Of  numerous  pyramids  in  the  region, 
the  one  figured  in  the  cut  (from  Bancroft's  work)  is  pronounced 
by  Sr.  Sartorius  as  typical  of  all  of  them.1 


ivrmvaih'y.^H^s 


TYPE  OF  PYRAMIDS  AT  CENTLA. 

Half  a  league  below  the  town  of  Huatusco,  Dupaix  discov- 
ered a  remarkable  pyramid  crowning  a  hill  on  a  slope  of  which 
was  also  a  group  of  ruins  called  the  Pueblo  Yiejo.  This  struc- 
ture known  as  El  Castillo,  measures  sixty-six  feet  in  height, 
though  there  is  some  uncertainty  as  to  the  size  of  the  base.2 
Dupaix's  text  states  it  to  be  two  hundred  and  twenty-one  feet 
square,  but  Mr.  Bancroft  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  Casta- 
nedas'  drawing  makes  it  about  seventy-five  feet  square.  The 
pyramid  in  three  terraces  measures  thirty-seven  feet  high.  The 
superstructure  is  in  three  stories,  with  a  single  doorway  in  the 
lowest.  This  seems  to  have  been  the  only  opening  through  the 
walls  of  the  castle,  which  were  eight  feet  thick ;  we  presume, 
however,  only  at  their  base,  as  their  exterior  shows  a  sloping 
rather  than  a  perpendicular  surface.  The  lowest  story  forms  a 
single  apartment  with  three  pillars  in  the  centre  supporting  the 

:  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  p.  442.  This  author  lias  given  quite  a 
full  description  of  the  fortification,  and  two  plates. 

2  Dupaix's  First  Expedition,  pp.  8-9,  pi.  ix-xi,  fig.  9-12  ;  Kingsborough, 
vol.  v,  pp.  215-16 ;  vol.  vi,  pp.  425-6,  pi.  v-vi,  fig.  11-15 ;  an  account  in  Ban- 
croft's Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  368-72  and  cut. 


TUSAPAN.  367 


beams  of  the  floor  above.  Portions  of  the  beams  were  visible 
when  Dupaix  visited  the  locality.  The  walls  of  the  castle  are 
of  rubble  made  of  stone  and  mortar,  as  in  the  Yucatan  struc- 
tures, having  stone  facings.  The  exterior  of  the  castle  proper  was 
coated  with  polished  plaster  and  ornamented  with  panels  con- 
taining regular  rows  of  round  stones  embedded  in  the  coating. 
Some  unimportant  fragments  of  sculpture  in  stone  and  terra- 
cotta were  found  in  the  ruin.  El  Castillo  is  of  special  interest 
because  of  the  well-preserved  condition  of  its  superstructure. 
About  one  hundred  and  fifty  or  sixty  miles  northwest  of  the 
city  of  Vera  Cruz,  the  German  artist  Nebel  found  a  group  of 
ruins  known  as  those  of  Tusapan,  buried  in  a  dense  forest  at 
the  foot  of  the  Cordillera.  The  only  structure  which  remains 
standing  closely  resembles  the  pyramid  above  described,  except 
that  the  walls  of  the  pyramid  are  not  terraced,  and  the  tower 
surmounting  the  pyramid  is  built  with  a  single  story.  The 
only  opening  in  the  tower  is  the  doorway  at  the  head  of  the 
stairway.  The  interior  contains  a  single  apartment  twelve  feet 
square.  The  ceiling  is  said  to  have  been  arched  or  pointed, 
but  Hcrr.  Nebel  has  failed  to  furnish  definite  information  as 
to  whether  the  arch  was  of  overlapping  stones  or  not,  an  over- 
sight of  an  unpardonable  character,  since  it  would  be  of  greatest 
interest  to  know  whether  the  Maya  arch  existed  so  far  north. 
The  pyramid  is  described  as  thirty  feet  square,  and  built  of 
irregular  blocks  of  limestone,  which  was  probably  covered  with 
a  coat  of  the  plastering  generally  employed  and  so  polished 
in  its  appearance.1  One  remaining  structure  in  the  State  of 
Vera  Cruz  merits  special  attention,  namely,  the  pyramid  of 
Papantla.  This  pyramid,  known  as  El  Tajin,  "the  thunder- 
bolt," is  situated  in  a  dense  forest  near  the  modern  town 
of  Papantla,  which  lies  about  forty  miles  east  of  Tusapan. 
There  is  a  wide  divergence  of  expression  as  to  the  dimensions 
of  the  pyramid.  Herr.  Nebel,  however,  makes  the  base  some- 

1  Nebel,  Viaje  Pintoresco  y  Arqueolojico  sdbre  la  Repfiblica  Mejicana,  1829- 
34,  Paris,  1839,  folv;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  vol.  ii,  pp.  199-200;  Ibid,  Mexico 
As  it  Was,  pp.  247-8,  and  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  47,  55-3,  with 
two  illustrations.  We  have  cited  Nebel  from  the  latter. 


368  CHOLULA. 


thing  over  ninety  feet  square  and  the  height  fifty-four  feet. 
The  pyramid  is  seven  stories  high  and  apparently  solid,  except 
the  topmost  story  which  contained  interior  departments.  This 
crowning  structure  is  now  sadly  dilapidated.  Dupaix's  state- 
ment, copied  by  Humboldt,  that  the  material  of  the  pyramid  is 
porphyry,  cut  in  immense  blocks,  appears  to  be  an  error,  since 
later  exploration  has  revealed  the  fact  that  the  pyramid  was 
constructed  of  regularly  cut  blocks  of  sandstone  laid  in  mortar, 
and  coated  with  a  hard,  smooth  cement,  three  inches  thick.  A 
stairway  on  the  eastern  front  is  divided  as  well  as  being  guarded 
by  solid  stone  balustrades.1 

For  Nahua  monuments  of  the  purest  type  we  naturally  turn 
to  Anahuac  the  home  of  Toltec  and  Aztec  art  during  its  most 
advanced  period  of  development.  But  alas !  the  hand  of  the  con- 
queror and  the  zeal  of  the  fanatic  have  robbed  irretrievably  the 
antiquarian  and  the  student  of  the  history  of  architecture  and  art, 
of  the  best  and  noblest  remains  of  that  strangely  interesting  civil- 
ization. Our  attention  is  naturally  directed  to  the  architecture  of 
that  ancient  religious  centre — Cholula — the  origin  of  which,  to- 
gether with  that  of  its  great  pyramid,  we  have  described  in  a  pre- 
vious chapter.  We  have  already  seen  that  the  prime  object  for 
erecting  the  immense  pile,  according  to  Duran,  was  the  worship 
of  the  sun,  and  not  to  afford  a  refuge  from  a  deluge  as  has  been 
generally  supposed.  The  pyramid  of  Cholula  is  situated  in  the 
eastern  portion  of  a  village  to  which  it  has  given  its  name,  and  is 
reached  by  a  ride  of  about  ten  miles  westward  from  the  city  of 
Puebla  de  los  Angeles.  The  magnificent  temple  upon  its  summit 
dedicated  to  Quetzalcoatl,  fell  a  prey  to  the  destroying  vengeance 
of  Cortez,  who  no  doubt  was  enraged  at  the  stubborn  resistance 

1  The  original  describers  of  Papantla  are  Diego  Ruiz,  in  Gaceta  de  Mexico, 
July  12,  1785,  torn,  i,  pp.  349-51,  copied  in  Diccionario  Univ.  Geog.,  torn  x, 
pp.  120-1  ;  also  Nebel,  Viaje  Pintoresco.  Humboldt  states  that  Dupaix  and 
Castaneda  visited  the  locality,  but  they  published  no  description,  his  own 
description  may  have  been  from  information  received  from  them  ;  Vues,  torn,  i, 
pp.  102-3  ;  Ibid,  Essai  Pol.,  p.  274;  Ibid,  in  Ant.  Hex.,  torn,  i,  div.  ii,  p.  12. 
Of  the  many  descriptions  drawn  from  these  sources,  those  of  Mayer,  Mex.  Aztec, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  196-7 ;  Ibid,  Mexico  As  it  Was,  pp.  248-9,  and  Bancroft's  Native 
Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  452-4,  with  cut  from  Nebel,  are  probably  the  best. 


HUMBOLDT'S  EXPLORATIONS.  369 

with  which  he  was  met  by  the  devoted  natives,  in  a  hard-fought 
battle  at  the  foot  and  upon  the  slopes  of  the  pyramid.  Of  the  large 
number  of  descriptions,  either  made  from  personal  observation 
or  written  from  a  comparison  of  accounts,  none  surpass  that  of 
Humboldt,  which  was  the  result  of  a  careful  survey,  performed  in 
1803.  Humboldt's  drawing,  however,  was  a  restoration  and  not 
a  picture  of  the  condition  of  the  shrub-grown  hill  as  he  saw  it.1 
The  pyramid,  according  to  Humboldt,  measures  at  the  base  six 
hundred  and  thirty-nine  metres  or  a  trifle  more  than  fourteen 
hundred  and  twenty-eight  feet  square  ;  in  other  words,  about 
forty-four  acres.  The  base  is  shown  by  Humboldt  to  be  more 
than  twice  as  large  as  that  of  Cheops.  Humboldt  and  Dupaix 
give  its  height  as  fifty-four  metres  or  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
seven  feet  ;  Mayer  says  it  is  two  hundred  and  four  feet ;  Tylor, 
two  hundred  and  five  feet,  and  Heller 2  states  that  its  summit 
platform  covers  an  area  of  13,285  square  feet.  Its  height  is 
somewhat  greater  than  that  of  the  pyramid  of  Mycerinus. 
Humboldt  compares  it  to  a  mass  of  brick,  covering  a  square  four 
times  as  large  as  the  Place  Vendome  and  twice  the  height  of 
the  Louvre.  He  considers  it  of  the  same  type  as  the  temple 
of  Jupiter  Bolus — the  pyramids  of  Meidoun  Dahchoiir,  and  the 
group  of  Sakharah  in  Egypt.  This  great  monument  was  con- 
structed in  four  equal  terraces  of  small  sun-dried  bricks,  laid 
in  a  mortar  which  has  been  pronounced  by  some  a  mixture  of 
clay  with  fragments  of  stones  and  pottery,  by  others  a  cement 
intermixed  with  small  pieces  of  porphyry  and  limestone.  Herr 
Heller  discovered  that  the  entire  structure  had  been  covered 

1  Of  a  large  number  of  notices  of  Cholula,  the  most  important  of  the  original 
class  are  those  of  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  pp.  239-40  ;  Ibid,  Vues,  torn,  i,  pp.  96- 
124,  fol.  2d,  pi.  vii-viii ;  Dupaix's  First  Expedition,  p.  2,  pi.  xvi,  fig.  17,  and 

j  Kingsborough,  vol.  v,  p.  218,  vol.  iv,  pi.  viii,  fig.  20  ;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del 
Messico,  torn,  ii,  pi.  33-4  ;  Mayer,  Mexico  As  it  Was,  p.  26,  and  Hex.  Aztec,  etc., 
vol.  ii,  p.  228,  cuts.  For  most  recent  reference,  though  not  very  scientific,  see 
Evens'  Our  Sister  Republic,  pp.  428-32  (1869),  and  Haven's  Mexico,  Our  Next 
Door  Neighbor,  pp.  109-203,  1875.  Mr.  Bancroft  has  given  a  short,  though 
satisfactory  notice,  especially  valuable  for  its  citation  of  authorities.  In  a 
note  (11)  vol.  iv,  p.  471-2,  a  full  list  of  the  authors  who  have  written  on  Cholula 
will  be  found,  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  463-77. 

2  Reisen,  pp.  131-2. 

24 


370  MATERIAL  OF  THE  CHOLULA  PYRAMID. 


with  a  coating  of  cement  composed  of  lime,  sand  and  mortar.1 
The  present  appearance  of  the  pyramid  is  sufficient  to  induce  the 
opinion  that  it  was  originally  a  natural  eminence  faced  up  with 
adobes  in  terraces,  in  accordance  with  the  architectural  idea,  but 
its  position  in  the  centre  of  a  plain,  together  with  the  revelations 
as  to  its  contents,  disclosed  by  the  construction  of  the  Pueblo 
road  through  one  corner  of  its  base,  furnish  partial  if  not  con- 
clusive proof  that  it  was  entirely  of  artificial  construction.  The 
excavation  revealed  the  perfect  regularity  with  which  the  bricks 
were  laid  in  the  interior,  and  brought  to  light  a  tomb  containing 
two  skeletons,  two  basalt  figures,  a  collection  of  pottery  and  other 
articles  not  described.  Humboldt  has  fully  described  this  cham- 
ber, which  was  constructed  with  stone  walls  supported  by  cypress 
timbers.  No  doorway  could  be  found  opening  into  the  tomb. 

At  Xochicalco,  the  "hill"  or  "castle  of  flowers,"  situated 
seventy-five  miles  south-west  from  the  city  of  Mexico  and  dis- 
tant from  Cuernavaca  fifteen  miles  in  nearly  the  same  direction, 
are  found  the  most  remarkable  specimens  of  ancient  Mexican 
architecture  north  of  the  isthmus  of  Tehuantepec.  The  most 
important  descriptions  of  the  ruins  are  by  Alzate  y  Kamirez,2 
Humboldt,3  Dupaix  and  Castaneda,4  Nebel,5  and  one  prepared 
by  the  authority  of  the  Mexican  government.6 


1  Heller,  Reisen,  pp.,131-2,  cited  by  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  p.  473. 

2  Exploration  performed  in  1777,  and  account  published  in  Gaceta  de  Litera- 
tura,  November,  1791,  also  torn,  ii,  p.  127  of  the  same. 

3  Copied  the  proceedings  to  a  considerable  extent  in  Vues,  torn,  i,  pp.  129-37, 
pi.  ix,  and  in  Essai  Pol.,  pp.  189-90. 

4  Dupaix's  First  Expedition,  pp.  14^-18,  pi.  xxxi-ii,  figs.  33-6  ;  Kingsborough, 
vol.  v,  pp.  222-4,  vol.  iv,  pi.  xv-vi. 

5  Nebel,  Viaje  Pintoresco,  pi.  ix-x,  xix-xx. 

6  The  Government  exploration  report  in  Revisita  Mexicana,  torn,  i,  pp.  539- 
50,  and  in  Deccionario   Univ.  Geog.,  torn,  x,  pp.  938-42 ;  Mayer's  Mexico  As  it 
Was,  pp.  185-7  ;   lUd,  Mex.  Aztec,  etc.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  283-5,  with  cuts ;  Tyler's 
Andhuac,  pp.  183-95.     To  these  original  accounts  many  compiled  notices  might 
be  added.     Mr.   Bancroft's  critical,  review  of  the  sources,  supplemented  with 
full  bibliographical  notes,  is  valuable  and  should  receive  the  attention  of  the 
reader.     See  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  483-98,  with  several  cuts  after  Nebel. 
We  have  'found  this  writer's  summary  of  facts  of  great  service  in  making  up  the 
following  description. 


TERRACES  AT  XOCHICALCO.  371 

These  ruins  are  both  beneath  and  upon  a  natural  hill  of  oval 
form  measuring  about  two  miles  in  circumference  and  from  three 
hundred  to  four  hundred  feet  in  height,  authorities  differing 
considerably  on  this  point.  At  the  foot  of  the  hill  on  its  northern 
side,  are  the  entrances  of  two  tunnels,  one  of  which  extends  to  a 
point  eighty-two  feet  from  the  edge  of  the  hill,  where  it  termi- 
nates abruptly.  The  second  tunnel  penetrates  the  solid  lime- 
stone of  the  hill  in  the  form  of  a  square  gallery  nine  and  a  half 
feet  high  and  broad,  extending  inward  for  several  hundred  feet 
and  branching  into  several  auxiliary  galleries,  which  terminate 
in  some  instances  abruptly.  The  floors  are  paved  with  small 
blocks  of  stone,  to  a  thickness  of  a  foot  and  a  half ;  masonry  in 
some  places  support  the  sides,  and  all  the  interior  surface  shows 
traces  of  red  paint  upon  the  polished  cement  coating  with  which 
it  was  finished.  The  principal  gallery,  after  turning  a  right 
angle  toward  the  left  and  extending  some  hundred  feet  in  a 
straight  line,  enlarges  into  a  subterranean  chamber  eighty  feet 
long  by  about  sixty  feet  in  width.  Two  circular  columns  of 
living  rock  were  left  in  making  the  excavation  as  supports  for 
the  roof.  The  most  singular  feature  connected  with  the  chamber 
is  the  perfectly  circular  excavation  found  at  its  south-east  angle, 
or  that  corner  of  the  room  diagonally  opposite  to  the  corner  at 
which  the  passage-way  enters  it.  This  circular  apartment  is 
only  about  six  feet  in  diameter,  and  while  it  is  no  deeper  than 
the  adjoining  chamber,  rises  above  its  ceiling  in  a  dome-shaped 
roof,  lined  with  stones  hewn  in  curved  blocks.  The  curve  of 
this  dome-like  ceiling  corresponds  with  that  of  a  well-propor- 
tioned Gothic  arch.  At  the  apex  of  the  dome,  a  round  hole  ten 
inches  in  diameter  extends  vertically  upwards  ;  some  suppose 
to  the  pyramid  above,  but  a  moment's  calculation  suffices  to 
show  that  in  view  of  the  considerable  diameter  of  the  hill  and 
the  comparatively  short  distance  from  the  chamber  to  its  exte- 
rior slope,  such  is  impossible.  The  exterior  of  the  hill  presents 
a  most  wonderful  display  of  masonry.  Its  entire  circuit  is  com- 
passed with  five  terraces  of  well-laid  stone  and  mortar,  faced 
with  perpendicular  walls.  Each  terrace  of  masonry  is  about 
seventy  feet  in  height,  and  is  constructed  in  an  irregular  line, 


372 


THE  PYRAMID   OF  XOCHICALCO. 


forming  sharp  angles,  like  the  bastions  of  a  fortress  ;  each  wall 
supporting  the  terraces  rises  above  the  level  of  their  respective 
platforms  in  parapets,  evidently  for  defence.  The  pavements  of 
the  platforms  are  of  stone  and  inclined  slightly  toward  the  south- 
west, with  a  view  to  draining  off  the  rainfall.  Dupaix  is  the 
only  explorer  who  mentions  the  means  of  ascent,  which  he 
describes  as  a  roadway  eight  feet  wide,  leading  to  the  summit. 
The  summit  platform  measures  285  by  328  feet,  and  is  surrounded 


PYRAMID  AT  XOCHICALCO. 

by  a  wall  which  is  perpendicular  on  the  inside,  and  on  the  out- 
side conforms  to  the  slope  of  the  terrace  wall  of  which  it  is  an 
extension.  This  parapet,  built  of  stones  without  mortar,  rises 
five  and  a  half  feet  above  the  plaza,  and  is  two  feet  and  nine 
inches  thick,  we  presume  at  its  top,  since  the  outer  slope  of  the 
terrace  would  make  a  difference  between  the  top  and  bottom. 
Near  the  centre  of  the  plaza  stands  the  base  of  a  pyramid  which 
presents  some  remarkable  architectural  contrasts  from  anything 
we  have  thus  far  described.  Its  sides  face  the  cardinal  points, 


THE  PYRAMID  OF  XOCHICALCO.  373 

and  measure  sixty-five  feet  from  east  to  west,  and  fifty-eight  feet 
from  north  to  south.  One  of  the  facades,  the  northern,  according 
to  Nebel,  and  the  western,  according  to  the  Mexican  Government 
Survey  in  the  Revista,  is  cut  in  two  in  the  centre  by  an  opening 
twenty  feet  wide,  where  it  is  supposed  a  stairway  formerly  led 
to  the  superstructure.  The  cut  from  Nebel,  and  reproduced 
by  Mr.  Bancroft,  shows  the  fagade  to  the  left  of  the  opening, 
as  the  observer  faces  the  pyramid. 

The  great  granite  or  porphyritic  stones  which  constitute  the 
facing  of  the  pyramid,  some  of  them  eleven  feet  in  length  and 
three  feet  in  height,  must  have  been  brought  to  the  summit  of 
the  hill  at  the  expense  of  great  labor,  especially  since  they  must 
have  been  transported  from  a  considerable  distance,  no  such  ma- 
terial being  found  within  a  circuit  of  many  leagues.  The  stones 
were  laid  without  mortar,  and  so  nicely  that  it  is  said  the  joints 
are  scarcely  perceptible.  Fragments  of  a  ruined  superstructure 
surmount  the  pyramid.  The  foundation  walls  of  the  second 
story  were  two  feet  and  three  inches  from  the  edge  of  the  cornice 
below  it,  except  on  the  west  where  the  space  was  four  and  a  half 
feet  wide.  In  1755,  so  say  the  inhabitants  of  the  vicinity,  the 
structure  was  yet  complete,  having  five  receding  stories  like  the 
first,  and  probably  reaching  a  height  of  sixty-five  feet.  On  its 
crowning  summit,  on  the  eastern  side,  stood  a  large  throne-like 
block  of  stone,  ornamented  with  elaborate  sculptures.  The 
second  story  foundations  indicate  the  position  of  three  doorways 
at  the  head  of  the  grand  stairway,  and  the  account  in  the 
Revista  describes  an  apartment  twenty-two  feet  square  observ- 
able at  the  summit  of  the  first  story,  but  now  filled  with  frag- 
ments of  stone.  Mr.  Bancroft  suggests  that  from  this  apartment 
there  may  have  been  some  means  of  communication  with  the 
subterranean  galleries  already  described.  The  colossal  sculp- 
ture on  the  face  of  the  pyramid  will  receive  our  attention  on  a 
future  page.1 


1  The  vandalic  destruction  of  tliis  Acropolis  of  Mexican  architecture  is  due 
to  the  vulgar  cupidity  of  a  neighboring  sugar  manufacturer,  who  despoiled  it 
in  order  to  build  the  furnaces  of  his  refinery. 


374  THE   TEMPLE  OF  MEXICO. 

The  general  description  given  above,  together  with  the  re- 
ported character  of  the  superstructure  of  this  magnificent  monu- 
ment, calls  to  mind  the  main  features  of  the  great  teocalli  dedi- 
cated to  the  bloody  god  Huitzilopochtli  in  the  Aztec  capital 
called  Tenochtitlan  or  Mexico.  This  blood-stained  temple  upon 
whose  altars  smoked  the  hearts  of  countless  human  victims,  is 
supposed  to  have  occupied  the  site  of  the  cathedral  fronting  the 
Plaza  Mayor  of  the  modern  city  of  Mexico.  Not  a  vestige  of 
that  terraced  pyramid  has  survived  the  destructive  hand  of 
fanaticism  and  the  transforming  work  of  man  and  nature  which 
have  been  going  on  ever  since  upon  the  old  site  of  the  capital  of 
the  Montezumas.  It  is  said  to  have  been  built  in  five  stories, 
with  flights  of  steps  affording  access  to  the  summit ;  but  each 
flight  was  so  constructed  with  reference  to  the  platform  at  its 
top,  as  to  require  almost  a  complete  circuit  of  the  building  before 
the  next  flight  could  be  reached.  It  was  necessary,  therefore, 
in  order  to  reach  the  summit  platform,  to  pass  four  times  around 
the  pyramid.  It  is  supposed  that  this  was  intended  to  display 
to  better  advantage  the  solemn  processions  of  the  priests  as  their 
long  train  mounted  gradually  the  sides  of  the  edifice.  The 
specialist  is  already  familiar  with  the  descriptions  by  Bernal 
Diaz,  whose  particular  extravagance  of  statement  renders  his 
work  altogether  unreliable.  Also  with  the  accounts  by  Tor- 
quemada,  Gomera,  Cortez  and  Clavigero.  The  reader  has  no 
doubt  acquainted  himself  with  the  main  facts  in  the  writings 
of  the  graceful  and  imaginative  Prescott,  whose  seeming  romance, 
The  History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  has  been  proven  by 
recent  and  reliable  investigation  to  have  approached  much  nearer 
to  fact  than  to  fiction.  Mr.  Tylor,  after  careful  exploration,  has 
expressed  in  his  "Anahuac"  his  surprise  and  satisfaction  at 
what  he  considers  to  be  the  proof  of  Mr.  Prescott's  general  cor- 
rectness of  statement  as  to  the  extent  of  the  Aztec  capital  and 
the  probable  character  of  its  edifices.1 

For  a%  description  of  the  palaces  of  Mexico  and  Chapul tepee, 
the  museums,  mansions  of  the  nobles,  the  pavements  and  aque- 

1  See  Tylor,  Anahuac,  p.  149,  and  on  the  subject  in  hand. 


TEOTIHUACAN  COMPARED  WITH  EGYPT.  375 

ducts  of  that  buried  city,  we  refer  the  reader  who  has  not  access 
to  the  sources,  to  the  admirable  account  by  Fresco tt,  especially 
since  it  more  properly  belongs  to  the  province  of  history  (now 
that  all  traces  of  them  have  disappeared)  than  to  that  of 
archaeology.1 

Of  many  interesting  localities  where  architectural  remains 
still  exist,  we  select  one  more  in  the  Central  region,  to  illustrate 
our  subject.  The  ancient  religious  city  of  the  early  Nahuas, 
Teotihuacan,  with  its  famous  pyramids — the  traditional  origin 
of  which  we  have  already  noted  2 — deserves  our  attention.  The 
city  of  the  gods  has  had  many  describers,  from  the  illustrious 
Humboldt  to  the  observant  and  philosophical  Mr.  Tylor.  The 
most  complete  description,  however,  is  that  given  in  the  report 
of  a  scientific  commission  appointed  by  the  Mexican  government 
in  1864,  containing  accurate  plans  and  views.3  Sr.  Antonio 
Garcia  y  Cubas,  a  member  of  the  commission,  subsequently 
published  a  most  interesting  memoir  on  the  pyramids  of  Teoti- 
huacan, entitled  Ensayo  de  un  Estudio  comparative  entre  las 
Pirdmides  Egipcias  y  Mexicanas  (Mexico,  1871).  The  analo- 
gies between  Teotihuacan  and  Egyptian  pyramids  receive  the 
greater  share  of  attention,  though  some  valuable  facts  not 
mentioned  in  the  report  of  the  commission  are  here  made  known. 
Mr.  Bancroft  has  reproduced  the  main  features  of  the  report 
of  the  Mexican  Commission  and  compared  it  with  previous 
researches,  thus  presenting  the  reader  with  probably  the  best 
critical  version  of  the  exploration  of  Teotihuacan,  to  be  found  in 
any  language.4  The  cut  reduced  from  Almaraz  for  Mr.  Ban- 
croft's work  shows  the  plan  of  the  Teotihuacan  monuments  on  a 
scale  of  about  twenty-five  hundred  and  fifty  feet  to  an  inch. 

The  pyramid  marked  A  in  the  plan  is  known  as  Metztli 
Itzacual,  which  is  interpreted  "  House  of  the  Moon."  It  meas- 

1  See  Prescott,  book  iv,  caps,  i,  ii,  vol.  ii,  Kirk's  ed.  of  1875,  pp.  100-51. 

2  See  chapter  vi,  p.  243,  this  work. 

3  Almaraz,  Apuntes  sobre  las  Pirdmides  de  San  Juan  Teotihuacan.    Mexico, 
1864. 

4  Bancroft's  Native  Maces,  vol.  iv,  pp.  529-44,  and  a  good  bibliographical 
note  on  p.  530. 


376 


PLAN   OF  TEOTIHUACAK 


ures  156  metres  or  512  feet  from  east  to  west  by  130  metres  or 
426  feet  from  north  to  south.  According  to  Almarez,  its  height 
is  42  metres  or  137  feet,  but  Sr.  Garcia  y  Cubas,  who  took  his 

measurement  on  the  opposite  side 
of  the  pyramid  from  that  measured 
by  Almaraz,  says  that  it  is  46  metres 
or  150  feet  high.  The  summit  plat- 
form, according  to  Garcia  y  Cubas, 
is  six  metres  or  nineteen  and  a  half 
feet  square  ;  quite  a  discrepancy  is 
here  observable  between  the  esti- 
mated area  given  by  Beaufoy  and 
copied  by  Mr.  Bancroft  as  thirty- 
six  by  sixty  feet,  and  this  actual 
measurement.  The  sides  of  the 
pyramid  nearly  face  the  cardinal 
points.  The  eastern  slope  is  31° 
30',  while  the  southern  is  somewhat 
steeper,  being  36°.  The  slope  on 
the  east  seems  to  have  been  un- 
broken except  by  a  zigzag  roadway, 
leading  to  the  summit.  The  remain- 
ing sides  are  plainly  marked  by 
the  remains  of  three  terraces,  one 
of  which  is  still  about  three  feet 
wide.  Humboldt  and  Tylor  both  speak  of  remains  of  stairways 
of  which  no  mention  is  made  by  the  Government  Commission. 
Most  observers  have  described  the  pyramids  as  faced  with  hewn 
stone,  but  the  commissioners  on  the  contrary  found  them  coated 
with  successive  layers  of  different  conglomerates  as  follows  : 
"  1st,  small  stones  from  eight  to  twelve  inches  in  diameter,  with 
mud  forming  a  layer  of  about  thirty-two  inches  ;  2d,  fragments 
of  volcanic  tufa,  as  large  as  a  man's  fist,  also  in  mud,  to  the  thick- 
ness of  sixteen  inches  ;  3d,  small  grains  of  tetzontli  (a  porous 
volcanic  rock)  of  the  size  of  peas,  with  mud,  twenty-eight  inches 
thick  ;  4th ;  a  very  thin  and  smooth  coat  of  pure  lime  mortar. 


PLAN  OF  TEOTIHUACAN. 


HOUSE  OF  THE  SUN.  377 


These  layers  are  repeated  in  the  same  order  nine  times  and  are 
parallel  to  the  slopes  of  the  pyramid,  which  would  make  the 
thickness  of  the  superficial  facing  about  sixty  feet." l  On  the 
southern  slope,  sixty-nine  feet  from  the  base,  according  to  Almarez, 
a  gallery  large  enough  to  admit  a  man  crawling  on  hands  and 
knees,  extends  inward  on  an  incline,  a  distance  of  twenty-five 
feet,  and  terminates  in  two  square  wells  or  chambers,  each  five 
feet  square,  and  one  of  them  fifteen  feet  deep.  Mr.  Lowensternj 
according  to  Mr.  Bancroft,  states  that  "  the  gallery  is  a  hundred 
and  fifty-seven  feet  long,  increasing  in  height  to  over  six  feet 
and  a  half,  as  it  penetrates  the  pyramid  ;  that  the  well  is  over  six 
feet  square,  extending  apparently  down  to  the  base  and  up  to  the 
summit ;  and  that  other  cross  galleries  are  blocked  up  by  debris  ! " 
It  is  probable  that  these  remarkable  galleries  never  existed,  except 
in  Mr.  Lowenstern's  imagination,  since  Sr.  Almaraz  in  the  report 
of  the  official  survey  pronounces  the  tunnel  already  described  as 
simply  excavations  by  treasure-hunters.  The  pyramid  B  of  the 
plan,  situated  five  hundred  and  seventy-five  yards  south  of  the 
House  of  the  Moon,  is  called  Tonatiuh  Itzacual,  or  "  House  of 
the  Sun."  This  pyramid  requires  no  description,  except  to  give 
its  dimensions,  since  in  all  other  respects  it  is  precisely  similar 


1  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  p.  533.  On  page  543,  the  same  author  in 
a  note  translates  the  following  interesting  passage  from  Sr.  Garcia  y  Cubas : 
"  The  pyramids  of  Teotihuacan,  as  they  exist  to  day,  are  not  in  their  primitive 
state.  There  is  now  amass  of  loose  stones  whose  interstices  covered  with 
vegetable  earth  have  caused  to  spring  up  the  multitude  of  plants  and  flowers 
with  which  the  faces  of  the  pyramids  are  now  covered.  This  mass  of  stones 
differs  from  the  plan  of  construction  followed  in  the  body  of  the  monuments> 
and  besides  the  falling  of  these  stones,  which  has  taken  place  chiefly  on  the 
eastern  face  of  the  Moon,  has  laid  bare  an  inclined  plane  perfectly  smooth, 
which  seems  to  be  the  true  face  of  the  pyramid.  This  isolated  observation 
would  not  give  so  much  force  to  my  argument  if  it  were  not  accompanied  by 
the  same  circumstances  in  all  the  monuments."  This  inner  smooth  surface  has 
an  inclination  of  47°,  differing  from  the  angle  of  the  outer  faces.  Sr.  Garcia  y 
Cubas,  conjectures  that  the  Toltecs,  the  descendants  of  the  civilized  architects 
of  these  monuments,  fearing  that  they  would  be  despoiled  by  the  savages  who 
followed  them,  covered  up  their  sacred  places  with  the  outer  coatings  de- 
scribed. 


378  THE  CITADEL, 


to  the  House  of  the  Moon.  The  House  of  the  Sun,  according  to 
the  measurement  of  Sr.  Garcia  y  Cubas,  which  is  the  most  recent, 
is  at  the  base  232  metres  or  761  feet  by  220  metres  or  722  feet. 
Its  height  is  66  metres  or  216  feet,  while  the  summit  platform 
measures  18  by  32  metres  or  59  by  105  feet.  Both  this  pyramid 
and  the  preceding  have  each  a  small  mound  on  one  of  their  sides 
near  their  base.  In  the  latter  instance  this  mound  seems  con- 
nected with  an  avenue  of  mounds  just  west  of  it.  An  embank- 
ment marked  a,  &,  c,  c?,  one  hundred  and  thirty  feet  wide  on  the 
summit  and  twenty  feet  high,  widening  out  at  the  extremities 
into  platforms,  extends  around  three  sides  of  the  "  House  of  the 
Sun."  Across  the  Bio  San  Juan,  and  at  the  distance  of  twelve 
hundred  and  fifty  yards  southward  of  the  "  House  of  the  Sun," 
stands  the  Texcalpa  or  "  citadel."  This  is  a  quadrangular  en- 
closure, measuring  on  its  exterior  twelve  hundred  and  forty-six  by 
thirteen  hundred  and  thirty-eight  feet.  The  embankments  are 
of  enormous  strength,  being  two  hundred  and  sixty-two  feet  thick 
by  thirty- three  feet  high,  except  on  the  western  side,  which  is 
but  sixteen  feet  high.  The  enclosure  is  divided  unequally  by 
a  wall  as  strong  as  that  upon  the  sides.  On  the  centre  of  this 
wall  stands  a  pyramid  ninety-two  feet  high.  At  its  base  are 
two  small  mounds  besides  one  in  the  western  enclosure,  while 
fourteen  others  averaging  twenty  feet  in  height  are  arranged  with 
regularity  upon  the  summit  of  the  enclosing  wall.  An  avenue 
two  hundred  and  fifty  feet  wide  formed  by  mounds  and  measur^ 
ing  two  hundred  and  fifty  rods  in  length,  extends  from  a  point 
south  of  the  "  House  of  the  Moon "  to  the  river,  as  is  shown 
from  C  to  D,  in  the  plan.  The  avenue  is  cut  up  into  compart- 
ments by  six  cross  embankments,  a  rather  strange  feature  for 
which  no  explanation  has  been  afforded.  These  mounds  are 
mostly  conical,  built 'of  fragments  of  stone  and  clay,  and  some 
of  them  reach  a  height  of  thirty  feet.  The  native  traditions 
call  it  Micaotli,  which  may  indicate  that  they  were  designed  for 
the  purposes  of  sepulture.  Almaraz,  who  excavated  one  of  the 
multitude  of  mounds  or  tlalteles  in  the  vicinity,  found  four  walls 
meeting  at  right  angles,  though  a  little  inclined  and  forming  a 
small  square.  Connected  with  this  were  steps,  at  the  top  of 


LOS  EDIFICIOS  OF  QUEMADA.  379 

which  four  other  walls  enclosed  a  little  room,  supposed  to  have 
been  a  tomb.  The  natives  describe  the  discovery  of  a  stone  box 
in  one  of  the  mounds  containing  a  skull,  with  about  such  a  col- 
lection of  trinkets  as  is  commonly  met  with  in  the  stone  graves 
of  Tennessee.  Mayer  describes  a  massive  stone  column,  ten  feet 
long  and  four  feet  square,  cut  from  a  single  block.  This  resem- 
bles the  elaborate  capitol  of  a  column  resting  on  a  base  with 
scarcely  a  shaft  intervening.  It  is  called  the  fainting  stone  by 
the  natives,  who  believe  that  whoever  sits  on  it  is  sure  to  faint 
instantly. 

One  additional  group  of  ruins,  as  yet  unclassified  with  any 
of  the  types  we  have  described,  merits  our  attention.  This 
group  is  known  as  Los  Edificios  of  Quemada,  situated  in  south- 
ern Zocatecas  north  of  the  Central  plateau  and  probably  the 
home  of  the  Chichimecs.1  Mr.  Bancroft  has  attempted  to  re- 
construct the  unsatisfactory  accounts  of  the  several  explorers  of 
Quemada,  but  with  little  success.  We  therefore  decline  adding 
another  comparative  failure  to  the  list  of  literature  on  these 
ruins.  Some  general  observations,  however,  may  not  be  out  of 
place.  The  Cerro  de  los  Edificios  is  a  natural  eminence  about 
half  a  mile  long  and  between  one  hundred  and  two  hundred  yards 
wide,  except  at  its  southern  extremity  where  it  increases  to  a 
width  of  five  hundred  yards.  The  authorities  differ  as  to  its 
height,  one  saying  from  two  to  three  hundred  feet,  and  another 
eight  to  nine  hundred  feet  above  the  plain.  Ancient  roads  well 
paved  radiate  in  various  directions  from  the  hill,  some  of  them 

1  Quemada  was  at  first  mentioned  by  early  writers  as  one  of  the  stations  in 
the  Aztec  migration.  Captain  Lyon  published  in  his  Journal,  vol.  i.pp.  225-44, 
the  result  of  explorations  performed  by  him  at  Los  Edificios  in  1826.  Another 
report  was  made  by  Sr.  Esparza  from  data  furnished  him  by  Pedro  Rivera  in 
1830,  which  appeared  in  Esparza's  Informe  presentado  al  GoUerno,  pp.  56-8, 
and  MUSBO  Max.,  torn,  i,  pp.  185  et  seq.  Herr  Berghes  made  a  pretty  good  survey 
of  the  ruins  in  1831 ;  his  observations  were  published  by  Nebel.  Herr  Burkart,  a 
companion  of  Berghes,  published  a  description  in  his  AvfenthaU  und  Reisin  in 
Mexico,  torn,  ii,  pp.  97-105.  Nebel  published  his  observations  in  his  Viaje. 
Several  authors  have  made  up  notices  from  these  sources  without  adding  any 
original  information.  A  list  of  these,  as  well  as  those  given  above,  may  he 
found  in  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  578-9. 


380  ROUND  COLUMNS  AND  TRACES  OF  PORTICOES. 

extending  a  distance  of  five  or  six  miles.  The  northern  brow  of 
the  hill,  where  the  descent  is  not  so  precipitous  as  at  the  other 
points,  is  guarded  by  a  stone  wall,  as  are  all  other  points  where 
the  precipitous  sides  do  not  offer  a  sufficient  barrier  to  an  intruder 
from  without.  The  surface  of  the  hill  is  quite  uneven,  and  these 
irregularities  have  been  formed  into  terraces  supported  by  stone 
walls.  Foundations  have  thus  been  secured  for  a  multitude  of 
structures,  some  of  them  perfectly  pyramidal  and  others  consist- 
ing of  quadrangular  enclosures  or  squares,  terraced  and  having 
steps  descending  to  the  court  within,  where  pyramidal  structures 
of  stone  are  found.  On  the  eastern  terrace  of  the  Cerro,  a  round 
pillar,  eighteen  feet  high  and  nineteen  feet  in  circumference, 
stands  in  proximity  to  a  wall  of  as  great  height  as  the  pillar. 
Traces  of  nine  similar  pillars  are  visible,  and  the  probability  is 
that  they  formed  part  of  a  balcony  or  perhaps  a  portico.  Adjoin- 
ing this  wall  is  an  enclosure  measuring  138  by  100  feet,  in  which 
are  eleven  pillars  in  line,  each  seventeen  feet  in  circumference 
and  as  high  as  an  adjacent  wall,  namely  eighteen  feet.  The 
distance  from  the  wall  is  twenty-three  feet,  and  the  presumption 
is  that  the  pillars  supported  a  roof.  There  are  no  doorways, 
properly  so  called,  since  the  doorways  are  large  quadrangular 
openings  extending  to  the  full  height  of  the  halls.  No  windows 
were  discovered  anywhere.  The  material  is  gray  porphyry  from 
hills  across  an  intervening  valley,  and  the  mortar  is  reddish  clay, 
mixed  with  straw,  and  is  of  poor  quality.  Sculpture,  hierogly- 
phics, pottery,  human  remains,  idols,  arrowheads,  and  obsidian 
fragments  are  totally  wanting,  thus  presenting  a  strange  contrast 
with  all  other  Mexican  ruins.  Nevertheless,  the  massiveness  of 
the  fortifications,  the  height  and  great  thickness  of  the  walls, 
none  of  which  are  less  than  eight  feet  thick  and  in  one  instance 
over  twenty,  the  extensive  system  of  paved  roads,  besides  great 
elevated  stone  causeways  running  through  the  city,  the  size  of 
the  enclosed  squares,  one  of  which  contains  six  acres,  all  indicate 
that  this  might  have  been  the  capital  city  of  a  powerful  people, 
a  people  whose  architectural  affinities  with  all  others  that  we 
are  acquainted  with  are  very  few,  and  whose  contrasts  are  numer- 
ous. Certainly  the  type  and  execution  of  the  masonry,  though 


MAYA  AND  NAHUA  ARCHITECTURE  COMPARED.          381 

massive,  is  more  primitive  than  found  elsewhere  in  Mexico.  We 
do  not  mean  that  it  is  more  ancient,  for  such  cannot  be  true,  but 
inferior  to  that  in  other  parts  of  Mexico  and  the  Central  Ameri- 
can region.  The  arch  of  overlapping  stones  is  entirely  wanting, 
and  but  for  the  round  columns  without  either  base  or  capitol, 
the  steps  toward  advancement  in  the  art  would  only  be  those 
common  to  that  generally  vigorous  and  warlike  period  which,  in 
the  history  of  every  people,  has  preceded  a  higher  civilization. 
Mr.  Bancroft  has  published  Burghes'  plan  of  Quemada  but  to 
little  purpose,  since  the  descriptive  matter  available  does  not 
contain  a  reference  to  more  than  one-fourth  of  the  many  struc- 
tures indicated. 

In  the  course  of  the  chapter,  we  have  indicated  the  principal 
resemblances  and  contrasts  between  the  various  styles  treated. 
The  pyramidal  structure  we  have  found  employed  by  both  Mayas 
and  Nahuas,  with  certain  modifications  and  with  such  resem- 
blances as  would  seem  to  indicate  that  both  peoples  had  been 
originally,  or  at  an  early  day,  near  neighbors,  and  that  the 
younger  people,  at  least  the  more  recent  in  their  occupancy  of 
Mexico  and  Central  America,  the  Nahuas,  may  have  copied  the 
pyramid  in  its  perfected  form  from  the  Mayas.  We  have  noted 
some  difference  between  the  ancient  and  modern  Maya  styles. 
In  the  ancient  or  Chiapan,  the  irregularities  in  the  face  of  the 
pyramid  caused  by  constructing  it  of  tiers  of  rectangular  stones 
were  filled  with  mortar,  and  an  even  surface  produced.  In  the 
modern  or  Yucatanic  style  the  blocks  of  stone-facing  are  bevelled 
to  the  angle  of  the  slope.  Furthermore,  in  some  instances 
the  corners  of  the  pyramids  were  rounded.  At  Palenque  the 
superstructures  were  of  only  one  story,  while  Yucatanic  struc- 
tures were  often  formed  of  three  receding  stories.  Of  the  Copan 
ruins  little  can  be  said  intelligently,  except  that  the  pyramid 
combined  with  the  terrace  is  all-pervading,  but  still  is  not 
unlike  the  Palenque  style  in  its  main  features.  The  Nahua 
architecture  offers  a  great  variety  of  styles,  but  at  the  same  time 
the  pyramidal  structure  is  the  fundamental  feature  of  all  kinds 
of  structures.  Mitla  offers  an  exception  to  this  rule,  but  there 
are  doubts  as  to  whether  Mitla  may  be  classified  as  a  Nahua 


382  TEOTIHUACAN  AND  EGYPT. 

ruin  at  all.  The  early  writers  devoted  much  of  their  attention 
to  seeming  old  world  resemblances  in  ancient  American  archi- 
tecture, but  their  speculations  in  most  cases  were  puerile  and 
trivial.  Mr.  Stephens,  with  the  experience  which  the  careful 
study  and  observation  of  old  world  monuments  afforded  him, 
strongly  denies  that  any  such  analogies  are  to  be  found  among  the 
Maya  groups.1  M.  Yiollet-le-Duc  considers  the  monuments  of 
Mexico,  especially  those  of  Maya  origin,  to  have  been  influenced 
by  white  and  yellow  races,  the  former  of  the  Aryan  from  the 
north-east,  the  latter  the  Turanian  from  the  north-west.  He 
seems  to  find  some  analogy  between  ancient  Japanese  temples 
(and  quotes  a  description  from  Charlevoix,  Histoire  du  Japan, 
ed.  1754,  torn,  i,  chap,  x,  p.  171)  and  those  of  ancient  America. 
He  thinks  that  the  style  of  architecture  at  Uxmal  indicates 
clearly  that  the  first  structures  were  of  wood  and  resembled  the 
style  prevalent  in  Japan.  However,  the  wooden  structures  more 
properly  originated  with  the  white  races,  while  the  use  of  stucco 
is  characteristic  of  the  Turanian  or  Yellow  races  of  the  north- 
west. He  thinks  it  certain  that  Mitla  and  Palenque  were 
influenced  by  a  white  race.2  Senor  Garcia  y  Gubas  has  at- 
tempted to  prove  in  a  careful  argument  that  the  pyramids  of 
Teotihuacan  were  built  for  the  same  purposes  as  were  the  pyra- 
mids of  Egypt.  He  considers  the  analogy  established  in  eleven 
particulars,  as  follows  :  the  site  chosen  is  the  same  ;  the  struc- 
tures are  oriented  with  slight  variation,  the  line  through  the 
centres  of  the  pyramids  is  in  the  astronomical  meridian ;  the 
construction  in  grades  and  steps  is  the  same  ;  in  both  cases  the 
larger  pyramids  are  dedicated  to  the  sun  ;  the  Nile  has  a  "valley 
of  the  dead,"  as  in  Teotihuacan  there  is  a  "  street  of  the  dead  ; " 
some  monuments  of  each  class  have  the  nature  of  fortifications  ; 
the  smaller  mounds  are  of  the  same  nature  and  for  the  same 
purpose  ;  both  pyramids  have  a  small  mound  joined  to  one  of 
their  faces  ;  the  openings  discovered  in  the  Pyramid  of  the  Moon 
are  also  found  in  some  Egyptian  pyramids  ;  the  interior  arrange- 

1  Stephens'  Central  America,  vol.  ii,  pp.  438  et  seq. 

2  Viollet-le-Duc  in  Charnay's  Cites  et  Ruines,  Introduct.,  pp.  28  et  seq. 


SCULPTURE  AND  HIEROGLYPHICS.  383 

ment  of  the  pyramids  is  analogous.1  Mr.  Delafield  by  a  less 
systematic  argument  advocates  the  same  theory.  However,  his 
capability  to  discern  analogies  is  not  confined  to  a  single  struc- 
ture, since  in  the  pyramid  of  Cholula  and  the  teocalli  of  the  city 
of  Mexico  he  finds  a  counterpart  to  the  temple  of  Belus  at 
Babylon,  as  described  by  Herodotus.  The  walls  around  the  hill 
at  Xochicalco  explain  the  use  of  similar  embankments  at  Circle- 
ville  and  Marietta  in  Ohio,  while  the  order  of  the  apartments  at 
Mitla  bears  a  striking  analogy  to  the  arrangements  of  apart- 
ments in  the  temples  of  upper  Egypt.  This  and  much  more  Mr. 
Delafield  has  been  able  to  discover,  but  unfortunately  only  with 
certainty  to  his  own  mind.2  Lowenstern  is  equally  certain  that 
the  American  monuments  were  not  constructed  by  a  nation 
analogous  to  that  which  built  the  pyramids  of  Egypt.3  Banking, 
on  the  other  hand,  finds  that  Teotihuacan  was  named  after  the 
illustrious  dead  buried  beneath  its  pyramids,  as  was  the  custom 
in  Egypt,  but  in  this  instance  the  name  is  analogous  to  that  of 
Thiautcan  or  Khan,  the  name  of  the  grand  Khan  of  the  Monguls 
and  Tartars  who  occupied  the  throne  of  China  at  the  time  of 
Sir  John  Mandeville's  visit  to  Pekin  in  the  fourteenth  century  ; 
and  as  at  Teotihuacan  and  among  the  Monguls  the  sun  and 
moon  were  worshipped,  so,  according  to  Banking,  those  American 
monuments  are  attributable  to  Mongul  architects.4  It  would  be 
easy  for  us  to  continue  the  citation  of  these  fancied  analogies, 
but  it  is  no  doubt  already  apparent  to  the  reader  that  they  are 
generally  of  too  trivial  a  character  to  serve  the  ends  of  science, 
and  we  therefore  dismiss  their  further  consideration.5 

Sculpture  and  Hieroglyphics. — The  mound  sculpture,  as  has 
been  observed  in  the  cuts  illustrating  a  previous  chapter  of  this 

1  Garcia  y  Cubas,  Ensayo  de  un  Estudio  comparative*  entre  los  Pir amides 
Egi/pcies  y  Mexicanas;  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  543-4,  and  vol.  v, 
pp.  55-6. 

2  Delafield,  Inquiry  into  the  Origin  of  American  Antiquities,  pp.  57-61. 
1839.    4to. 

3  Mexique,  pp.  274-5.     Leipsic,  1843.  4  Historical  Researches,  p.  355. 

5  See  further,  Clavigero,  Storia  del  Messico,  torn,  iv,  pp.  19-20 ;  Jones, 
Hist.  Anc.  Amer.,  p.  122  ;  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  p.  474 ;  Prescott,  Mex.,  torn,  iii, 
p.  407 ;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol,  torn,  i,  p.  265 ;  Tylor's  Early  History,  p.  206. 


384 


MOUND-SCULPTURE— PALENQUE   SCULPTURE. 


work,  though  comparatively  rude  in  most  cases,  still,  in  a  few 
instances,  is  quite  remarkable  as  affording  true  representations 
of  animals  and  possibly  of  the  human  face.  Considerable  pro- 
gress in  the  art  of  ornamentation  in  terra-cotta  is  displayed  on 
many  of  the  vases  and  burial  urns  exhumed  from  the  mounds. 
Many  of  the  lines,  figures  and  borders  traced  in  relief  and  some- 
times in  taglio  on  those 
vessels  indicate  not  only 
that  a  sense  of  the  beau- 
tiful was  present,  but 
that  it  had  been  culti- 
vated to  a  considerable 
extent.  The  same  re- 
marks apply  to  the  pot- 
tery of  the  Pueblos  and 
Cliff-dwellers.  At  Pa- 
lenque,  however,  the  stu- 
dent of  art  meets  with 
no  mean  attempts  at 
delineating  the  human 
form — in  fact,  the  success 
obtained  in  this  difficult 
field  alone  characterized 
the  work  of  the  Palen- 
que  artists.  It  is  pre- 
sumed that  nearly  all  of 
the  piers  separating  the 
doorways  in  the  eastern 
wall  of  the  palace  were 
ornamented  with  stucco 
bas-reliefs.  Two  out  of 
six  of  the  best  preserved 

are  shown  in  the  following  cuts.  The  most  remarkable  feature 
of  the  first  (Fig.  1,  reduced  from  Waldeck  for  Bancroft's  work)  is 
the  cranial  type,  deformed  to  a  shocking  degree,  probably  by 
artificial  pressure,  so  generally  employed  by  the  ancient  Ameri- 
can races.  Possibly  it  is  but  a  caricature. 


STUCCO  BAS-RELIEF  IN  THE  PALACE. 
Fig.  1. 


ELEPHANT  TRUNK  SCULPTURE. 


385 


STUCCO  BAS-RELIEF  IN  THE  PALACE. 

Fig.  2. 

Fig.  2  (a  photographic  reduction  from  Waldeck)  presents 
us   with   a   subject   which   has    called   forth   no    little   discus- 
sion.   The  "  elephant's  trunk "  which  protrudes  from  the  elab- 
orate head-dress  of  the   priest  has   been   thought  to  indicate 
25 


386  GIGANTIC  HUMAN   SCULPTURES. 

an  Asiatic  influence.1  We  have  already  referred  to  the  frequent 
occurrence  of  the  "  elephant  trunk  "  ornament  in  Yucatan.  The 
hieroglyphic  signs  at  the  top  and  on  the  faces  of  these  reliefs  no 
douht  hold  locked  up  in  their  mysterious  symbols  the  history  of 
the  scene. 

In  all  of  these  reliefs  the  flattened  cranial  type  is  present,  and 
no  doubt  represents  the  ideal  of  beauty  among  those  ancient 
people.  The  stuccoes  appear  to  have  been  moulded  upon  the 
undercoating  of  cement  after  it  had  become  hard.  The  brush 
of  the  painter  was  then  employed  in  its  final  embellishment.- 
Adjacent  to  the  eastern  stairway  leading  downward  into  the  main 
court  of  the  palace  are  great  stone  slabs,  forming  a  surface  on  each 
side  of  the  steps  fifty  feet  long  by  eleven  feet  high.  Waldeck, 
Stephens  and  Bancroft  furnish  views  of  gigantic  human  figures 
sculptured  in  low  relief  upon  these  surfaces.  Both  the  attitudes 
and  expressions  portrayed  indicate  that  the  groups  represented 
are  either  captives  or  possibly  victims  for  sacrifice.3  On  the 
opposite  side  of  the  court,  and  on  the  stone  face  of  the  balustrade 
of  a  stairway,  two  figures,  male  and  female,  are  sculptured, 
which,  according  to  Waldeck,  are  of  the  Caucasian  type.  The 
same  artist  has  shown  the  beautiful  grecques  which  adorn  the 
panels  of  the  cornice.4  Waldeck  and  Bancroft  have  figured  a 
remarkable  stone  tablet  of  elliptical  form,  in  which  a  princely 
personage  is  represented  as  sitting  cross-legged  on  a  chair  formed 
of  a  double-headed  animal,  pronounced  by  Stephens  to  resemble 
a  leopard.  Catherword's  plate,  in  Morelet's  Travels,  shows  an 
ornament  suspended  from  the  neck  of  the  chief  figure  resembling 
an  effigy  of  the  sun,  while  in  Waldeck's  drawing  the  Egyptian 

1  Humboldt,   Vues,  p.  92  (fol.  ed.,  1810),,  considers  that  this  people  was 
originally  from  Asia  and  preserved  some  remembrance  of  the  elephant,  or  that 
in  their  traditions  they  had  accounts  of  the  mammoth  of  the  American  con- 
tinent. 

2  Waldeck,  p.  v,  pi.  xii,  xiii.     Stephens,  Cent.  Am.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  311,  116-17. 
Dupaix,  pp.  20,  37,  75-6,  pi.  xiv-xxii.     Kingsborough,  vol.  iv,  pi.  xxvi.     Ban- 
croft, Native  Races,  vol  iv,  pp.  304-6. 

3  Waldeck's  Palenque,  pi.  xiv,  xv,  shows  both  groups.     Bancroft,  vol.  iv, 
p.  313.     Dupaix,  pi.  xxiii-iv. 

4  Waldeck,  pi.  xiv. 


ELLIPTICAL   STONE   TABLET. 


387 


Tau  is  graven  upon  the   ornament.1      The  accompanying  cut 
shows  Waldeck's  drawing  (employed  by  Mr.  Bancroft). 

Four  hundred  yards  south  of  the  palace  stands  the  ruins  of  a 
pyramid  and  temple,  which,  at  the  time  of  Dupaix's  and  of 
Waldeck's  visits  were  in  a  good  state  of  preservation,  but  quite 
dilapidated  when  seen  by  Charnay.  The  temple  faces  the  east, 


SCULPTURED  TABLET  IN  THE  PALACE. 


and  on  the  western  wall  of  its  inner  apartment,  itself  facing  the 
eastern  light,  is  found  (or  rather  was,  for  it  has  now  entirely 
disappeared)  the  most  beautiful  specimen  of  stucco  relief  in 
America.  M.  Waldeck,  with  the  critical  insight  of  an  expe- 


1  Waldeck,  pi.  xvii. 
Morelet,  p.  97. 


Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  317-18.    Stephens,  vol.  ii,  p.  318. 


388 


THE  BEAU   RELIEF   IX   STUCCO. 


BEAU  RELIEF  IN  STUCCO. 


rienced  artist,  declares  it  "  worthy  to  be  compared  to  the  most 
beautiful  works  of  the  age  of  Augustus/'  Pie  therefore  named 
the  temple  the  Beau  Belief.  The  above  cut  is  a  reduction 
from  Waldeck's  drawing  used  in  Mr.  Bancroft's  work,  and  is  very 


TABLET  OF  THE  CROSS.  389 

accurate.  However,  the  peculiar  beauty  of  Waldeck's  drawing 
is  such  that  it  must  be  seen  in  order  to  be  fully  appreciated. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  for  us  to  call  the  reader's  attention 
to  the  details  of  this  picture,  in  which  correctness  of  design  and 
graceful  outlines  predominate  to  such  an  extent  that  we  may 
safely  pronounce  the  beautiful  youth  who  sits  enthroned  on  his 
elaborate  and  artistic  throne,  the  American  Apollo.  In  the 
original  drawing  the  grace  of  the  arms  and  wrists  is  truly  match- 
less, and  the  chest  muscles  are  displayed  in  the  most  perfect 
manner.  The  embroidered  girdle  and  folded  drapery  of  the 
figure,  as  well  as  the  drapery  around  the  leopards7  necks,  are 
arranged  with  taste.  The  head-dress  is  not  unlike  a  Koman 
helmet  in  form,  with  the  addition  of  numerous  plumes.  The 
sandals  of  the  feet  are  secured  by  a  cord  and  rosette,  while  orna- 
ments on  the  animals'  ankles  seem  secured  by  leather  straps. 
The  engraving  does  not  do  justice  to  the  face-like  ornament 
suspended  by  the  string  of  pearls  upon  the  youth's  breast.  In 
the  original  drawing  it  is  quite  beautiful,  and  of  a  female  cast.1 

The  next  subject  of  interest  to  the  student  of  sculpture  is 
found  in  the  Temple  of  the  Cross,  in  the  inmost  sanctuary  of  all, 
and  is  known  as  the  Tablet  of  the  Cross.  Three  stones  cover 
most  of  the  surface  of  the  rear  wall  of  the  sanctum  sanctorum, 
and  present  an  area  six  feet  four  inches  high  by  ten  feet  eight 
inches  wide.  The  central  of  the  three  stones  bears  the  cele- 
brated sculpture  of  the  cross  which  has  excited  so  much  interest 
and  comment,  to  say  nothing  of  speculation  as  to  its  origin. 
The  cut  is  a  photographic  reduction  from  Waldeck's  drawing. 
A  priest  and  priestess  appear  to  be  offering  an  infant  to  an  ugly 
bird  which  stands  perched  upon  the  cross.  The  infant's  face 
is  completely  hid  by  a  fantastic  mask  or  cap.  The  expression 
of  pain  on  the  faces  of  the  officiating  personages  is  very  marked. 
The  symmetry  of  proportion  employed  in  the  sculpture  is  con- 
ceded by  all  observers.  The  two  lateral  stones  (the  left-hand 
one  being  shown  in  our  cut)  are  covered  with  hieroglyphics, 


1  Waldcck's  Palenque,  p.  iii,  pi.  42.     Dupaix,  pi.  xxxiii,  Fig.  37.     Kings- 
borough,  pi.  xxxv  j  fig.  37.    Stephens,  vol.  ii,  p.  355. .  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  328-30. 


390 


TABLET   OF   THE   CROSS. 


TABLET  OF  THE  CROSS. 


which  begin  at  the  left-hand  upper  corner  with  a  large  capital 
letter.  Some  one  had  removed  the  central  stone  from  its  posi- 
tion prior  to  Waldeck's  visit,  and  conveyed  it  to  a  point  in  the 
forest  not  far  distant.  Stephens  also  found  it  in  the  same  locality. 
By  referring  to  the  hieroglyphic  tablet  at  the  left  of  the  cross 


A  PALENQUE  STATUE. 


391 


it  will  be  observed  that  just  below  the 
large  initial  letter  or  word  is  a  three- 
fold hieroglyphic,  while  seven  others 
in  the  same  column  are  double. 
This  would  indicate,  we  should 
think,  that  the  characters  were  read 
from  the  top  downwards,  though  it 
is  possible  that  the  lines  were  read 
horizontally,  each  line  beginning 
with  a  capital  as  in  poetry.1 

On  either  side  of  the  doorway 
opening  to  the  inner  sanctuary  of 
the  Cross,  were  originally  two  male 
figures  sculptured  in  low-relief  on 
stone ;  one  of  them,  which  appears 
to  represent  an  aged  royal  person,  is 
beautifully  clad  in  a  leopard's  skin, 
while  the  opposite  figure,  designed 
probably  to  represent  youthful  man- 
hood, is  arrayed  in  what  may  be  an 
elaborate  military  dress  and  plumed 
crest  of  magnificent  character.  He 
wears  what  appears  to  be  a  cuirass 
about  his  shoulders  and  chest.  These 
tablets  were  removed  to  the  village 
of  Santo  Domingo  years  ago  and 
set  up  in  a  modern  house,  where  they 
were  offered  to  M.  Waldeck  on  the 
sole  condition  that  he  should  marry 
one  of  the  proprietresses,  though 
he  at  the  time  was  more  than  sixty- 
four  years  of  age.  Stephens  could 
have  obtained  them  by  purchas- 
ing the  house  in  which  they  had 


PALENQUE  STATUE. 


1  Waldeck,  p.  vii,  pi.  xxi-ii.     Stephens,  vol.  ii,  pp.  345-7.     Charnay,  p.  419, 
pi.  xxi.     Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  332-6. 


392  TABLET   OF   THE   SUN. 


been  placed,  but  did  not.1  On  the  slope  of  the  pyramid  of  the 
Cross,  M.  Waldeck  found  two  statues  just  alike,  one  of  which 
was  unfortunately  broken  ;  the  other,  subsequently  sketched 
by  Catherwood,  is  shown  in  the  cut,  a  photographic  reduction 
from  Waldeck.  These  statues  were  ten  and  a  half  feet  high, 
though  two  and  a  half  feet  of  their  length,  not  shown  in  the 
cut,  formed  a  tenon  by  which  they  were  embedded  in  the  floor  of 
the  pyramidal  surface,  where  Waldeck  supposes  they  stood  sup- 
porting a  platform  about  twenty  feet  square,  in  front  of  the 
central  doorway.  These  are  the  only  statues  ever  found  at 
Palenque  ;  but  it  is  doubted  whether  they  can  be  technically 
called  statues,  since  the  back  is  of  rough  stone,  and  unsculptured. 
They  probably  rested  against  a  wall  and  served  as  supports  for 
an  upper  roof  or  floor,  as  indicated  by  Waldeck.  The  head- 
dress has  been  pronounced  Egyptian  by  all  who  have  seen  it.2 

In  the  temple  of  the  Sun,  in  a  position  precisely  correspond- 
ing to  that  occupied  by  the  tablet  of  the  cross,  stands  a  some- 
what similar  tablet  cut  in  low-relief  on  three  slabs  covering  an 
area  of  eight  by  nine  feet.  The  figure  of  the  cross  in  this  instance 
is  displaced  by  a  hideous  face  or  mask  supposed  to  represent 
the  sun,  supported  by  a  framework  resting  on  the  shoulders 
of  crouching  men.  The  priest  and  priestess  occupy  the  same 
positions  as  occupied  by  them  in  the  tablet  of  the  cross.  Each 
is  in  the  act  of  presenting  a  child  with  masked  face  to  the  sun, 
and  each  is  standing  upon  the  back  of  a  kneeling  slave.  The 
lateral  tablets  are  covered  with  columns  or  rows  of  hieroglyphics, 
as  in  the  tablet  of  the  cross.3  The  stuccoed  roofs  and  piers  of 
both  the  temples— Cross  and  Sun — may  be  truly  pronounced 
works  of  art  of  a  high  order.  On  the  former,  Stephens  observed 
busts  and  heads  approaching  the  Greek  models  in  symmetry  of 
contour  and  perfectness  of  proportion.  M.  Waldeck  has  pre- 

1  Waldeck,  pi.  23-24 ;  Stephens,  vol.  ii,  p.  352  ;  Dupaix,  p.  24,  pi.  xxxvii- 
viii ;  mention  in  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  332-3. 

2  Waldeck,  pi.  25  ;  Stephens,  vol.  ii,  pp.  344,  349 ;  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  336-7, 
with  cut. 

3  Waldeck,  pi.  xxvi-xxxii ;  Stephens,  vol.  ii,  pp.  351-4 ;  Bancroft,  vol.  iv, 
pp.  338-41. 


SCULPTURE  AT  UXMAL.  393 

served  in  his  magnificent  drawings  some  of  these  figures,  which 
are  certainly  sufficient  to  prove  beyond  controversy,  that  the 
ancient  Pale  n queans  were  a  cultivated  and  artistic  people.  In 
passing  to  Uxmal  the  transition  is  from  delineations  of  the 
human  figure  to  the  elegant  and  superabundant  exterior  orna- 
mentation of  edifices,  and  from  stucco  to  stone  as  the  material 
employed.  The  human  figure,  however,  when  it  is  represented, 
is  in  statuary  of  a  high  order.  The  artists  of  Uxmal  did  not 
improve  upon  the  Palenque  models  so  much  in  the  design  as  in 
the  execution  of  their  subjects.  Uxmal  statuary  approximates 
more  closely  to  what  properly  may  be  called  statuary,  being  cut 
more  nearly  "  in  the  round "  and  having  less  unfinished  back 
surface  than  the  Palenque  statue.  The  elegant  square  panels 
of  grecques  and  frets  which  compose  the  cornice  of  the  Casa  del 
Gobernador,  delineated  in  the  works  of  Stephens,  Baldwin  and 
Bancroft,  are  a  marvel  of  beauty,  which  must  excite  the  ad- 
miration of  the  most  indifferent  student  of  this  subject.  The 
ornamentation  of  this  great  cornice,  equal  to  one-third  the 
height  of  the  building,  is  cut  on  blocks  of  stone  and  inserted  in 
the  wall  with  the  utmost  precision,  so  that  every  line  matches, 
and  the  graceful  arabesques  and  bas-reliefs,  which  sometimes 
cover  several  blocks  with  a  single  figure,  are  unbroken  by  appar- 
ent joints.  The  grandest  specimens  of  American  ornamental 
sculpture  are,  however,  to  be  seen  on  the  inner  fronts  of  the  four 
buildings  of  the  Casa  de  Monjas,  a  plan  of  which  is  given  on 
page  350  of  this  work.  It  will  be  remembered  that  these  fronts 
face  the  court  around  which  the  buildings  were  constructed. 
The  court  front  of  the  eastern  building  is  probably  one  of  the 
most  tasteful  and  interesting  specimens  of  sculpture  to  be  met 
with  in  America.1  M.  Waldeck  considers  that  it  presents  an 
appearance  of  grandeur  of  which  it  would  be  difficult  to  give 
an  idea,  while  Stephens  considers  its  chasteness  of  design  a  great 
relief  from  the  gorgeous  masses  of  other  fagades.  The  cornice 
over  the  central  doorway  and  the  corners  of  the  eastern  court 

1  Plates,  Waldeck's  Voy.  Pitt.,  pi.  xv-xvii ;  Charnay's  photographs  have 
attested  the  accuracy  of  Waldeck's  drawings  ;  Waldeck's  views  reproduced  in 
Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  183-3. 


394        SCULPTURED  FACADES  OF   THE   CASA   DE    MONJAS. 

fagade  are  ornamented  with  ugly  masks  and  "elephant  trunks" 
protruding  from  them,  as  in  the  Governor's  home.1  If  the  pre- 
ceding fagade  is  the  most  generally  admired  of  those  at  Uxmal, 
"  the  most  magnificent  and  beautiful  front  in  America"  is  that 
of  the  Serpent  Temple,  or  western  court  fagade  of  the  Nunnery, 
as  is  shown  in  the  accompanying  engraving,  which  is  a  photo- 
graphic reduction  of  Waldeck's  drawing  employed  in  Mr.  Ban- 
croft's work. 


„_ — 

?-,:>i',.-:         ; 


WESTERN  COURT  FAqADE — CASA  DE  MONJAS. 

The  marked  feature  of  the  sculpture  is  the  formation  of 
square  panels  by  the  intertwined  bodies  of  two  huge  stone  ser- 
pents with  monster  heads,  surmounted  by  plumes  and  enclosing 
between  the  jaws  of  each  a  human  face.  A  head  and  tail  as 
shown  above  occupy  opposite  extremes  of  the  front.  This  may 
be  a  representation  of  the  plumed  serpent  of  the  Central  Amer- 
ican mythology.  The  stone  lattice-work  (a  feature  of  Uxmal 
sculpture)  underlying  the  serpents  and  covering  the  panels 

1  Stephens'  Yuc.,  vol.  i,  p.  306  ;  Waldeck's  pi.  xvi  ;  also  see  Charnay's 
phot,  39  ;  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  182-4  ;  Viollet-le-Duc's  drawing  in  Charnay, 
p.  65. 


THE   SERPENT   TEMPLE. 


395 


SUN  SYMBOL. 


formed  by  their  folds,  is  more  complicated  and  beautiful  than 
any  other  in  America.  At  regular  intervals  large  grecques  or 
arabesques,  with  their  connecting  bars  lengthened  to  the  width 
of  the  entire  sculptured  portion  of  the  fagade,  are  distributed. 
Several  panels  are  ornamented  with  life-sized  human  figures, 
while  each  panel  contains  a  human  face,  some  of  which  are  as 
beautiful  as  the  Greek  models.  The  upper 
cornice  is  ornamented,  as  are  all  the  other  cor- 
nices of  the  Nunnery,  with  what  are  supposed 
to  be  Sun  symbols,  one  of  which  is  shown  in 
the  cut,  reduced  photographically  from  Wai- 
deck's  drawing.  The  appended  " feathers" 
are  almost  Assyrian  in  their  type,  while  the 
double  triangle  within  the  circle  is  certainly 
an  ancient  symbol  in  the  old  world. 

The  "elephant  trunks"  and  rude  masks 
employed  as  ornaments  above  the  doorways  of 
the  other  fronts,  are  also  numerous  here. 
Since  M.  Walcleck's  visit  portions  of  this 
wonderful  example  of  ancient  decorative  art 
have  fallen.1  The  northern  building  of  the 
court  offers  no  sculptured  contrasts  with  the 
other  buildings,  except  that  above  the  upper 
cornice,  thirteen  turrets,  each  seventeen  feet 
high  and  ten  feet  wide,  are  distributed  at  "ELEPHANT  TRUNK." 
regular  intervals,  and  are  also  covered  with 
sculpture  resembling  the  grecques  of  the  Serpent  temple.  Most 
of  the  sculptures  at  Uxmal  were  probably  painted,  as  traces  of 
various  colors  were  observed  in  sheltered  localities.  The  rich 
sculptures  of  the  prophet's  house  were  painted  blue,  red,  yellow 
and  white,  according  to  M.  Waldeck.  The  Mayas  no  doubt 
employed  the  brush  freely,  and  in  some  instances  with  skill.  In 
the  gymnasium  at  Chichen-Itza,  Stephens  grew  enthusiastic 

1  Cut  from  Waldeck's  Voy.  Pitt.,  pi.  xiii-xviii  and  p.  100  ;  reproduced  by 
Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  p.  185,  of  which  ours  is  an  electrotype  copy.  See  also  Stephens' 
Yucatan,  vol.  i,  pp,  302-3  ;  Charnay,  Rmnes  Amer.,  phot.  40,  41,  44  ;  Norman's 
Rambles  in  Yucatan,  p.  162. 


396  DR.  LE  PLONGEON  IN  YUCATAN. 

over  the  exceedingly  fine  series  of  paintings  in  bright  colors, 
which  cover  the  walls  of  one  of  the  chambers.  Many  of  the 
pictures  have  been  destroyed  by  the  falling  of  the  plaster  upon 
which  they  were  painted.  In  this  series  of  pictures,  battles, 
processions,  houses,  trees  and  a  variety  of  objects  are  represented 
— blue,  red,  yellow  and  green  are  the  colors  employed,  though 
the  human  figures  are  painted  reddish  brown.1  At  Chichen,  as 
elsewhere,  the  favorite  subject  for  the  Maya  sculpture  was  the 
serpent.  A  colossal  serpent  balustrade  is  one  of  the  wonders  of 
this  interesting  place. 

Dr.  Augustus  Le  Plongeon,  during  the  last  quarter  of  the 
year  1875,  made  an  extensive  exploration  of  Chichen-Itza.  The 
reports  of  his  discoveries  seem  at  first  well-nigh  fabulous,  though 
their  authenticity  is  so  well  attested  as  to  leave  no  room  for 
doubt.  Mr.  Stephen  Salisbury,  Jr.,  of  Worcester,  Massachu- 
setts, has  in  several  memoirs  of  intense  interest  and  unusual 
scientific  value,  communicated  the  progress  and  results  of  Dr. 
Le  Plongeon's  exploration  in  Yucatan  to  the  American  An- 
tiquarian Society.  Mr.  Salisbury  has  also  presented  the  ex- 
plorer's original  memoirs,  accompanied  by  photographs  made 
at  Chichen-Itza  and  on  the  Islands  of  Cozumel  and  Mugeres. 
These  valuable  documents  have  reached  the  public  in  Mr.  Salis- 
bury's publications  entitled,  (1.)  The  Mayas,  the  Sources  of  their 
History  (Worcester,  1877,  with  heliotype  reproductions  of  the 
photos);  (2.)  Maya  Archaeology  (Worcester,  1879,  with  heliotype 
reproductions  of  photos  and  drawings).2  In  these  pages  we  are 
impressed  with  the  fact  that  the  darkness  which  has  so  long 
enveloped  the  antiquity  of  Yucatan  is  soon  to  be  displaced  by 
the  noon-day  of  scientific  investigation.  Still  we  cannot  refrain 
from  expressing  the  regret  that  Dr.  Le  Plongeon's  enthusiasm  is 
so  apparent  in  his  reports.  A  judicial  frame  of  mind,  as  well  as 
the  calmness  which  accompanies  it,  are  requisites  both  for  scien- 

1  Stephens'     Yucatan,    vol.    ii,    pp.    303-11  ;    Charnay's   Ruines    Amer., 
pp.  140-1,  phot.  33,  34;  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iv,  pp.  220-36. 

2  Mr.  Salisbury,  with  the  most  liberal  courtesy,  has  furnished  the  heliotypes 
and  photos  from  which  the  accompanying  engravings  were  made.     We  take  this 
opportunity  of  expressing  publicly  our  thanks  for  this  rare  favor. 


STATUE   OF  CHAAC  MOL.  397 

tific  work  and  the  inspiration  of  confidence  in  the  reader.  Not- 
withstanding this,  our  views  have  been  most  happily  expressed 
by  the  committee  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  to 
whom  was  entrusted  the  publication  of  Dr.  Le  Plongeon's 
memoirs.  Their  statement  is  as  follows  :  "  The  successes  of 
Du  Chaillu,  Sehlieman,  and  of  Stanley,  are  remarkable  instances 
of  triumphant  results  in  cases  where  enthusiasm  had  been  sup- 
posed to  lack  the  guidance  of  wisdom.  If  earnest  men  are 
willing  to'  take  the  risks  of  personal  research  in  hazardous 
regions,  or  exercise  their  ingenuity  and  their  scholarship  in 
attempting  to  solve  historical  or  archaeological  problems,  we 
may  accept  thankfully  the  information  they  give,  without  first 
demanding  in  all  cases  unquestionable  evidence  or  absolute 
demonstration." 

Dr.  Le  Plongeon  says  of  the  columns  at  Chichen,  "  the  base 
is  formed  by  the  head  of  Cukulcan,  the  shaft  by  the  body  of  the 
serpent,  with  its  feathers  beautifully  carved  to  the  very  chapter. 
On  the  chapters  of  the  columns  that  support  the  portico,  at  the 
entrance  of  the  castle  in  Chichen-Itza,  may  be  seen  the  carved 
figures  of  long  bearded  men,  with  upraised  hands,  in  the  act 
of  worshipping  sacred  trees.  They  forcibly  recall  to  mind  the 
same  worship  in  Assyria."  In  consequence  of  the  successful 
interpretation  of  certain  hieroglyphic  inscriptions  at  Chichen, 
the  explorer  and  his  wife  (who  accompanied  him  in  his  perilous 
enterprise),  learned  that  the  statue  of  Chaac  Mol,  or  Balam, 
(the  tiger  king),  the  greatest  of  the  Itza  monarchs,  had  been 
buried  below  the  surface  of  the  ground  at  a  certain  point,  dis- 
tant four  hundred  yards  from  the  palace.  The  first  result  of 
excavation  in  the  locality  indicated  was  the  discovery  of  a  sculp- 
tured tiger  of  colossal  size,  having  a  human  head,  which,  un- 
fortunately, was  broken  off.  Several  slabs  bearing  sculptures  of 
tigers  and  birds  of  prey  in  relief  were  unearthed.  A  pedestal 
supporting  the  sculptured  tiger  apparently  had  once  occupied 
the  spot,  and  its  destruction  had  left  a  mound  of  debris.  Seven 
metres  below  the  surface  of  this  mound  a  rough  stone  urn  contain- 
ing a  little  dust  was  secured,  and  upon  it  an  earthen  cover.  This 
was  near  the  head  of  the  statue  of  Chaac  Mol,  which  was  next 


398 


SCULPTURED  SLABS   AT   CHICHEN-ITZA. 


disclosed.  The  statue  is  of  a  white  calcareous  stone,  one  metre 
fifty-five  centimetres  long,  one  metre  fifteen  centimetres  in 
height,  and  eighty  centimetres  wide,  and  weighed  fifty  kilos. 
The  statue  represents  the  reclining  figure  of  a  man,  who  is  naked 


SCULPTURED  SLAB  POUND  AT  CHICHEN-ITZA. 

except  that  he  is  adorned  with  a  head-dress,  with  bracelets, 
garters  of  feathers,  and  sandals  similar  to  those  found  upon  the 
mummies  of  the  ancient  Gruanchies  of  the  Canary  Islands. 

The  statue  of  Chaac  Mol  was  seized  by  Mexican  officials  and 
sent  to  the  capital.     Our  friend,  the  Rev.  John  W.  Butler,  of 


SCULPTURED  SLABS  AT  CHICHEN-ITZA. 


399 


the  city  of  Mexico,  writes  to  us  (letter  received  October  10, 
1878)  concerning  the  statue  :  "  It  is  just  as  represented.  It 
may  be  seen  in  the  National  Museum,  just  opposite  its  exact 


SCULPTURED   SLAB  FOUND  AT   CHICHEN-!TZA. 

duplicate,  which  was  found  under  the  Plaza  of  the  city  of 
Mexico,  some  years  ago.  What  is  the  meaning  of  this  ?  The 
tribe  whose  king  ( or  god  ? )  it  was,  must  have  migrated  south- 
ward, for  the  one  excavated  in  Mexico  shows  greater  age  than 
the  one  from  Yucatan."  In  reply  we  would  say  that  the  evi- 


400 


STATUE  OF   CHAAC  MOL. 


dences  are  sufficient  that  the  Maya  civilization  once  extended 
farther  north  than  the  city  of  Mexico,  but  the  conquests  of  the 
Nahuas  drove  that  ancient  people  no  doubt  to  abandon  their 
northern  territory  aiid  to  confine  themselves  to  their  lands 
farther  south. 

Dr.  Le  Plongeon,  in  speaking  of  the  historical  value  of  the 
statue,  says  Chaac  Moi  was  one  of  the  three  brothers  whom  tra- 


^ 


STATUE  OF  CHAAC  MOL. 

dition  declares  were  the  co-rulers  of  Yucatan  at  a  very  ancient 
period.  Chaac  Mol  and  his  beautiful  queen  Kinich-Kakmo 
were  the  powerful  sovereigns  of  the  kingdom  of  Chichen-Itza. 
Aac,  one  of  the  brothers,  becoming  enamored  of  his  sister-in-law 
Kinich-Kakmo,  slew  Chaac  Mol  that  he  might  make  her  his 
wife.  The  funeral-chamber,  the  mural  paintings,  the  statues, 
and  the  monument  of  the  murdered  king  found  by  the  explorer, 
were  memorials  of  the  sad  event  which  the  faithful  queen 
caused  to  be  executed  by  the  artisans  and  artists  of  the  royal 


MURAL  PAINTING  FROM  CHAAC  MOL  MONUMENT.        4Q1 

city.  Dr.  Le  Plongeon  remarks  :  "  In  the  funeral-chamber, 
the  terrible  altercation  between  Aac  and  Chaac  Mol,  which  had 
its  termination  in  the  murder  of  the  latter  by  his  brother,  is 
represented  by  large  figures,  three-fourths  life  size.  There  Aac  is 
painted  holding  three  spears  in  his  hands,  typical  of  the  three 
wounds  he  inflicted  on  the  back  of  his  brother.  These  wounds 
are  indicated  on  the  statue  of  the  dying  tiger  (symbol  of  Chaac 
Mol)  by  two  holes  near  the  lumbar  region,  and  one  under  the 
left  scapula,  proving  that  the  blow  was  aimed  at  the  heart  from 
behind.  The  two  wounds  are  also  marked  by  two  holes  near 
each  other  in  the  lumbar  region,  on  the  bas-relief  of  the  tiger 
eating  a  human  heart  that  adorned  the  Chaac  Mol  mausoleum 
(see  sculptured  slab  on  page  399)."  1 

Mr.  Stephen  Salisbury,  Jr.,  in  his  Maya  Archaeology,  has 
reproduced  one  of  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Le  Plongeon' s  tracings  of  a 
mural  painting  in  the  funeral-chamber  of  the  Chaac  Mol  monu- 
ment at  Chichen-Itza.  Through  the  courtesy  of  Mr.  Salisbury 
we  have  been  permitted  to  copy  it  for  this  work.  The  Doctor 
interprets  it  as  representing  the  queen  Kinich-Kakmo  when  a 
child  consulting  an  H-Men,  one  of  the  Maya  wise  men  or  astrol- 
ogers, in  order  to  know  her  destiny.  The  prediction  is  based 
upon  the  lines  produced  by  fire  on  the  shell  of  an  armadillo  or 
turtle,  and  is  expressed  in  the  colors  of  the  elaborate  scroll  pro- 
ceeding from  the  throat  of  the  H-Men.  Keferring  to  his  tracings 
of  mural  paintings  at  Chichen-Itza,  Dr.  Le  Plongeon  says 
"  they  represent  war  scenes  with  javelins  flying  in  all  directions, 
warriors  fighting,  shouting,  assuming  all  sorts  of  athletic  posi- 
tions, scenes  from  domestic  life,  marriage  ceremonies,  temples 
with  complete  domes,  proving  that  the  Itza  architects  were 
acquainted  with  the  circular  arch,  but  made  use  of  the  triangular 
probably  because  it  was  the  custom  and  style  of  architecture  of 
the  time  and  country." 2  Besides  the  sculptures  of  long-bearded 
men  seen  by  the  explorer  at  Chichen-Itza  mentioned  on  a  pre- 

1  Archaeological  Communication  on  Yucatan,  by  Dr.  Le  Plongeon  in  Salis- 
bury's Maya  Archceology,  p.  65,  and  Proceedings  of  Am.  Antiq.  Soc.,  October 
21,1878. 

2  May  a  Archceology ,  p.  61. 

26 


402 


MURAL   PAINTING   FROM  CHAAC  MOL   MONUMENT. 


TERRA-COTTA   FIGURE  FROM  ISLA  MUGERES. 


403 


ceding  page,  were  tall  figures  of  people  with  small  heads,  thick 
lips,  and  curly  short  hair  or  wool,  regarded  as  negroes.     "  We 
always  see  them  as  standard  or  parasol  bearers,  but  never  en- 
gaged in  actual  warfare/'1     He  pronounces  the  features  of  the 
long-bearded  men  pictured 
on  the  walls  of  the  queen's 
chambers    to    be   Assyrian 
in  their  type.     On  the  Isla 
Mugeres  (in  the  latter  part 
of  the  year  1876),   Dr.  Le 
Plongeon    exhumed     por- 
tions of  a  female  figure  in 
terra-cotta,  which  indicate 
an   advanced   state   of   art 
among  the  ancient  Mayas. 
The  fragments  of  the  statue, 
consisting  of  the  head  and 
feet,  were  probably  attached 
to  the  front  of  a  brasero  or 
incense-burner  used  at  the 
shrine  of  the  Maya  Yenus, 
located  on  the  southern  ex- 
tremity of  the  island.     It 
was  immediately  in  front 
of  this    shrine,  visited   by 
Cordova  in  1516,2  that  the 
remains  of  the  statue  were 
found  buried  in  the  sand. 
The   expression  of  the  face     TERRA-COTTA  FIGURE  FROM  ISLA  MUGERES. 
is  cruel  and  savage,  the  nos- 
trils are  perforated  and  also  the  pupils  of  the  eyes.     The  teeth 
are  filed  as  those  of  the  statue  Chaac  Mol  are  said  to  be.     The 
head  is  surmounted  by  a  head-dress  eight  inches  high.     The 

1  Ibid.,  p.  62. 

9  See  Torquemada,  Monarchia  Indiana,  lib.  iv,  cap.  3,  and  Herrera,  Hist. 
Gen.  Ind.,  decade  ii,  lib.  iv,  cap.  17,  quoted  by  Salisbury,  Maya  Arch&ology , 
pp.  33-35. 


404 


THE   CARA  GIGANTESCA. 


fragments  of  this  statue  are  now  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Salis- 
bury.1 

Through  the  courtesy  of  the  owner  we  are  enabled  to  present 
a  photographic  reduction  of  the  relics  in  the  preceding  cut. 

At  Izamel,  the  burial-place  of  the  culture-hero  Zamna,  a 
remarkable  example  of  aboriginal  sculpture  is  found  upon  the 

side  of  a  mound  now  enclosed 
in  a  private  court-yard.  This 
specimen  of  art,  known  as 
the  Cara  gigantesca,  or  gigan- 
tic face,  measures  seven  feet 
in  width  and  seven  feet  eight 
inches  in  height.  "  The  fea- 
tures were  first  rudely  formed 
by  small  rough  stones,  fixed 
in  the  side  of  the  mound  by 
means  of  mortar,  and  after- 
wards perfected  with  a  stucco 
so  hard  that  it  has  success- 
fully resisted  for  centuries  the 
action  of  air  and  water."  The 
accompanying  cut  from  Mr. 
Bancroft's  work  will  show  the  type  of  features. 

The  subject  of  Maya  sculpture  is  almost  a  limitless  one,  but 
we  trust  that  the  above-cited  examples  may  give  the  reader  a 
comprehensive  acquaintance  with  the  existing  types.  The  sculp- 
ture of  Copan  is  no  less  remarkable  than  its  architecture.  In 
fact,  every  object  bore  the  skillful  marks  of  the  graver's  chisel. 
The  great  number  of  sculptured  obelisks,  pillars  and  idols  have 
been  the  wonder  of  every  reader  of  Mr.  Stephens'  description. 
Since  his  work  is  so  generally  known,  we  refrain  from  presenting 
more  than  one  example  of  Copan  art.  In  the  accompanying  cut 
employed  in  Mr.  Bancroft's  work  the  elaborateness  of  the  sculp- 
ture will  be  observed,  and  may  well  be  pronounced  a  marvel  of 
aboriginal  art. 


THE  CARA  GIGANTESCA. 


1  See  Terra-cotta  Figure  from  Isla  Mttgeres,  by  Stephen   Salisbury,  Jr., 
in  Maya  Archaeology  (heliotypes). 


COP  AN  SCULPTURE. 


405 


But  for  the  perfectly  hori- 
zontal position  of  the  eyes, 
the  aspect  of  some  of  the 
faces  represented  by  Stephens 
would  strike  us  as  having  a 
Mongolian  cast.  The  mag- 
nificently sculptured  hierogly- 
phics which  cover  the  sides 
and  backs  of  these  huge  idols, 
no  doubt  could  tell  the  sealed 
story  of  Copan's  greatness 
and  the  attributes  of  its  many 
gods,  were  the  key  once  discov- 
ered. Everything  is  covered 
with  these  significant  sym- 
bols, differing  slightly  from 
those  at  Palenque  ;  but  who 
will  read  them  ?  In  the  court 
of  the  temple,  a  solid  block 
of  stone  six  feet  square  and 
four  feet  high,  resting  on  four 
globular  stones  was  sketched 
by  Gather  wood,  and  pronounc- 
ed an  altar  by  Stephens.  Six- 
teen figures  in  profile,  with 
turbaned  heads,  breast-plates, 
and  each  seated  cross-legged 
on  hieroglyphic-like  cushions, 
are  sculptured  in  low-relief, 
four  figures  being  on  each 
side  of  the  block.  The  top 
of  the  altar  is  covered  with 
thirty-six  squares  of  hierogly- 
phics. Shown  in  a  cut  on  a 
future  page.  Besides  num- 
bers of  masks,  effigies  and 
rows  of  death's  heads  at  Co- 


406 


NAHUA  SCULPTURE. 


pan,  there  are  sculptures  of  the  face  which  we  may  believe  to 
have  heen  portraits.  The  Copan  sculpture  is  generally  admitted 
to  be  of  a  high  order,  and  Stephens  thinks  it  unsurpassed  in 
Egypt.  The  receding  forehead  of  most  of  the  portraits  have 
excited  general  interest,  and  are  believed  to  be  delineations  of 
the  priestly  or  aristocratic  type.  No  weapons  are  sculptured  at 
Copan,  but  on  the  contrary  altars  abound  in  considerable  num- 
bers, especially  in  front  of  the  sculptured  obelisks  or  idols.  The 
presumption  is  therefore  strong  that  this  was  a  religious  centre, 
unmolested  by  any  enemy,  and  undisturbed  by  the  alarm  of  war.1 
Nahua  Sculpture. — The  Nahua  sculpture  is  not  of  as  high 
an  order  nor  of  as  frequent  occurrence  as  that  of  the  Mayas.  At 
Monte  Alban  in  Oajaca,  in  a  gallery  within  a  mound,  Castaneda 
sketched  the  sculptured  profile  shown  in  the  accompanying 

cut,  employed  in  Mr.  Bancroft's 
work.  It  is  cut  upon  the  face  of 
a  granite  block  about  three  feet 
square,  and  is  interesting  be- 
cause of  the  Chinese-like  queue 
which  hangs  from  the  figure's 
head.  At  Mitla  the  grecques 
and  arabesques  which  cover  the 
facades  of  the  several  edifices 
are  not  sculptured,  except  in 
cases  where  large  stones  serve  as 
lintels  over  doorways.  On  them 
the  running  borders  are  sculp- 
tured in  low-relief,  while  the  remainder  of  the  profuse  orna- 
mentation is  of  the  nature  of  mosaic  work,  being  built  into  the 
wall. 

Several  minor  objects  of  sculpture  found  in  the  States  of 
Oajaca  and  Vera  Cruz  might  be  cited,  but  their  interest  for  the 
reader  would  be  too  insignificant  to  justify  a  description.2  One 

1  Stephens,  Cent.  Amer.,  vol.  i,  pp.  103-4, 134-43  with  plates ;  Foster,  Pre- 
Historfc  Races,  pp.  302-322,  338-9  ;  Galindo  in  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Trans., 
vol.  ii,  pp.  548-9  ;  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  89-105,  with  cuts. 

2  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  371,  381,  385,  387,  414,  415,  421,  427,  428,  435,  436, 


FIGURE  FROM  MONTE  ALBAN. 


SCULPTURED  FOUNTAIN  AT  TUSAPAN.  407 

of  the  principal  objects  of  this  class  and  much  superior  to  any 
of  the  others  is  a  grotesque  fountain  cut  in  the  living  rock  at 
Tusapan.  The  statue  is  that  of  a  woman  in  a  kneeling  posture, 
and  measures  nineteen  feet  in  height.  The  waters  of  a  neigh- 
boring spring  formerly  ran  into  a  basin  formed  among  the 
plumes  of  the  female's  head-dress,  from  which  it  found  its 
way  through  the  entire  length  of  the  figure,  and  flowed  forth 
from  beneath  her  skirts.1  At  Panuco  the  traditional  point  of 
the  arrival  of  the  Nahuas,  several  rude  limestone  statues  were 
found,  some  of  which  have  been  figured  in  the  Journal  of  the 
London  Geographical  Society,  by  Mr.  Vetch,  one  of  which  is 
copied  by  Mr.  Bancroft.2  The  marked  features  of  these  statues 
is  the  elaborateness  of  the  style  of  head-dress  worn.  We  cannot 
sec  that  they  are  far  removed  in  their  style  from  similar  statues 
dug  from  mounds  in  the  Mississippi  Valley.  In  the  State  of 
Puebla,  at  various  points,  especially  at  Tepexe  el  Viejo,  at 
Tepeaca,  and  at  Quanhquelchula,  minor  sculptures  of  animals, 
birds,  reptiles,  monsters,  etc.,  were  observed  by  Dupaix.3  Eat- 
tlesnakes  were  found  plentiful  both  in  sculptures  and  in  a  state 
of  nature.  At  Cuernavaca,  in  the  State  of  Mexico,  numerous 
boulder-sculptures,  finely  executed  in  low-relief,  exist.  Dupaix 
has  figured  and  Bancroft  copied  one  in  particular,  showing  a 
beautiful  coat-of-arms,  sculptured  on  the  smooth  face  of  a  huge 
boulder.  A  circle  of  arrows  and  Maltese  cross  which  compose 
them,  are  all  symbolical  of  power.4  Similar  coats-of-arms  were 


455,  457,  462,  has  figured  some  of  these,  but  all  indicate  an  order  of  art  inferior 
to  the  Maya. 

1  Nebel,  Viaje  Pintoresco ;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  vol.  ii,  pp.  199,  200;  Ban- 
croft, vol.  iv,  pp.  457-8. 

2  Vetch,  in  London   Geog.  Soc.  Jour.,  vol.  vii,  pp.  1-11,  plate ;  Bancroft, 
vol.  iv,  p.  462. 

3  Dupaix,  Third  Expedition,  p.  5,  pi.  i-ii ;  Ibid,  First  Expedition,  pp.  3-4, 
pi.  i-ii,  fig.  1,  2  ;  p.  10,  pi.   xii ;  pp.  12-13,  pi.  xvii-xxii,  fig.   19,  24 ;  Second 
Expedition,  p.  51,  pi.  Ixi,  fig.  117  ;  Kingsborough,  vol.  v,  pp.  285-6 ;  vol.  iv, 
pi.  i-ii,  fig.  1-3 ;  vol.  vi,  p.  467 ;  vol.  v,  pp.  209-10  ;  vol.  vi,  pp.  421-2 ;  vol.  iv, 
pi.  i,   fig.  1-4;    vol.  v,  p.   217;  vol.  iv,  p.  vi,  fig.  16,  and  Bancroft,  vol.  iv, 
pp.  467-69. 

4  Dupaix,  First  Expedition,  p.  14 ;  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  p.  481. 


408  XOCHICALCO  SCULPTURE. 

observed  in  the  State  of  Puebla.  Probably  the  most  remarkable 
sculpture  found  in  the  country  occupied  by  the  Nahuas,  is  that 
upon  the  walls  of  the  pyramid  of  Xochicalco,  illustrated  on  a 
preceding  page.1  Most  of  the  sculptures  are  of  colossal  dragons' 
heads,  which  occur  at  each  of  the  corners.  Human  figures, 
seated  cross-legged  and  holding  something  like  the  Assyrian 
sun  symbol  in  the  left  are  found  on  the  frieze,  though  some 
observers  have  considered  this  figure  to  be  that  of  a  curved 
cross-hilted  sword,  a  weapon  never  employed  by  the  Nahuas. 
The  elaborate  head-dresses  and  strings  of  enormous  pearls  worn 
by  the  seated  figures  bear  a  striking  resemblance  to  the  stuccoes 
of  Palenque.  At  Xochimilco  on  the  western  shore  of  Lake 
Chalco,  Dupaix  found  several  interesting  specimens  of  ancient 
sculpture.2  The  most  celebrated  article  of  Aztec  sculpture, 
unquestionably,  is  the  calendar-stone,  which,  together  with  the 
so-called  sacrificial  stone  and  the  idol  Teoyaomiqui,  was  in 
December,  1790,  dug  up  in  the  Plaza  Mayor,  in  the  city  of 
Mexico,  on  the  supposed  site  of  the  great  teocalli,  destroyed 
by  the  conquerors.  The  calendar-stone,  now  built  into  the  wall 
of  the  cathedral,  where  it  can  be  seen  by  all  passers-by^  is  a 
rectangular  block  of  porphyry,  thirteen  feet  one  inch  square  and 
three  feet  three  inches  thick,  and  of  the  enormous  estimated 
weight  of  twenty-four  tons.  The  sculptured  portion  of  the 
block,  on  the  exposed  face,  is  contained  in  a  circle,  eleven  feet 
one  inch  and  four-fifths  of  an  inch  in  diameter.  The  regularity 
and  geometrical  precision  with  which  the  figures  are  executed 
called  forth  enthusiastic  admiration  from  Humboldt,  and  has 
been  the  source  of  equal  wonderment  to  many  later  observers. 
Our  cut  is  a  reproduction  of  Charnay's  photograph,  by  means 
of  the  photo-engraving  process,  and  may  be  relied  upon  as 
absolutely  correct.  Prescott  considers  that  the  original  weight 
of  the  block  before  it  was  mutilated  must  have  been  nearly  fifty 
tons  ;  and  as  no  similar  stone  is  found  within  a  radius  of  twenty- 
five  miles  of  Mexico,  that  it  must  have  been  brought  from  the 
mountains  beyond  Lake  Chalco.3  Some  remarks  upon  the 

1  Tliis  work,  p.  372.      2  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  p.  499,  has  reproduced  some  of  them. 
3  Humboldt,  Vues,  torn,  i,  pp.  332  et  scq.;  torn,  ii,  pp.  1  et  seg.  and  84-5, 


CALENDAR-STOXE. 


409 


Aztec  calendar  will  be  found  in  the  following  chapter.  The 
sacrificial  stone  is  a  cylindrical  block  of  porphyry,  nine  feet  ten 
inches  in  diameter  and  three  feet  seven  inches  thick,  and  is  now 
lying  in  the  courtyard  of  the  University  of  Mexico.  If  the 
reader  will  imagine  the  border  of  the  calendar-stone  outside 


AZTEC  CALENDAR  STONE  IN  ITS  PRESENT  CONDITION. 

of  the  eight  triangular  points  removed  entirely,  will  substitute  a 
concave  basin  in  the  place  of  the  central  face  or  sun,  also  instead 
of  all  the  calendar  signs  intervening  between  the  face  and  the 
circle,  upon  which  the  base  of  the  four  principal  triangular 
figures  rest,  will  imagine  the  existence  of  several  concentric 

pi.  viii,  (fol.  ed.  pi.  xxiii) ;  Mayer,  Mexico  As  it  Was,  pp.  120-8  ;  Prescott, 
Conq.  Mex.,  vol.  i,  pp.  126,  145-6  ;  vol.  ii,  pp.  112,  ed.  1875;  Bancroft,  vol.  iv, 
pp.  50")-9,  and  cut. 


410 


SCULPTURED   BURIAL    VASE. 


circles  not  unlike  strings  of  beads,  he  will  have  a  general  idea 
of  the  top  of  the  stone.  We  should  not  omit  to  state  that  a 
groove  or  channel  leads  from  the  central  basin  to  the  outer  cir- 
cumference. The  use  of  the  stone  is  a  matter  of  controversy, 

Humboldt  considering  it  the  gladia- 
torial stone,  Gama  a  calendar-stone, 
and  Tylor  that  it  was  an  altar  on 
which  animals  were  sacrificed.  Fif- 
teen groups  of  two  human  figures, 
each  dressed  in  the  insignia  of  royalty, 
are  sculptured  around  its  circumfer- 
ence. Bancroft,  as  well  as  several 
others,  give  cuts  of  the  stone  and 
sculptures.  The  horrid  monster  Teo- 
yaomiqui — goddess  of  death — is  sculp- 
tured in  high-relief  on  a  block  of 
porphyry  ten  feet .  high  and  six  feet 
wide  and  thick.  Probably  no  myth- 
ology nor  all  the  mythologies  of  the 
world  besides  could  produce  so  hideous 
and  unsightly  a  combination  of  reptile, 
human  and  infernal  forms,  as  make 
up  the  three  sides  of  this  idol.1  Mr.  Bancroft  first  figured  the 
beautiful  earthen  burial  vase  dug  up  in  the  Plaza  Tlatelulco  and 
sketched  by  Col.  Mayer.  It  is  twenty-two  inches  high  and  fifteen 
and  a  half  inches  in  diameter ;  a  closely  fitting  lid  most  chastely 
sculptured  covered  it,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  accompanying  cut. 

Among  the  elegant  sculptures  upon  one  of  its  sides  is  a  comely 
face  surmounted  by  a  crown,  from  each  side  of  which  project 
wings  of  the  same  character  as  were  employed  to  symbolize  the 
sun  among  the  Assyrians.2  The  original  is  pronounced  one  of  the 

1  Humboldt,  Vues,  torn,  ii,  pp.  148-61  (fol.  ed.,  pi.  xxix) ;  Ibid,  Antiq.  Hex., 
torn,  i,  div.  ii,  pp.  25-7,  suppl.  pi.  vi ;  Nebel,  Viaje,  with  large  plate ;  Mayer, 
Mex.  Aztec,  vol.  i,  pp.  108-11 ;  Ibid,  Mexico  As  it  Was,  pp.  109-14 ;  Bullock's 
Mexico,  pp.  337-42 ;  Leon  y  Gama,  Dos  Piedras,  pt.  i,  pp.  1-3,  9,  10,  34,  and 
five  plates  latterly  cited  by  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  512-15,  four  plates. 

-  2  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  p.  517  ;  Mayer,  Mexico  As  it  Was,  pi.  100-1 ;  Ibid,  Mex. 
Aztec,  vol.  ii,  p.  274. 


BURIAL  URN  FROM  MEXICO. 


VASES  FROM   WALDECK. 


411 


VASES  FROM  WALDECK. 


finest  relics  preserved  in  the  Mexican  Museum.  M.  Waldeck 
has  figured  many  beautiful  examples  of  Mexican  ceramic  art  pre- 
served in  the  above  collection  as  well  as  in  others.  The  finest 
specimens  of  ancient  terra-cotta  work  of  which  we  have  any 


412 


MOSAIC  KNIFE. 


knowledge  are  shown  in  the  cut,  photographically  reduced  from 
Waldeck's  plate.1 

No  description  can  convey  any  idea  of  their  beauty.  The 
upper  left-hand  vase,  it  will  be  observed,  is  supported  on  three 
feet,  each  perforated  by  a  perfect  Maltese  Cross.  The  central 
lower  vase,  of  remarkable  symmetry,  is  distinguished  by  the  per- 
fect crux  ansata  which  adorns  its  side.  The  lower  right  and 
left  hand  figures  are  different  views  of  a  swinging  lamp.  These 
vases  cannot  but  command  the  admiration  of  all  who  see  them. 


MOSAIC  KNIFE — CHRISTY  COLLECTION. 

M.  Waldeck  has  delineated  with  remarkable  artistic  skill  three 
specimens  of  Mexican  mosaic  work  now  in  the  Christy  collection 
in  London.  One  of  these  beautiful  relics  is  shown  in  the  cut, 
reduced  from  Waldeck's  colored  plate  for  Mr.  Bancroft's  work. 

However,  the  cut  conveys  but  a  faint  idea  of  its  beauty, 
especially  of  the  handle.  The  blade  is  of  semi-translucent 
chalcedony  from  the  volcanic  regions  of  Mexico,  while  the  handle 
is  a  most  artistic  mosaic  of  bright  green  turquoise,  malachite, 
and  white  and  red  shells.  The  blade  is  of  a  light  straw-colored 
tint,  and  is  mortised  in  the  handle,  which  is  wrapped  nearest  to 
the  blade  with  what  appears  to  be  a  golden  braid.  Mr.  Bancroft 
remarks  "it  is  certainly  most  extraordinary  to  find  a  people  still 
in  the  stone  age,  as  is  proved  by  the  blade,  able  to  execute  so 
perfect  a  piece  of  work  as  the  handle  exhibits/' 2  Among  the  few 


1  Waldeck's  Palenque,  pi.  55. 

2  Waldeck's  Palenque,  p.  viii,  pi.  xlhr.     Tyler's  Anahuac,  pp.  110,  337,  for 
information  concerning  the  masks.     Also  Bancroft,  vol.  iv,  pp.  557-9. 


COLUMN  FROM  TULA.  413 

relics  recovered  at  Tula,  the  ancient  Toltec  capital  Tollan,  the 
column  shown  in  the  cut  (from  Mr.  Bancroft's  work)  is  very 
interesting,  both  for  its  sculpture  and  for  the  exhibition  it  affords 
of  the  manner  in  which  the  Toltecs  formed  their  columns, 
namely,  by  fastening  the  sections  together  by  means  of  circular 
tenons.  The  largest  block  measures  four  feet  long  by  two  and  a 
half  in  diameter. 


A  COLUMN  PROM  TULA. 

Our  National  Museum  at  Washington  contains  numerous 
fine  specimens  of  Mexican  terra-cotta  ware,  some  of  which  have 
been  figured  recently  in  Dr.  Charles  Kau's  "Archaeological  Col- 
lection of  the  U.  S.  National  Museum/' 1  Two  large  vases  in 
particular  demand  attention.  These  were  brought  to  the  United 
States  by  General  Alfred  Gibbs  at  the  close  of  the  Mexican  war, 
and  are  shown  in  the  cut. 

The  upper  vase,  which  is  thirteen  and  a  half  inches  high, 
is  very  elaborately  wrought,  being  surrounded  with  ten  female 
figures  in  relief,  each  alternate  figure  bearing  a  child  on  the 
left  arm.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  head-dresses  of  the  figures 
holding  the  children  are  more  elaborate  than  those  of  the  re- 
maining figures.  The  second  or  lower  vase,  Dr.  Rau  considers 
equal  to  many  Etruscan  or  Greek  vases  in  gracefulness  of  out- 
line. "The  vessel  may  be  compared  to  a  pitcher  with  two 
handles,  standing  opposite  each  other,  and  with  two  mouths 
projecting  between  them."  Among  the  terra-cotta  images  of 
Mexican  origin  in  the  National  Museum  the  two  shown  in  the 

O 

cut  are  of  interest.     The  left-hand  figure  is  that  of  a  woman 
pressing  her  hands  upon  her  ears.     The  face  represents  an  aged 

1  Smithsonian  Contribution,  No.  287,  pp.  82-7  (1876). 


MEXICAN  VASES  IN  THE  NATIONAL  MUSEUM. 


STATUETTES  IN  THE  NATIONAL  MUSEUM. 


415 


individual.  The  Museum  possesses  almost  an  exact  duplicate 
of  this  image.  The  right-hand  figure  is  much  smaller  and  is 
hollow,  enclosing  a  clay  ball,  and  was  probably  used  as  a  rattle. 
It  is  scarcely  necessary  for  us  to  remark  that  the  seeming  analo- 


STATUETTES  IN  THE  NATIONAL  MUSEUM. 


gies  between  the  Maya  (Central  American)  sculpture  and  that 
of  Egypt  have  often  been  noted.  Juarros,  in  speaking  of 
Palenque  art,  says :  "  The  hieroglyphics,  symbols  and  emblems 
which  have  been  discovered  in  the  temples,  bear  so  strong  a 
resemblance  to  those  of  the  Egyptians,  as  to  encourage  the 
supposition  that  a  colony  of  that  nation  may  have  founded  the 


416  EGYPTIAN  TAU  AT  PALEXQUE. 

city  of  Palenque  or  Culhuacan."  1  Giordan  found,  as  he  thought, 
the  most  striking  analogies  between  the  Central  American 
remains,  as  well  as  those  of  Mexico,  and  those  of  the  Egyptians. 
The  idols  and  monuments  he  considers  of  the  same  form  in  both 
countries,  while  the  hieroglyphics  of  Palenque  do  not  differ  from 
those  of  ancient  Thebes.2  Sefior  Melgar,  in  a  communication 
to  the  Mexican  Geographical  Society,  has  called  attention  to  the 
frequent  occurrence  of  the  (T)  tau  at  Palenque,  and  has  more 
studiously  advocated  the  early  relationship  of  the  Palenqueans 
to  Egypt  than  any  other  reliable  writer.3  He  cites  Dupaix's 
Third  Expedition,  page  77  and  plates  26  and  27,  where  in  the 
first  figure  is  a  goddess  with  a  necklace  supporting  a  tau  like 
medallion  to  which  the  explorer  adds  the  remark  that  such  is 
"  the  symbol  in  Egypt  of  reproduction  or  abundance."  In  the 
second  plate  he  finds  an  altar  dedicated  expressly  to  the  tau. 
He  considers  that  the  cultus  of  this,  the  symbol  of  the  active 
principle  in  nature,  prevailed  in  Mexico  in  many  places.  Sefior 
Melgar  also  refers  to  two  idols  found  south  of  the  city  of  Mexico, 
"  in  one  of  which  two  symbols  were  united,  namely,  the  Cosmo- 
gonic  egg,  symbolical  of  creation,  and  two  faces,  symbols  of  the 
generative  principle.  The  other  symbolized  creation  in  the 
bursting  forth  of  an  egg.  These  symbols  are  not  found  in  the 
Aztec  mythology,  but  belong  to  the  Indian,  Egyptian,  Greek, 
Persian,  Japanese  and  other  cosmogonies."  This,  the  Sefior 
considers  proof  that  these  peoples  were  the  primitive  colonists  of 
that  region,  and  seeks  to  sustain  his  views  by  references  to  the 
Dharma  Sastra  of  Manou  and  the  Zend  Avesta.  The  reader 
has  no  doubt  been  surprised  at  the  frequent  occurrence  of  the 
T-shaped  niches  in  the  Palenque  palace,  and  has  observed  the 
same  symbol  employed  on  some  of  the  hieroglyphics  of  the 
Tablet  of  the  Cross.  The  Egyptian  tau,  one  of  the  members 
of  the  Crux  ansata,  is  certainly  present  at  Palenque,  but  whether 
it  was  derived  from  any  one  of  the  Mediterranean  peoples  who 

1  Hist.  Kingdom  Guatemala,  p.  19.    Lond.,  1823. 

2  F.  Giordan,  Description  et  colonization  de  I'Isthme  de  Teliuantepec,  p.  57. 
Paris,  1838. 

3  Melgar  in  Mex.  Oeog.  Soc.  Bolletln,  2d  epoca,  torn,  iii,  p.  112  ct  seq. 


CRUX  ANSATA.  417 


employed  it,  cannot  be  ascertained.  Among  the  Egyptians  it 
signified  "life,"  as  is  shown  by  the  best  Egyptologists.1  The 
tau  was  usually  surmounted  by  a  roundlet,  though  such  was  not 
always  the  case.  On  a  stele  from  Korasabad,  an  eagle-headed 
man  is  depicted  as  holding  the  oval  in  one  hand  and  the  cross 
in  the  other.2  M.  Mariette  recently,  while  exploring  the  ancient 
temple  of  Denderah,  discovered  the  sacred  symbol  in  a  niche  of 
the  holy  of  holies.  It  is  probable  that  this  emblem  was  the 
central  object  of  interest  in  these  inner  precincts  of  the  temple, 
as  it  was  preserved  with  scrupulous  care  as  the  hidden  wisdom.3 
Macrobius  tells  us  that  the  crux  ansata  was  the  hieroglyphic 
sign  of  Osiris  or  the  Sun,4  but  other  writers  inform  us  that  it 
was  an  ancient  symbol  of  majesty  and  divinity,  and  so  employed 
in  a  modified  form  in  the  hands  of  Brahma,  Vishnu  and  Siva.5 
The  associations  of  the  tau  in  Central  America  are  such  as  to 
lead  us  to  believe  that  it  may  have  had  a  significance  analogous 
to  that  which  it  possessed  on  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean, 
the  Nile,  and  the  Ganges.  The  Palenque  Cross  tablet  is  a  most 
singular  work  of  American  antiquity,  and  though  Mr.  Stephens 
attempted  to  prove  that  no  analogy  exists  between  it  and  Egyp- 
tian sculptures,  still  Mr.  Bancroft  has  shown  that  the  former 
was  unfortunate  in  his  selection  of  Egyptian  specimens  for  the 
purpose  of  comparison,  since  marked  analogies  between  the  sculp- 
ture of  the  Vocal  Memnon  of  Thebes  and  the  top  of  the  fallen 
obelisk  at  Carnac  and  the  Palenque  Tablets  exist.6 


1  Dr.  Max  Uhlman,  Handbuch  der  gesamten  ^EJgyptischen  Alterthumskunde, 
I  Theil.  Geschicte  der  Egyptologie,  p.  108.     Leipzic,  1857. 

2  Botta,  Mon.  de  Ninive,  vol.  ii,  pi.  58,  and  Edinburgh  Review  for  Jan.  1870, 
p.  231. 

3  John  Newton  in  Appendix  to  Inman's  Ancient  Pagan  and  Modern  Chris- 
tian Symbolism,  p.  116.    London,  1874. 

4  Saturn,  lib.  i,  cap.  20. 

5  Zoekler,  Das  Erutz  Christi,  p.  9,  Giitersloth,  1875,  and  EdinburgJi  Review •, 
Jan.  1870,  p.  232. 

6  Mr.  Bancroft  remarks,  "  He  happens,  however,  here  to  have  selected  two 
Egyptian  subjects  which  almost  find  their  counterparts  in  America.     In  the 
preceding  volume  of  this  work,  page  333,  is  given  a  cut  of  what  is  called  the 
'  Tablet  of  the  Cross '  at  Palenque.     In  this  we  see  a  cross  and  perched  upon  it 

27 


418  PALENQUE  INFLUENCED  FROM  THE  MEDITERRANEAN. 

It  has  been  argued  that  the  Egyptian  and  Palenque  sculp- 
ture resemble  each  other  in  that  both  are  generally  in  profile  ; 
but  the  trivialness  of  the  reasoning  will  be  at  once  apparent. 
On  the  contrary,  Mr.  Bancroft  remarks,  "  Sculpture  in  Egypt  is 
for  the  most  part  in  intaglio,  in  America  it  is  usually  in  relief." 
Notwithstanding  the  oft-repeated  assertion  that  a  resemblance 
between  Egyptian  and  Maya  hieroglyphics  exist,  no  one  of  the 
Egyptologists  so  successful  in  their  chosen  field  have  been  able 
to  decipher  the  Maya  writing.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the 
Palenque  and  Copan  civilization  received  its  first  impulse  from 
some  of  the  peoples  of  the  southern  or  eastern  shores  of  the 
Mediterranean,  but  from  which  it  would  be  impossible  to  say 
even  if  we  were  certain  that  such  was  the  case.  Whatever  of  a 
foreign  character  it  may  have  had  at  first  has  been  mostly  lost 
in  the  independent  development  of  new  and  original  charac- 
teristics, the  natural  outgrowth  of  new  wants  and  new  condi- 
tions, arising  through  the  lapse  of  many  centuries.  The  latter 
remark  we  think  may  be  applied  with  even  more  certainty  to  the 
Nahua  civilization  as  displayed  in  its  sculpture.  All  through 
Mexico  the  favorite  subject  for  the  Toltec  or  Aztec  sculptor 
was  the  serpent,  generally  the  rattlesnake.  Mr.  Bancroft  in  his 

a  bird,  to  which  (or  to  the  cross)  two  human  figures  in  profile,  apparently 
priests,  are  making  an  offering.  In  Mr.  Stephens'  representation  from  the 
Vocal  Memnon  we  find  almost  the  same  thing,  the  differences  being1,  that 
instead  of  an  ornamented  Latin  cross,  we  have  here  a  crux  commissa,  or  par  - 
tibulata ;  that  instead  of  one  bird  there  are  two,  not  on  the  cross  but  imme- 
diately above  it,  and  that  the  figures,  though  in  profile  and  holding  the  same 
general  positions,  are  dressed  in  a  different  manner,  and  are  apparently  binding 
the  cross  with  the  lotus  instead  of  making  an  offering  to  it ;  in  Mr.  Stephens' 
representation  from  the  obelisk  of  Carnac,  however,  a  priest  is  evidently  mak- 
ing an  offering  to  a  large  bird  perched  upon  an  altar ;  and  here  again  the 
human  figures  occupy  the  same  position.  The  hieroglyphics,  though  the 
characters  are  of  course  different,  are,  it  will  be  noticed,  disposed  upon  the  stone 
in  much  the  same  manner.  The  frontispiece  of  Stephens'  Cent.  Amer.,  vol.  ii, 
described  on  p.  352,  represents  the  tablet,  on  the  back  wall  of  the  altar,  Casa 
No.  3  at  Palenque.  Once  more  here  are  two  priests  clad  in  all  the  elaborate 
insignia  of  their  office,  standing  one  on  either  side  of  a  table  or  altar,  upon 
which  are  erected  two  batons,  crossed  in  such  a  manner  as  to  form  a  crux  decus- 
sata,  and  supporting  a  hideous  mask.  To  this  emblem  they  are  making  an 
offering." — Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  pp.  60-1,  note. 


HIEROGLYPHICS.  419 


fourth  volume  has  given  numerous  examples  of  this  fact.  Ser- 
pent sculpture  was  also  common  among  the  Mayas,  but  to  a  less 
extent,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  symbol  entered  into 
their  art  through  the  Quiches — a  mixed  people  composed  of 
Mayas  and  Nahuas.  We  have  already  observed  the  same  dis- 
position to  sculpture  the  rattlesnake  among  the  Mound-builders. 
In  the  great  serpent  upwards  of  a  thousand  feet  in  length  on 
Brush  Creek,  Adams  County,  Ohio,  we  find  a  striking  analogy 
to  the  tendency  of  Mexican  art.  Furthermore,  the  great  ser- 
pent grasps  in  its  jaws  (if  they  may  be  so  called)  an  immense 
oval  figure  of  precisely  the  shape  of  an  egg,  and  "  the  combined 
figure  is  regarded  as  a  symbolical  illustration  of  the  Oriental 
cosmological  idea  of  the  serpent  and  the  egg."  We  have  seen 
in  the  remarks  of  Senor  Melgar  that  two  examples  of  the  egg 
possessing  precisely  the  same  significance  which  is  attached  to  it 
in  Eastern  Asia  were  found  near  the  City  of  Mexico.  The  part 
which  the  serpent  symbol  plays  in  the  south  and  east  Asiatic 
sculpture  and  mythology  is  probably  welt  known  to  the  reader  ; 
and  if  not,  a  perusal  of  Maurace's  Indian  Antiquities  or  Moor's 
Hindu  Pantheon  will  satisfy  him  that  it  occupied  a  place  equally 
important  among  Nahuas  and  Hindoos.  The  great  serpent  in 
Ohio  may  be  a  connecting  link  between  the  art  of  both  Mexicans 
and  Asiatics.  In  the  course  of  independent  development  which 
the  Nahuas  underwent  during  thousands  of  years,  the  Cosmo- 
logical  symbol  of  the  egg  may  have  been  lost  and  supplanted  by 
that  of  the  serpent  alone,  the  emblem  of  the  life  principle  in 
both  America  and  Asia.  However,  we  may  safely  close  these 
speculations  with  the  conclusion  that  though  the  Mayas  and 
Nahuas  were  probably  descendants  of  foreign  stock,  their  civil- 
ization, so  far  as  we  are  able  to  judge  from  their  arts,  was 
indigenous — developed  upon  our  soil,  and  offering  but  few  anal- 
ogies to  any  other. 

Hieroglyphics. — No  well  authenticated  Mound-builder  hiero- 
glyphics have  as  yet  come  to  light.  The  Grave  Creek  Mound 
tablet  we  believe  is  now  shown  unquestionably  to  be  an  archaeo- 
logical fraud.  The  Cincinnati  tablet  figured  in  our  first  chapter 
seems  to  bear  some  symbolic  signs  upon  its  face,  but  no  resem- 


420  HIEROGLYPHICS. 


blance  can  be  traced  between  them  and  any  other  known  hiero- 
glyphic signs.  The  Davenport  tablet  if  genuine  is  of  great 
interest  in  that  it  abounds  in  hieroglyphics,  some  of  which  are  not 
unlike  some  of  the  signs  employed  by  the  Aztecs ;  besides,  the  ele- 
ment of  picture-writing  so  common  to  that  people  plays  a  promi- 
nent part  on  both  sides  of  that  mysterious  stone.  Col.  Charles 
Whittlesey,  in  the  second  chapter  of  his  Eeport  to  the  Centennial 
Commission  of  Ohio  (already  cited),  has  figured  and  described 
rock  sculpture  near  Barnesville,  Newark,  Independence,  Amherst 
and  Wellsville,  most  of  which  are  of  the  lowest  grade  of  savage 
art,  and  we  think  can  only  be  attributed  to  the  red  Indian. 

Mr.  W.  H.  Holmes  has  furnis-hed  specimens  of  picture- 
writing  of  a  rude  character  found  engraven  in  the  rocks  of  the 
canon  of  the  Kio  Mancos  and  San  Juan,  but  there  is  no  evidence 
that  they  are  or  are  not  the  work  of  the  Cliff-dwellers  whose 
works  abound  upon  neighboring  rocks.1  We  have  already  called 
attention  to  the  tablets  of  hieroglyphics  at  Palenque,  Copan 
and  in  Yucatan,  a  specimen  of  which  is  shown  in  a  cut  on 
page  390.  The  accompanying  cut,  employed  by  Stevens,  Bald- 
win and  Bancroft,  show  the  thirty-six  squares  of  hieroglyphics 
engraven  upon  the  top  of  a  Copan  altar. 

In  addition  to  these  stone  and  stucco  records,  the  Mayas  had 
books,  which  Bishop  Landa  describes  as  written  on  a  large  leaf 
doubled  in  folds  and  enclosed  between  two  boards  which  they 
ornamented  ;  they  wrote  on  both  sides  of  the  paper,  in  columns 
accommodated  to  the  folds  ;  the  paper  they  made  from  the  roots 
of  trees,  and  coated  it  with  a  white  varnish  on  which  one  could 
write  well.  These  books  were  called  Analtees,  a  word  which, 
according  to  Villagutierre,  signifies  the  same  as  history.2  Bishop 
Landa  confesses  to  having  burned  a  great  number  of  the  Maya 
books  because  they  contained  nothing  in  which  were  not  supersti- 
tions and  falsities  of  the  devil.3  Bancroft  has  quoted  from  Peter 
Martyr  a  description  of  these  books,  which  conveys  the  additional 

1  W.  H.  Holmes  in  Bulletin  of  the  Oeog.  and  Geol.  Survey  of  the  Territories, 
Vol.  II,  No.  I,  p.  20,  PI.  11  and  12. 

•  Landa,  Relation,  p.  44.  Villagutierre,  Conq.  Itza,  pp.  393-4.  Bancroft, 
vol.  ii,  p.  768.  3  Relation,  p.  316. 


HIEROGLYPHICS   ON   THE  COP  AN  ALTAR. 


421 


information  that  they  were  written  on  many  leaves  joined  together 
but  folded  so  that  when  opened  two  pages  are  presented  to  view.1 
Three  of  the  Maya  manuscripts  are  known  to  have  escaped  the 
vandalism  of  the  early  Fathers.  These  are,  first,  the  Mexican 
MS.  No.  2  of  the  Imperial  Library  at  Paris,  called  by  Eosny  the 
Codex  Peresianus,  which  has  been  photographed  by  order  of 


HIEROGLYPHICS  ON  THE  COPAN  ALTAR. 

the  French  government,  but  we  believe  is  still  unedited.  The 
second,  the  Dresden  Codex,  in  the  Koyal  Library  at  Dresden,  a 
complete  copy  of  which  was  published  by  Lord  Kingsborough. 
It  is  a  Maya,  and  not  an  Aztec  MS.,  as  is  proven  by  its  marked 
resemblance  to  the  tablets  of  Palenque  and  Copan,  a  fact  pointed 

1  Peter  Martyr,  Dec.  iv,  lib.  viii.     Bancroft,  vol.  ii,  pp.  769-70. 


422  MS.  TROANO. 


out  by  Mr.  Stephens,  though  at  the  date  of  his  exploration 
everything  was  pronounced  Aztec.1  The  third,  the  Manuscript 
Troano,  found  by  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  at  Madrid  in  1865  in 
the  possession  of  Senor  Tro  y  Ortolano,  from  whom  it  derives  its 
name,  is  a  Maya  MS.  of  unknown  origin  and  history.  The  French 
government  and  the  Commission  Scientifique  du  Mexique  repro- 
duced it  in  fac- simile  by  means  of  chromo-lithography,  and 
Brasseur,  with  the  expenditure  of  great  labor,  attempted  to 
translate  part  of  it,  which  he  has  published ;  but  in  a  subsequent 
work  he  confesses  that  he  began  his  reading  at  the  wrong  end  of 
the  manuscript,  which,  as  Mr.  Bancroft  humorously  remarks,  was 
a  "  trifling  error  perhaps  in  the  opinion  of  the  enthusiastic  Abb6, 
but  a  somewhat  serious  one  as  it  appears  to  scientific  men." 2 
Mr.  Bancroft  has  reproduced  a  page  of  the  MS.  Troano  in  his 
work,  and  accompanied  it  with  a  condensed  account  from  the 
Abbe's  description  as  follows:  "The  original  is  written  on  a  strip 
of  maguey  paper  about  fourteen  feet  long  and  nine  inches  wide, 
the  surface  of  which  is  covered  with  a  whitish  varnish,  on  which 
the  figures  are  painted  in  black,  red,  blue  and  brown.  It  is 
folded  fan-like  in  thirty-five  folds,  presenting  when  shut  much  the 
appearance  of  a  modern  large  octavo  volume.  The  hieroglyphics 
cover  both  sides  of  the  paper,  and  the  writing  is  consequently 
divided  into  seventy  pages,  each  about  five  by  nine  inches,  having 
been  apparently  executed  after  the  paper  was  folded,  so  that  the 
folding  does  not  interfere  with  the  written  matter.  *  *  *  The 
regular  lines  of  written  characters  are  uniformly  in  black,  while 
the  pictorial  portions,  of  what  may  perhaps  be  considered  repre- 
sentative signs,  are  in  red  and  brown,  chiefly  the  former,  and 
the  blue  appears  for  the  most  part  as  a  background  in  some  of 
the  pages."3  Notwithstanding  the  bigoted  spirit  exhibited  by 


1  Stephens'  Cent.  Amer.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  342,  453-5. 

2  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  ii,  p.  780.     Brasseur's  admission  will  be  found 
in  the  BibliotMque  Mexico-Guntemalienne,  Paris,  1871,  p.  xxvii.     The  transla- 
tion, prefaced  with  136  quarto  pages  devoted  to  a  consideration  of  the  Maya 
characters,  is  published  under  the  title,  MS.  Troano :   Etudes  sur  le  systeme 
graphique  et  la  tongue  des  Mayas.    Paris,  1869-70.    4to,  2  vols.,  70  colored  plates. 

3  Bancroft,  vol.  ii,  p.  773,  plate,  p.  774. 


LANDA'S  ALPHABET.  423 


Bishop  Landa  in  his  destruction  of  the  native  Maya  books  in  the 
presence  of  their  sorrowful  and  helpless  owners,  he  did  one  act 
of  service  for  the  antiquarian,  which  will  ever  entitle  him  to  the 
gratitude  of  every  student  of  ancient  American  civilization. 
That  act  was  the  record  which  he  made  of  the  Maya  hiero- 
glyphic alphabet.  The  Bishop  has  left  us  scarcely  two  and  a 
half  octavo  pages  (of  his  work  as  edited  by  Brasseur  de  Bour- 
bourg)  upon  this  important  subject,  yet  it  is  the  only  known  key 
to  the  mysteries  of  Palenque,  Copan  and  the  numerous  inscrip- 
tions found  in  Yucatan.  His  explanation  of  the  manner  in  which 
letters  are  combined  into  words  is  not  clear,  and  though  Mr. 
Bancroft  has  translated  it  literally  and  introduced  parenthetic 
explanations,  still  the  sense  is  not  very  apparent.  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg  in  his  French  translation  has  not  succeeded  much 
better,  and  complains  of  Landa's  style  as  being  untranslatable. 
One  important  fact,  however,  is  deducible  from  the  Bishop's 
remarks  and  example,  namely,  that  the  Maya  letters  were  formed 
into  words  in  much  the  same  order  as  in  the  English  and  other 
languages  which  read  from  the  left  to  the  right.1  Landa's 
alphabet  is  given  in  the  accompanying  cut  which  is  an  exact 
photographic  reproduction  of  the  original. 

Landa  adds  nothing  after  this  table  except  the  remark : 
"  Of  the  letters  which  here  fail,  this  language  is  wanting  and  has 
others  added  of  ours,  for  other  things  of  which  they  have  need, 
and  already  they  do  not  use  these  characters  of  theirs,  especially 

1  The  original  of  Landa's  explanation  is  as  follows  :  "  De  sus  letras  porne 
aqui  un  a,  b,  c,  que  no  permite  su  pesadumbre  mas  porque  usan  para  todas  las 
aspiraciones  de  las  letras  de  un  caracter,  y  despues,  al  puntar  de  las  partes  otro, 
y  assi  viene  a  liazer  in  infinitum,  como  se  podra  ver  en  el  siguiente  exemplo: 
Le,  quiere  dezir  laco  y  cacar  con  el ;  para  escrivirle  con  sus  carateres,  haviendoles 
nosotros  hecho  entender  que  son  dos  letras,  lo  escrivian  ellos  con  tres,  puniendo 
a  la  aspiracion  de  la  I  la  vocale  e  que  antes  de  si  trae,  y  en  esto  no  hierran, 
aunque  usense,  si  quisieren  ellos  de  su  curiosidad,  exemplo  :  e  L  e  Le.  Despues 
al  cabo  le  pegan  la  parte  junta.  Ha  que  quiere  dezir  agua,  porque  la  hache  tiene 
a,  h,  antes  de  si  la  ponen  ellos  al  prinicipio  con  a,  y  al  cabo  deste  manera,  ha. 
Tambien  lo  escriven  a  partes  pero  de  la  una  y  otra  manera,  yo  no  pusiera  aqui 
ni  tratara  dello  sino  por  dar  cuenta  entera  de  las  cosas  desta  gente.  Ma  in  kati 
quiere  dezir  no  quiero,  ellos  lo  escriven  a  partes  desta  manera  :  main  ka  ti." — 
Landa,  Relation,  p.  318,  translated  by  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  ii,  p.  778. 


1. 

2. 
3 


4.     (Ml   b 


5. 


6. 


7. 
8. 
9. 


a         10. 

a          11. 

a         12.    ^"^ 


i         19. 


ca         20 


H. 


t         16. 


h         18. 


(Variation  of  a  n.l) 


atiaii  of  fi) 


P 

PP 


1         23. 


24. 


25. 


u 


17.     <£     o         26.     |>     u 


27. 


ma  me  onno. 


ha 


LANDA'S  ALPHABET. 


sign  of  aspiration? 


LANDA'S  HIEROGLYPHICS.  425 

the  young  people  who  have  learned  ours." l  Landa  has  left  us 
other  hieroglyphic  signs,  relating  to  the  Maya  months  and  days, 
which  will  be  given  in  the  next  chapter.  Many  of  the  hiero- 
glyphics in  his  alphabet  are  plainly  recognizable  in  the  three 
Maya  MSS.  which  we  have  named,  though  it  is  quite  certain 
that  other  signs,  which  are  wanting  -in  his  list,  are  found  not 
only  in  the  MSS.  but  also  among  the  inscriptions  of  the  several 
localities  we  have  already  described.  Besides  the  attempts  made 
by  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  to  decipher  the  Maya  writing,  three 
Americanistes  in  particular  have  bestowed  labor  upon  the  sub- 
ject. These  are  Mr.  Wm.  Bollaert,2  M.  Hyacinthe  de  Charencey,3 
and  M.  Leon  de  Kosny,4  the  latter  of  whom  is  the  honorable 
president  of  the  Societe  Americaine  de  France. 

By  means  of  Landa's  key,  Mr.  Bollaert  obtained  encouraging 
results  from  hieroglyphics  figured  in  Stephens7  works.  In  that 
author's  Yucatan,  vol.  ii,  page  292,  is  seen  a  sculptured  figure 
with  hieroglyphics  represented  on  the  upper  part  of  the  door 
called  Akatzeeb  at  Chichen-Itza.  This  tablet  is  examined  by 
Mr.  Bollaert  with  the  following  result :  "  The  figure  (male)  is 
nude  ;  the  cap  is  like  those  on  the  figures  at  Kabab,  and  has  an 
ornament  round  the  neck  ;  the  large  crucible-form  before  him 
contains  fire,  in  which  some  small  animal  is  being  burnt  or 
sacrificed.  Comparing  the  hieroglyphs  on  either  side  of  the 
figure  with  the  Maya  key,  I  get  the  following  words  :  Ahau, 
f  king ' ;  oc,  '  leg ' ;  Muluc,  '  to  unite ' ;  ik,  '  courage ' ;  cib, 
'copal';  eznab,  ' magician';  no,  'frog';  which  may  mean 
that  the  magician  has  in  the  crucible  a  frog  to  be  sacrificed,  in 
which  copal  as  incense  is  used.  The  two  lines  of  hieroglyphs 
give  something  like  the  following  :  Kings  must  die— they  have 

1  Relation,  p.  322. 

2  Bollaert,  Examination  of  Central  American  Hieroglyphs,  in  Memoirs  of 
Anthropological  Soc.  of  London,  vol.  iii,  pp.  288-314.     London,  1870. 

3  Charencey,  Essai  de  Dechiffrement  d'un  fragment  ^inscription  palen- 
queenne,  in  Actes  de  la  Societe  Philologique,  torn.  i.     March,  1870. 

4  Rosny,  Essai  sur  le  Dechiffrement  de  L'Ecriture  Hieratique  de  L'Amerique 
Centrale,  Paris,  1876,  folio,  with  large  colored  plates  and  fac- similes.     In  three 
parts,  two  of  which  only  have  as  yet  appeared  (Oct.  1878).    The  author  informs 
me  (Feb.  1879)  that  a  fourth  part  will  bs  required  to  complete  the  work. 


426  BOLLAERT'S  INTERPRETATIONS. 

courage,  and  after  death  are  united  to  those  who  went  before 
them.  The  king  is  with  his  fathers ;  the  chief  and  his  family 
burn  copal  and  mourn  for  his  death/' x  On  the  tablet  of  the  cross 
at  Palenque,  Mr.  Bollaert  found  in  squares  eznab,  "magician";  dz, 
"a  hand";  the  "aspiration  sign"  U  ;  and  a  part  of  zip,  "tree." 
Among  the  hieroglyphs  he  traced  ahau,  "king";  zip,  "tree"; 
akbal,  "a  plant";  pax,  "a  musical  instrument."  Mr.  Bollaert 
has  attempted  to  read  several  other  inscriptions  with  no  more 
satisfactory  results.2  One  or  two  of  the  same  scholar's  attempts 
with  the  Dresden  Codex  yield  the  following  :  We  come  to  thy 
presence  to  implore.  The  yo  ung  female  implore*  before  the  deity, 
she  weeps  but  has  courage.  In  a  group  representing  a  king  and 
a  young  female,  he  reads  :  She  has  made  a  vow  about  the  king  to 
the  magician,  the  king  is  happy.  Again  :  The  sacred  bird  chel 
is  sacrificed,  there  is  weeping  ;  the  bride  weeps  for  the  bird,  she 
makes  a  voio  or  prays  for  the  king,  she  offers  a  tortoise,  a 
great  feast  is  given.5  M.  de  Charencey  translates  the  hieroglyph 
found  just  above  the  child  which  is  being  offered  to  the  bird  on 
the  tablet  of  the  cross  at  Palenque,  by  the  word  Hunabku,  "  the 
only  holy  one."  He  also  finds  the  name  of  Kukulcan  and 
eznab,  "  magician,"  the  name  of  a  month.4  M.  de  Kosny  in  his 
able  essay  on  the  decipherment  of  the  hieratic  writings  of 
Central  America  has  undertaken  the  solution  of  this  interesting 
and  perplexing  problem  in  a  scientific  manner,  and  we  have  the 
fullest  confidence  that  his  system  constructed  on  Landa's  key 
will  open  to  us  the  books  and  inscriptions  of  the  Mayas.  But 
two  of  the  four  parts  which  constitute  the  work  have  been 
published,  still  we  think  sufficient  data  has  been  placed  at  the 
hands  of  scholars  by  M.  de  Rosny  to  justify  the  opinion  that  if 
the  remainder  of  his  essay  should  never  appear,  the  work  of 
interpreting  some  of  the  Maya  writings  might  be  carried  on 
with  reasonable  certainty.  Landa's  key  contains  seventy-one 
signs  (twenty  for  the  days,  eighteen  for  the  months,  and  thirty- 

1  Bollaert  in  Memoirs  of  Anthropol.  Soc.  of  London,  vol.  iii,  p.  293. 

2  Ibid,  p.  301.  .  3  Ibid,  p.  307. 

4  See  a  review  of  these  attempts  in  Rosny's  Essai,  pp.  13-43,  and  remarks 
on  Charencey  in  Appendix  D  of  Baldwin's  Ancient  America. 


M.  DE  ROSNY'S  KEY.  427 


three  in  the  alphabet.)  M.  de  Kosny,  by  a  careful  examination 
of  all  the  hieratic  texts  of  the  Mayas  which  are  known,  has 
discovered  more  than  seven  hundred  different  signs.  Of  this 
number  he  has  deciphered  and  classified  four  hundred  and  thirty- 
nine  as  follows  :  Alphabetic  signs,  including  Landa' s  (of  which 
all  the  others  are  but  varieties),  two  hundred  and  sixty-two  ; 
signs  of  the  days,  one  hundred  and  fifty-nine  ;  and  the  eighteen 
signs  of  the  months  given  by  Landa.  All  these  signs  are  classi- 
fied in  a  double  folio  plate  (PL  XIII)  which  we  believe  deserves 
to  be  regarded  as  the  larger  portion  of  the  much-sought-for 
Maya  Kosetta  stone.  Considerable  difference  of  opinion  has 
existed  as  to  the  direction  in  which  the  hieroglyphics  should  be 
read.  Brasseur  held  the  view  that  the  proper  order  was  from 
right  to  left,  and  that  the  beginning  of  a  book  was  where  our 
books  end.  This  mistake  brought  down  the  ridicule  of  scholars 
upon  the  Abbe's  head,  when  it  was  discovered  that  he  had 
begun  at  the  wrong  end  to  translate  the  Troano  MS.  Mr. 
Bollaert  says,  "I  have  read  from  the  bottom  upwards  and  from 
right  to  left."  l  Dr.  Brinton  2  has  suggested  some  such  order  as 
the  following  arrangement  of  the  word  marvellous  : 

o      11      m 

u      e      a 

s      v      r 

M.  de  Kosny  has  shown  that  the  statement  of  Landa  and 
the  fact  that  the  human  faces  shown  in  the  hieroglyphs  look 
toward  the  left,  indicate  that  the  signs  should  be  read  from  left  to 
right.3  In  rare  cases  this  order  is  reversed,  as  is  seen  on  a  couple 
of  leaves  of  the  Codex  Peresianus.  There  are,  no  doubt,  numer- 
ous instances  in  which  the  signs  are  arranged  in  perpendicular 
columns,  and  the  order  in  which  such  columns  are  to  be  read  is 
not  the  same  in  all  manuscripts.  In  the  Maya  inscriptions  and 
manuscripts,  the  "illustrations"  or  pictorial  figures  are  inter- 

1  Examination  of  Cent.  Am.  Hier.,  p.  806. 

-  The  Ancient  Phonetic  Alphabet  of  Yucatan,  p.  6,  N.  Y.,  1870,  cited  by 
Rosny,  Essai,  p.  25. 

3  Essai,  p.  28  ;  Rosny  cites  Bancroft's  opinion  to  the  same  effect,  Native 
Racss,  vol.  ii,  p.  782. 


428  M.  DE  ROSNY'S  KEY. 


woven  with  the  alphabetic  signs  forming  an  important  part  of 
the  writing.  In  many  cases  a  page  of  MS.  (as  shown  in  Rosny's 
plates)  is  divided  into  sections  or  squares,  in  which  the  hierogly- 
phics are  inseparably  connected  with  grotesque  figures  which 
accompany  them  and  form  a  part  of  the  writing.  M.  de  Kosny 
has  undertaken  the  classification  and  interpretation  of  all  these 
figures  which  are  found  in  the  existing  Maya  MSS.  This 
doubtless  will  prove  an  important  auxiliary  to  the  table  of 
signs  already  alluded  to.  We  may  reasonably  expect  that  since 
M.  de  Rosny  has  shown  the  extensive  character  of  the  Maya 
phonetic  and  symbolic  alphabet,  he  will  furnish  us  examples  of 
its  application  in  the  practical  interpretation  of  the  hierogly- 
phics, in  the  latter  part  of  his  work.  Since  it  is  a  well-estab- 
lished fact  that  the  Mayas  employed  alphabetic  signs  in  recording 
words  and  sentences,  it  is  plain  that  their  writing  was  far  more 
perfect  than  the  picture-writing  of  the  Aztecs. 

We  do  not  deem  it  necessary  to  assure  the  reader  that  while 
the  Aztec  picture-writing  was  not  as  far  advanced  in  the  scale  of 
graphic  development  as  the  system  employed  by  the  Mayas,  still 
it  was  an  accurate  means  of  communication  and  of  recording 
events.  The  "  scribes"  of  the  Mexicans  were  an  educated  class  of 
men,  who  with  strictest  accuracy  painted  in  hieroglyphic  symbols 
the  record  of  national,  historic  and  traditional  affairs,  as  well  as 
the  tribute  rolls,  the  calendar  with  its  feast  days,  the  stated  ser- 
vices of  the  gods,  the  genealogical  tables  of  noble  and  royal  per- 
sonages, and  even  the  customs  of  the  humble  classes.  No  doubt 
many  educated  persons  who  did  not  belong  to  the  priestly  and 
lettered  class,  were  acquainted  with  the  system  employed,  and 
many  others  understood  it  sufficiently  to  recognize  calendar  and 
feast  signs.  The  Aztec  books  were  painted  mostly  on  cotton 
cloth,  prepared  skins  and  maguey  paper,  and  when  not  rolled 
were  folded  fan-like  and  bound  with  thin  wooden  covers,  like  the 
Maya  books.  The  priests  who  accompanied  the  conquerors  and 
immediately  followed  them,  mistook  the  pictured  figures  painted 
in  these  books  to  be  representations  of  heathen  deities,  and  con- 
sequently inaugurated  a  system  of  wholesale  destruction  of  all 
the  picture-writing.  Las  Casas  informs  us  that  they  were 


DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  MEXICAN  MSS.  429 


actuated  by  the  fear  that  in  matters  of  religion  the  existence 
of  these  books  would  be  injurious.  The  infamous  crime  com- 
mitted against  the  cause  of  knowledge  and  the  irreparable 
injury  done  to  the  natives,  their  successors,  and  to  students  of 
history  for  all  time,  by  the  destruction  of  those  valuable  MSS., 
must  ever  remain  an  unerasable  blot  upon  the  name  of  the  early 
church  in  Mexico,  and  must  be  ranked  with  the  worst  deeds  of 
Goths  and  Vandals.  Juan  de  Zumarraga,  the  chief  of  these 
sacrilegious  destroyers  who  committed  the  annals  of  the  Mexican 
States  publicly  to  the  flames  in  his  tour  of  the  principal  cities 
of  the  country,  will  ever  be  remembered  with  proper  contempt. 
Fortunately,  many  of  the  MSS.  were  hidden  by  their  owners 
and  have  since  come  to  light ;  the  greater  number  of  these,  how- 
ever, were  tribute  rolls,  which,  down  to  the  last  century,  played 
an  important  part  in  the  Mexican  courts  of  justice.  Prescott  in- 
forms us  that  "  until  late  in  the  last  century,  there  was  a  professor 
in  the  University  of  Mexico  especially  devoted  to  the  study  of 
the  national  picture-writing.  But  as  this  was  with  a  view  to 
legal  proceedings,  his  information  probably  was  limited  to  de- 
ciphering titles."  In  the  course  of  time  the  priests  became 
acquainted  with  the  harmless  nature  of  the  hieroglyphics, 
through  their  use  by  the  natives  in  their  making  confessions  and 
in  recording  the  Lord's  prayer.  Many  documents  written  since 
the  conquest  were  provided  by  their  authors  with  a  Span- 
ish translation  or  with  an  explanation  in  Aztec  written  with 
Spanish  letters.  Many  of  these  are  in  existence,  and  with  a 
few  authentic  documents,  written  previous  to  the  conquest,  are 
preserved  in  public  and  private  libraries  of  Europe  and  this 
country,  the  finest  collection  of  which  is  that  of  the  National 
Museum  of  the  University  of  Mexico.  The  reader  is  no  doubt 
already  familiar  with  the  splendid  fac-similes  of  several  Mexican 
MSS.  published  in  Lord  Kingsborough's  work.  Mr.  Bancroft 
has  concisely  narrated  the  events  and  vicissitudes  which  have 
attended  the  transmission  of  some  of  these  documents  through 
the  hands  of  successive  owners  to  their  present  depositories.1 

1  Native  Races,  vol.  ii,  pp.  529-33. 


430  MEXICAN  SYSTEM  THREEFOLD. 

Several  writers  on  hieroglyphic  systems,  and  the  above  author 
among  them,  have  classified  the  progressive  steps  of  picture- 
writing  into  representative,  symbolic,  and  phonetic.  Of  these, 
the  first  is  by  far  the  simplest,  and  has  invariably  preceded  the 
others  in  the  development  of  the  graphic  art.  It  was  natural 
for  the  savage  to  represent  an  object  by  a  picture,  in  which  that 
object  was  surrounded  with  certain  conditions  ;  at  first  the  entire 
object  was  pictured,  but  subsequently  only  a  portion  of  the  ob- 
ject, as  in  the  case  of  a  bird,  the  head  or  foot  or  wing  in  the 
more  advanced  stages  of  art,  would  be  substituted  for  the  object 
itself.  In  symbolic  picture-writing,  we  find  an  attempt  at 
representing  abstract  ideas  and  actions.  Some  quality  or  attri- 
bute of  a  person  is  portrayed  by  means  of  the  representative 
process,  by  symbols  which  would  naturally  seem  to  suggest  the 
distinguishing  characteristic  of  the  person  or  occasion.  A  cer- 
tain Aztec  festival  might  be  symbolized  by  the  conventional 
calendar  sign,  an  altar,  a  flint  knife  held  by  a  human  hand,  and 
a  smoking  human  heart.  Phonetic  picture-writing  is,  of  course, 
dependent  upon  the  sounds  of  the  language  for  which  it  is 
designed.  Its  province  is  to  represent  those  sounds  by  pictures 
of  objects  in  whose  names  the  sounds  occur.  Words,  syllables 
and  elementary  sounds  which  are  represented  by  alphabets,  are 
thus  gradually  evolved  in  the  progression  which  follows.  Mr. 
Bancroft,  by  a  most  ingenious  example,  has  illustrated  this 
principle  as  applied  to  our  own  language.  "  According  to  this 
system,"  he  says,  "the  |j  signifies  successively  the  word  'hand/ 
the  syllable  '  hand '  in  handsome,  the  sound  '  ha '  in  happy,  the 
aspiration  <h'  in  head,  and  finally,  by  simplifying  its  form 
or  writing  it  rapidly,  the  ||  becomes  []  and  then  the  'h'  of 
the  alphabet."  L  The  Aztecs  never  reached  the  last  stage  of 
phonetic  developmen't,  namely,  the  alphabet.  They,  however, 
employed  the  system  in  the  syllabic  formation  of  words  to  a 
very  considerable  extent.  The  priests  soon  found  the  natives 
applying  their  art  of  writing  to  the  record  of  the  standard 
expressions  employed  in  teaching  the  new  faith.  Amen  was 

1  Notice  Races,  vol.  ii,  p.  537. 


SYMBOLIC  WRITING.  f  431 


expressed  by  the  sign  of  water,  ail  associated  with  a  maguey 
plant,  metl  which  united  gave  the  word  atl-metl,  or  after  the 
ever  present  Aztec  termination  tl  is  stricken  off,  we  have  a-me, 
an  approximation  to  our  word  Amen.  Mr.  Bancroft  gives  also 
the  following  example  of  the  manner  in  which  the  name  Teo- 
caltitlan  was  expressed  by  this  syllabic-phonetic  writing  :  "  It 
is  written  in  one  of  the  manuscripts  of  the  Boturini  collection 
by  a  pictured  pair  of  lips,  tentli,  for  the  syllable  te  ;  footsteps, 
symbolic  of  a  road,  otli  for  o  ;  a  house,  calli  for  col  ;  and  teeth, 
tlantli  for  tlanti,  being  a  common  connective  syllable."  We 
think  the  reader  will  find  a  clearer  illustration  in  the  word 
Chapultepec,  which  literally  means  "  hill  of  the  grasshopper." 
By  reference  to  the  Aztec  migration  map  which  has  been  pub- 
lished by  several  authors  1  (the  most  correct  copy  accessible  to 
the  general  reader  is  that  by  Bancroft).2  A  hill  surmounted  by 
a  grasshopper  will  be  observed  among  the  figures.  The  same 
representation  in  different  form  will  be  seen  in  Boturini's  picture- 
map  of  the  migration.  Chapultepec  is  well  known  as  the  royal 
hill,  a  short  distance  west  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  celebrated  as 
the  country  residence  of  Montezuma.  Numerous  similar  exam- 
ples might  be  selected  from  the  migration  maps  of  this  combi- 
nation of  the  three  methods  employed.  Proper  names  were 
always  expressed  in  a  similar  manner.  An  example  of  the 
representative  and  symbolic  stages  of  the  picture-writing  of 
the  Aztecs  has  been  given  by  Mr.  Bancroft  from  the  Codex 
Mendoza  in  Kingsborough.3  We  here  reproduce  the  plate  used 
in  the  Native  Races.  It  describes  four  steps  or  periods  in  the 
education  of  children ;  each  period  is  supposed  to  refer  to  a 
particular  year.  In  the  upper  left-hand  group  we  see  a  father 
(fig.  3)  punishing  his  son  by  holding  him  over  the  fumes  of 
burning  chile  (fig.  5)  ;  in  the  right-hand  group  the  mother 
threatens  her  daughter  with  similar  punishment.  In  the  second 
group  (figs.  12-13),  a  father  punishes  his  son  by  exposing  him 

1  Gamelli  Careri,  Humboldt,  Kingsborough,  Ramirez  in  Garcia  y  Cubas,  and 
Bancroft ;  see  this  work,  chapter  vi,  p.  232.  2  Vol.  ii,  pp.  544-5. 

3  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  i,  pi.  Ixi ;  explanation,  vol.  v,  pp.  96-7  ;  Bancroft,  vol.  ii, 
pp.  53&-40. 


432 


CODEX  MENDOZA  PICTURE-WRITING. 


OOOO( 

ooooo 


00080 
ooooo 


EDUCATION  OF  CHILDREN  ACCORDING  TO  THE  CODEX  MENDOZA. 

bound  hand  and  foot  on  the  damp  ground.  A  bad  boy  twelve 
years  of  age,  according  to  Aztec  custom  was  always  punished  in 
this  way,  and  his  punishment  lasted  during  an  entire  day.  A 


CODEX  MENDOZA  PICTURE-WRITING.  433 

disobedient  girl  of  the  same  age  was  obliged  to  rise  in  the  night 
and  sweep  the  whole  house,  as  is  shown  in  the  right-hand  group, 
or,  as  no  tear  is  seen  in  her  eye,  she  may  be  learning.  At  the  age 
of  eight  years  children  were  only  shown  the  instrument  of  pun- 
ishment ;  at  ten  they  were  pricked  with  maguey  thorns,  or  if 
still  unruly,  were  whipped.  The  above  groups  show  the  methods 
employed  during  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  years,  after  which 
age  a  child  was  supposed  to  be  pretty  well  disciplined.  In 
the  third  group  a  father  directs  his  boys  (fig.  21)  how  to  trans- 
port wood,  both  upon  the  back  and  in  the  canoe,  while  the 
mother  teaches  the  daughter  (fig.  23)  to  make  tortillas  and  use 
the  mealing  stone  and  other  utensils  (figs.  25,  26,  28) ;  the  tor- 
tillas are  also  represented  (fig.  27).  In  the  fourth  group  the  son 
learns  the  use  of  the  fish-net  and  the  daughter  that  of  the  loom. 
The  allowance  of  tortillas  apportioned  to  the  children  at  the  ages 
represented  are  shown  in  figs.  2,  8,  11,  16,  20,  24,  30  and  34. 
The  remaining  figures  are  not  representative,  but  symbolic.  The 
small  circles  (figs.  1,  10,  19,  29)  are  numerals  indicating  that 
the  child  was  successively  eleven,  twelve,  thirteen  and  fourteen 
years  of  age.  A  circle  or  dot  was  always  used  for  a  unit.  The 
comma-like  figure  issuing  from  the  mouth  of  the  parent  is  the 
symbol  of  speech.  The  tears  in  the  children's  eyes  need  no 
explanation.  The  singular  figure  (17)  above  the  girl  in  the 
second  group  is  said  to  be  symbolical  of  night,  and  to  indicate 
that  the  sweeping  was  required  in  the  night. 

For  most  interesting  specimens  of  Aztec  picture-writing  as 
well  as  their  supposed  explanation,  we  refer  the  reader  to  the 
Gemelli  Careri  and  Boturini  Migration  maps  in  the  Atlas  of 
Garcia  y  Cubas,  or  in  the  second  volume  of  Mr.  Bancroft's  work, 
which  are  the  only  places  where  they  are  to  be  found  correctly 
reproduced.  Mr.  Delafield  sought  to  find  an  analogy  between 
the  Aztec  and  Egyptian  hieroglyphic  systems  on  no  other  ground 
than  that  both  were  representative,  symbolic  and  phonetic,  a 
most  wonderful  discovery  indeed.1  Notwithstanding  this  fact, 


1  Delafield,  Antiq.  of  Am.,  pp.  42-7.    M.  Ed.  Madier  de  Montjau  has  recently 
added  much  to  our  understanding  of  Aztec  picture-writin^  in  his  Chronologic 

28 


434  MEXICAN  MIGRATION  MAP. 

and  many  similar  efforts,  no  marked  analogy  between  the  Aztec 
picture-writing  and  the  hieroglyphic  systems  of  any  other  peo- 
ples has  yet  been  pointed  out.1 

hieroglyphico-phonetic  des  rois  Azteques  de  1352-1522  retrouvee  dans  diverses 
mappes  americaines  antiques,  expliquee  et  precedee  d'une  introduction  sur 
1'Ecriture  mexicaine.  A  valuable  article  on  the  same  subject  is  found  in  the 
Congres  Americanistes,  Luxembourg,  1877,  torn,  ii,  pp.  346-362,  by  M.  1'Abbe 
Jules  Pipart,  entitled  Elements  phonetiques  dans  les  Escritures  figuratives  des 
anciens  Mexicains. 

1  An  excellent  account  of  the  various  collections  of  Aztec  picture-writing 
will  be  found  in  the  introduction  to  Domenech's  Manuscrit  Pictographique, 
Paris,  1860,  8vo ;  a  book  which  would  be  valueless  but  for  that  feature.  See 
also  account  of  M.  Aubun's  collection  in  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ., 
torn,  i,  pp.  Ixxvi-lxxviii.  For  general  description  of  hieroglyphic  principles 
see  Tylor,  Researches,  pp.  89-101,  and  Humboldt,  Vues,  torn,  i,  pp.  177-9, 162- 
202.  See  also  Boturini,  Idea  de  una  Hist.,  pp.  5,  77,  87,  96,  112,  116.  Prescott, 
Conq.  Hex.  (Kirk's  ed.,  1875),  vol.  i,  pp.  94,  99, 107-9.  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant. 
del  Messico,  torn,  ii,  pp.  187-94.  Mendoza,  in  Soe.  Mex.  Qeog.  Boletin,  2d  epoca, 
torn,  i,  pp.  896-904.  Gallatin  in  Amer.  Ethtio.  Soe.  Transact.,  vol.  i,  pp.  126, 
165-69.  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Ant.,  vol.  vi,  p.  87,  and  Ixtlilxochitl's  Hist. 
Chick,  in  Kingsborough,  vol.  ix,  p.  201.  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i, 
p.  149.  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  ii,  pp.  521-52. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

CHRONOLOGY,  CALENDAR  SYSTEMS  AND  RELIGIOUS  ANALOGIES. 

No  Mound-builder  Chronology  known — Maya  Calendar — Landa  on  the  Calendar 
— Maya  Days — Maya  Months — The  Katun — The  Ahau  Katun  or  Great 
Cycle — The  Maya  System  Adjusted  to  our  Chronology — The  Adjustment 
by  Perez — Intercalary  Days — The  Nahua  Calendar — The  Sources — Divi- 
sions of  Mexican  Calendar — The  Aztec  Year — The  Nemontemi — Aztec 
Months — Aztec  Days — Nahua  Ritual  Calendar — Mexican  Calendar  Stone — 
Sources  of  Interpretation— History  of  the  Stone— Interpretation  of  the 
Stone — Date  of  the  Origin  of  the  Calendar  Stone — Date  of  the  Nahua 
Migration — Analogies  with  the  Nahua  Calendar — Religious  Analogies — 
Jewish  Analogies — Deluge  Traditions — Supposed  Parallels  in  Jewish  and 
Mexican  History — Analogies  of  Doctrine — Analogies  of  Ceremonial  Law — 
Yucatanic  Trinity  Myth — Mexican  and  Asiatic  Analogies — Buddhism  in 
the  New  World — Scandinavian  Analogies — Mexican  and  Greek  Analogies 
— Brasseur  de  Bourbourg's  Comparisons. 

Chronology  and  Calendar  Systems. — No  tablet  or  relic  of 
Mound-builder  origin  has  yet  been  discovered,  which  can  be 
said  to  give  any  clue  to  the  system  of  chronology  employed  by 
that  people.  Several  supposed  calendar  stones  have  been  found, 
such,  for  instance,  as  the  Cincinnati  Tablet  referred  to  in  Chap- 
ter I,  and  the  Tablet  from  Mississippi  in  the  possession  of  Wm. 
Marshall  Anderson,  Esq.,  of  Circleville,  Ohio.  However,  their 
character  is  only  a  matter  of  conjecture,  since  no  progress  what- 
ever has  been  made  toward  evolving  any  system  from  them. 
Farther  south,  on  the  soil  where  a  higher  civilization  flourished, 
we  meet  with  two  calendar  systems,  which,  while  they  have 
several  points  of  resemblance,  are  quite  distinct  from  each  other. 

The  first  of  these,  the  Maya,  is  probably  the  most  ancient. 
Bishop  Landa  is  our  chief  authority  in  this  field,  though  Don 
Juan  Pio  Perez,  a  more  recent  writer,  also  familiar  with  the 


436 


LANDA  ON  THE  CALENDAR. 


Maya  language,  has  furnished  us  some  material.1  Bishop  Landa 
informs  us  that  the  Mayas  had  a  year  of  365  days  and  6  hours 
divided  into  months  (a  month  being  called  a  U)  in  two  ways, 
first  into  months  of  thirty  days  each,  and  second,  into  eighteen 
months  of  twenty  days  each.  As  the  Bishop  makes  no  explana- 
tion of  the  former  statement,  we  are  unable  to  determine  whether 


Cirar. 


Mamk. 


Lamat. 


THE  MAYA  DAYS. 

the  months  of  thirty  days  each  were  employed  in  Yucatan  prior 
to  the  conquest,  or  not,  but  we  are  rather  inclined  to  the  opinion 
that  they  were  not. 

The  month  of  twenty  days  was  called  the  Uinal-Hun-ekeJi, 
and  might  commence  on  any  of  the  days  represented  by  the 
hieroglyphics  in  the  left-hand  column  of  the  table  of  days.  These 
months  were  eighteen  in  number,  thus  making  a  year  of  360  days. 
The  Mayas,  however,  corrected  the  error  by  adding  five  inter- 

1  Landa,  Relation,  pp.  204-316,  and  the  work  by  Perez,  entitled  Cronologia 
Antigua  de  Yucatan,  with  Brasseur's  translation  into  French  in  the  above 
work,  pp.  366-429.  Also  see  English  translation  in  Stephens'  Yucatan,  vol.  i, 
pp.  434-59.  See  also  Orozco  y  Berra,  Geogrqfia,  pp.  104-8,  and  an  able  dis- 
cussion in  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  ii,  pp.  755-67. 


LANDA'S  MAYA  MONTHS. 


437 


Tzee. 


Chen. 


Xul. 


Yax. 


Kankin. 


Kayab. 


Yixkin. 


Zac. 


Miian, 


CurnhiL 


THE  MAYA  MONTHS. 


Tzoz. 


CeL 


Pax. 


calary  days  and  six  hours  to  the  360  days ;  and  once  every  four 
years,  Landa  informs  us,  they  counted  366  days  a  year.  The  five 
supplementary  days  were  considered  unlucky,  and  were  known 
as  the  "  nameless  days  "  because  they  were  never  called  by  any 


438  LANDA'S  MAYA  MONTHS. 

particular  designation.  The  accompanying  cut  is  a  photographic 
reproduction  of  Landa's  plate,  and  shows  accurately  the  Maya 
days  in  their  proper  order.1  (Page  436.) 

Though  the  intercalary  days  were  "  nameless  "  and  character- 
ized as  the  "  bed  or  chamber  of  the  year,"  "  the  mother  of  the 
year,"  "bed  of  creation,"  "travail  of  the  year,"  "lying  days," 
or  "  bad  days,"  etc.,  still  five  of  the  above  twenty  were  reckoned 
for  them  in  regular  order. 

The  year  began  on  a  day  corresponding  to  our  16th  of  July— 
"  a  date,"  as  Mr.  Bancroft  observes,  "  which  varies  only  forty- 
four  hours  from  the  time  when  the  sun  passes  the  .zenith — an 
approximation  as  accurate  as  could  be  expected  from  observation 
made  without  instruments." 2 

The  Maya  months  as  figured  in  Landa's  work  are  shown  in 
the  accompanying  photo-engraving.  (Page  437.) 

The  translation  of  the  names  of  the  days  and  months  is  some- 
what uncertain.  The  following  equivalents  are  the  same  as  those 
given  by  Senor  Perez,  except  in  a  few  instances  where  Brasseur 
and  Kosny  have  made  corrections. 

TRANSLATION  OF  THE  DAYS. 

1.  Kan,  "string  of  twisted  hemp"  (yellow). 

2.  Chicchan,  signification  unknown. 

3.  Cimi,  preterit  of  cimil,  to  kill  =  "  dead." 

4.  Manik,  "  wind  that  passes  "  (?  ?) 

5.  Lamat,  signification  unknown. 

6.  Muluc,  "  reunion  "  (?  ?) 

7.  Oc,  "  that  which  may  be  held  in  the  palm  of  the  hand." 

8.  Chven,"  hoard  "(??) 

9.  m,  "ladder." 

10.  Sen,  "to  distribute  with  economy  "  (? ?) 

11.  Ix,  "fish-skin"  (Rosny),  "witch,  witchcraft"  (Brasseur),  "roughness" 

(Perez). 

12.  Men,  "builder." 

13.  Gib,  "  gum  copal." 

14.  Caban,  "  heaped  up  "  (Brasseur). 

15.  Ezandb,  "  flint "  (Brasseur). 

1  Landa's  Relation,  p.  204.     Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  ii,  p.  756. 

2  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  ii,  p.  757. 


THE  KATUNES.  439 


16.  Cauac,  signification  unknown. 

17.  Ahau,  "  king,  or  period  of  twenty -four  years." 

18.  Ymix,  signification  unknown.     "  Corn  "  (?  ?) 

19.  Ik,  "  wind,"  "  spirit,"  according  to  Rosny,  one  of  the  symbols  of  Kukul- 

can  or  Qtietzalcoatl. 

20.  Akbal,  "  approach  of  night "  (Brasseur). 

TRANSLATION  OF  THE  MONTHS. 

1.  Pop,  "  mat  of  cane." 

2.  Uo,  "  frog." 

3.  Zip,  "a  tree"  (Perez),  "fault,  error"  (Brasseur). 

4.  Tzoz,  "  a  bat." 

5.  Tzec,  signification  unknown. 

6.  Xul,  "  end  or  conclusion." 

7.  Yaxkin,  signification  unknown.    "  Summer  "  (?  ?) 

8.  Mol,  "  to  re-unite,  to  recover." 

9.  Chen,  "  a  well." 

10.  Tax,  "first,"  or  Yaax,  "blue." 

11.  Zac,  "white." 

12.  Ceh,  "  a  deer." 

13.  Mac,  "  a  lid  or  cover." 

14.  Kaiikin,  "yellow  sun,"  "  because  in  this  month  of  April  the  atmosphere 

is  charged  with  smoke,"  owing  to  the  work  of  clearing  the  soil. 

15.  Muan,  "  cloudy  weather  "  (Brasseur). 

16.  Pax,  "  musical  instrument." 

17.  Kaydb,  "  singing." 

18.  Cumhu,  "  thunder-clap,"  "  detonation." ! 

Though  these  translations  may  seem  uninteresting  by  them- 
selves, they  are  of  great  value  when  taken  in  connection  with 
Landa's  alphabet  and  M.  de  Rosny's  interpretations.  They  must 
ever  be  important  factors  in  attempts  to  translate  the  inscriptions 
and  codices. 

Another  division  of  time  among  the  Mayas  of  a  complicated 
character  was  the  Katun  or  Cycle  of  52  years.  The  Katun  was 
composed  of  four  periods  (indictions  or  weeks)  of  13  years 
each,  enumerated  by  a  system  of  reckoning  kept  simultaneously 
with  the  current  reckoning  of  days,  months  and  years.  The 
mode  of  computing  the  Katunes  was,  according  to  Landa  and 

1  See  Perez's  Appendix  to  Stephens'  Yucatan,  vol.  i,  pp.  458-59,  and  in 
Landa's  Relation,  Appendix,  pp.  370-382,  and  Brasseur  in  the  same.  Especially 
Rosny,.  Essai  sur  le  Dech.  de  L'Ecrit.  Hierat.  de  L'Amer.  Cent.,  pp.  15-24. 


440  THE  KATUNES. 


Perez,  briefly  as  follows  : l  The  year  was  divided  into  twenty- 
eight  periods  of  thirteen  days  each.  These  periods  for  con- 
venience have  been  called  weeks,  and  the  number  of  days  of 
which  each  is  composed  may  have  been  suggested  by  the  num- 
ber of  days  embraced  in  the  moon's  increase  and  decrease, 
twenty-six  days  constituting  about  the  actual  time  in  which 
the  moon  is  seen  above  the  horizon  during  each  lunation.2  The 
weeks  were  divided  off  by  counting  thirteen  days  from  the  begin- 
ning of  the  list  of  days  shown  on  paga  436,  Kan  constituting 
the  first  day  of  the  first  week  and  according  to  usage  applying 
its  name  to  the  weeks.  The  week  was  consequently  called  by 
the  name  of  the  day  on  which  it  began.  Caban  being  the  four- 
teenth day  of  the  current  month,  became  the  first  day  of  another 
week;  but  as  not  enough  days  remain  to  complete  it,  the  enumera- 
tion is  begun  again  and  continued  down  to  Muluc,  the  sixth  day 
of  the  next  month.  Oc,  the  seventh  day,  then  becomes  the  start- 
ing point  for  another  week,  which  assumes  its  name,  and  thus  the 
computation  is  carried  on  ad  infinitum.  A  numeral  preceded 
each  day  designating  its  position  in  the  week.  The  people  of 
Yucatan  painted  a  small  circle  in  which  they  placed  the  four 
hieroglyphics  of  the  initial  days  which  constitute  the  left-hand 
column  of  signs  given  on  page  436.  Kan  was  placed  in  the  east, 
Muluc  in  the  north,  Ix  in  the  west  and  Cauac  in  the  south. 
These  signs  were  termed  the  "carriers  of  the  years"  because  no 
month  or  year  could  begin  on  any  of  the  twenty  days,  but  on  one 
of  these.  Since  twenty  days  constitute  a  current  month,  it  is 
apparent  that  every  month  in  a  given  year  must  begin  with  the 
same  day.  However,  the  introduction  of  the  five  intercalary 
days  at  the  end  of  the  year,  changed  the  initial  day  on  which 
the  months  of  the  different  years  began.  In  reckoning  the 
Katun  it  is  further  observed  that  the  numeral  which  indicates 
the  day  of  the  week  (of  thirteen  days)  which  falls  upon  the  first 
of  a  given  month,  varies.  Supposing  the  month  to  begin  on  Kan 
and  the  numeral  of  the  first  day  to  be  1,  the  numerals  indicative 

1  Landa,  Relation,  p.  234.     Perez  in  Landa,  pp.  394  et  seq.,  and  in  Stephens' 
Yucatan,  vol.  i,  p.  439  ;  also  sse  Bancroft,  vol.  ii,  pp.  759  et  seq. 

2  Perez  in  Landa,  Relation,  pp.  366-8  ;  also  cited  by  Bancroft,  vol.  ii,  p.  759. 


THE  AHAU  KATUN  OR  GREAT  CYCLE.        441 

of  the  days  of  the  week  (composed  of  thirteen  days)  falling  on 
Kan  throughout  the  eighteen  months,  would  be,  8,  9,  3?  10,  4, 
11,  5,  12,  6,  13,  7,  1,  8,  2,  9,  3. 

The  Katun  year  consisted,  as  we  have  seen,  of  twenty-eight 
weeks  of  thirteen  days  each,  and  one  additional  day,  making 
in  all  365  days.  If  the  year  commenced  with  number  one  of  the 
week,  the  additional  day  (the  365th)  caused  it  to  end  on  the 
same  number.  The  ensuing  year  would  then  begin  with  number 
two,  and  so  on  through  the  thirteen  numbers  of  the  week,  as 
follows  :  1.  Kan,  2.  Muluc,  3.  Ix,  4.  Cauac,  5.  Kan,  6.  Muluc, 
7.  Ix,  8.  Cauac,  9.  Kan,  10.  Muluc,  11.  Ix,  12.  Cauac,  13.  Kan, 
thus  completing  an  indiction  or  week  of  years..  The  same  com- 
bination of  names  and  numerals  can  only  occur  after  the  lapse 
of  the  Katun  or  cycle  comprising  four  of  these  indictions  or 
fifty-two  years.  Not  only  the  years  of  the  week,  but  also  the 
indictions  themselves  were  named  by  the  four  initial  symbols. 
The  first  indiction  of  each  Katun  being  named  Kan,  the  second 
Muluc,  the  third  Ix,  and  the  fourth  Cauac.  The  completion  of  a 
Katun  or  fifty-two  years  was  celebrated  with  feasts  and  rejoicings 
as  an  event  of  great  moment.  A  monument  was  reared  as  a 
memorial  of  the  event.  It  is  not  impossible  that  the  great  num- 
ber of  pillars,  observed  by  Stephens  at  Chichen-Itza  were  of 
this  character,  serving  as  landmarks  to  Maya  chronology.1 

A  third  division  of  time  employed  by  the  Mayas  was  the 
great  cycle  of  312  years,  composed,  according  to  Senor  Perez,2 
of  thirteen  periods  of  time,  each  embracing  twenty-four  years. 
Each  of  these  thirteen  periods  was  called  an  Ahau  Katun,  and 
was  divided  into  two  parts.  The  first  part,  embracing  twenty 
years,  was  enclosed  in  a  square  and  called  Amaytum  lamayte,  or 
lamatjtum;  and  the  other  part  of  four  years,  which  formed  as  it 
were  a  pedestal  for  the  first,  was  called  Chek  oc  Katun,  or  lath 
oc  Katun,  meaning  "stool"  or  "pedestal."  He  affirms  that  the 
latter  were  intercalated,  therefore  believed  to  be  unfortunate  as 
were  the  five  supplementary  days  of  the  year.  This  may  account 

1  Stephens'  Yucatan,  vol.  ii,  pp.  318-19.  Stephens  was  unable  to  assign  any 
use  to  the  pillars  referred  to.  He  counted  upwards  of  380.  Dr.  Le  Plongeon 
accords  with  our  view.  2  Stephens'  Yucatan,  vol.  i,  pp.  441  et  seq. 


442 


SUCCESSION  OF  THE  AHAU  KATUNES. 


for  their  not  being  reckoned  with  the  Ahau  Katun  by  any  other 
writer.  Just  here  lies  the  discrepancy  which  has  created  most 
of  the  confusion  in  the  investigation  of  this  subject.  However, 
if  we  accept  the  statement  of  Senor  Perez,  that  the  Ahau  Katun 
embraced  twenty-four  years  instead  of  the  testimony  of  every 
other  writer  that  it  included  but  twenty  years,  we  shall  have 
moderately  fair  sailing  until  we  split  upon  the  rock  of  his  inac- 
curacies as  to  dates.  He  tells  us  that  these  periods  took  their 
name  from  Ahau,  the  second  of  those  years  that  began  in  Cauac, 
and  from  the  order  of  the  numerals  accompanying  those  days 
would  succeed  each  other  according  to  the  numbers  13,  11,  9, 
7,  5,  3,  1,  12,  10,  8,  6,  4,  2.  The  Indians  established  the  num- 
ber 13  Ahau  as  the  first,  because  some  great  event  happened  in 
that  year.  If  the  13  Ahau  Katun  began  on  a  second  day  of  the 
year,  it  must  have  been  the  year  which  began  on  12  Cauac,  and 
the  12th  of  the  indiction.  The  next  or  the  11  Ahau  would  com- 
mence in  the  year  10  Cauac,  which  combination  in  its  rotation 
would  happen  after  a  lapse  of  twenty-four  years.  The  third  or 
9  Ahau  would  begin  in  8  Cauac  twenty -four  years  later,  in  illus- 
tration of  which  we  follow  out  the  rotation  of  the  four  names  of 
the  years,  Kan,  Muluc,  Ix  and  Cauac,  through  the  indictions  of 
thirteen  years  each,  until  we  have  noted  the  numerals  accom- 
panying them  during  twenty-four  years.  Our  starting  point 
will  be  the  commencement  of  the  second  Ahau  Katun  on  the 
second  day  of  10  Cauac. 


Tear  of 
13  Year 
Indiction 

Name  of  Tear. 

Tear  of 
Period  of 
2k  Tears. 

Year  of 
13  Year 
Indiction. 

Name  of  Year. 

Year  of 
Period  of 
2k  Years. 

10 

Cauac 

1 

9 

13 

11 

Kan      .             ... 

2 

10 

Kan  

14 

12 

Muluc 

3 

11 

Muluc  

15 

13 

Ix 

4 

12 

Ix  

16 

1 

5 

13 

Cauac              .... 

17 

2 

Kan 

6 

1 

Kan    

18 

3 

Muluc  ...      .... 

7 

2 

Muluc  

19 

4 

Ix 

8 

3 

Ix     .            ... 

20 

5 

Cauac 

9 

4 

Cauac  

21 

6 

Kan 

10 

5 

Kan  

22 

7 

Muluc 

11 

6 

Muluc  

23 

8 

Ix 

12 

7 

Ix  

24 

8 

Cauac      . 

1st  of  anew 

period. 

MAYA  SYSTEM  ADJUSTED  TO  OUR  CHRONOLOGY.        443 

As  above  stated  the  new  Ahau  Katun  begins  in  the  year  8 
Cauac,  and  as  it  invariably  began  on  the  second  day  of  the 
year,  that  day  would  be  9  Ahau,  as  Ahau  is  the  next  letter  in 
the  alphabet  after  Cauac.  An  extension  of  the  table  will  show 
that  the  next  period  will  begin  in  6  Cauac  on  7  Ahau,  and  so 
on  in  the  order  of  the  numerals  given  above.  Thirteen  Ahau 
Katunes,  as  previously  stated,  constituted  a  great  cycle  of  three 
hundred  and  twelve  years.  Sr.  Perez  states  that  according  to 
all  sources  of  information,  confirmed  by  the  testimony  of  Don 
Cosme  de  Burgos,  one  of  the  conquerors  and  a  writer  (but  whose 
observations  have  been  lost),  the  year  1392  A.  D.  corresponded  to 
the  Maya  year  7  Cauac,  and  as  the  second  day  of  that  year  was 
the  beginning  of  an  era  of  twenty-four  years,  it  must  have  been 
8  Ahau  Katun.  By  dividing  off  the  time  between  that  date 
and  the  beginning  of  the  present  century  into  periods  of  twenty- 
four  years  each,  and  extending  a  table  of  the  rotation  of  the  four 
names  of  the  years,  the  reader  will  observe  that  13  Ahau  will 
fall  in  the  year  1800  ;  11  Ahau  in  1824  ;  9  Ahau  in  1848  ;  7 
Ahau  in  1872,  and  5  Ahau  in  1896,  three  hundred  and  twelve 
years  intervening  before  this,  and  any  similar  combination  of 
Ahau  Katunes  either  have  occurred  or  can  be  repeated.  This 
would  be  highly  satisfactory  if  Sr.  Perez  could  be  relied  upon 
in  this  particular,  which  is  doubtful.  We  are  sorry  to  say  that 
he  is  certainly  chargeable  with  inaccuracies,  which  impair  the 
value  of  his  whole  system.  Most  conspicuous  of  these  is  one 
pointed  out  by  Mr.  Bancroft,  to  which  we  refer  the  reader 
below.  Senor  Perez  sets  about  the  verification  of  his  system 
by  citing  the  death  of  a  notable  personage  named  Ahpula.  He 
states  that  Ahpula  died  in  the  sixth  year  of  13  Ahau,  when 
the  first  day  of  the  year  was  4  Kan,  on  the  day  9  Imix,  the 
eighteenth  of  the  month  Zip.  It  is  seen  that  13  Ahau  is  the 
second  day  of  the  year  12  Cauac  which  falls  in  the  year  1488, 
also  that  the  year  1493  is  the  sixth  from  the  beginning  of 
13  Ahau,  and  that  its  first  day  is  4  Kan,  which  is  the  title 
of  the  year.  The  day  is  the  eighteenth  of  the  month  Zip,  cor- 
responding to  the  eleventh  of  September.  The  statement  is 
also  made  that  this  date  fell  on  9  Imix.  This  is  tested  as  fol- 


444  THE  ADJUSTMENT  BY  PEREZ. 

lows :  The  first  month  of  that  year  commenced  on  4  Kan, 
which  combination  names  the  year.  The  number  (of  the  week 
of  thirteen  days)  is  found  by  adding  seven  to  the  number  of 
the  first  day  of  each  month  successively.  The  number  of  the 
first  day  of  the  first  month,  Pop,  in  this  case  being  4,  the 
number  of  the  first  day  of  the  second  month  (Uo)  would  be 

4  +  7  =  11,  and  that  of  the  first  day  of  the  third  month  (Zip) 
would  be  11  +  7—  18,  but  as  the  week  consists  of  but  thirteen 
days,  that  number  must  be  subs trac ted,  leaving  5  Kan  as  the 
first  day  of  Zip.     If  Zip  begins  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  August, 
the  day  9  Imix  will  be  found  to  correspond  both  with  the  eigh- 
teenth of  Zip  and  the  eleventh  of  September,  if  the  Katun 
week  of  thirteen  days  is  counted  off  regularly,  beginning  with 

5  Kan.     Sr.  Perez  is  correct  enough  in  his  calculations,  but  un- 
fortunately his  system  of  twenty -four  years  to  the  Ahau  Katun 
or  his  informant  as  to  the  correspondence  of  the  Ahau  Katunes 
with  our  chronology  (no  doubt  the  latter)  is  incorrect,  since  the 
Maya  manuscript  furnished  and  translated  by  Perez  and  pub- 
lished in  the  works  of  Stephens  and  Landa,  states  explicitly 
that  Ahpula  died  in  A.  D.  1536,  instead  of  1493  (incorrectly 
printed  1403  in  Bancroft's  work),  a  date  which  is  irreconcilable 
with  the  system  of  twenty-four  years   to  the  Ahau,  reckoned 
from  1392  as  a  starting  point.     Neither  will  the  statement  of 
Landa  that  the  year   1541  corresponded  with  the  beginning 
of  11  Ahau  relieve  the  difficulty,  but  rather  increases  it,  since 
it  will  neither  harmonize  with  the  date  of  Ahpula's  death  given 
in  the  MS.  nor  with  the  system  by  Perez.     Furthermore,  while 
Landa  gives  the  same  succession  of  numerals  for  the  recur- 
rence of  the  Ahaus,  he  states  that  they  embraced  but  twenty 
years  each,  thus  making  it  impossible  for  the  combinations  of 
names  and  numerals  to  correspond  to  the  order  which  he  lays 
down  for  their  succession.     Landa  is  no  doubt  incorrect  in  his 
statement.     Sr.  Perez  is  at  least  consistent  in  his  adaptation  of 
the  length  of  the  Ahau  Katun  to  the  order  of  numerals  given 
by  Landa  and  others.     Recently,  M.  Delaporte,  a  member  of  the 
Societe  Americain  de  France,  has,  by  a  series  of  extended  calcula- 
tions, vindicated  the  correctness  of  the  statement  of  Sr.  Perez, 


INTERCALARY  DAYS.  445 


that  the  Ahau  Katun  embraced  twenty-four  years.  M.  de 
Kosny  agrees  with  M.  Delaporte  in  his  conclusions.  The  fault 
of  Perez,  probably,  lies  in  his  adaptation  of  the  Ahaus  to 
our  chronology,  and  in  carelessness.  Amidst  these  discrepan- 
cies it  is  impossible  to  fix  accurately  the  dates  of  the  Maya 
history,  though  they  can  be  approximated.1  Senor  Perez  cites 
Boturini  as  stating  that  the  day  introduced  every  four  years  to 
compensate  for  the  annual  loss  of  six  hours,  was  observed  by 
counting  the  symbol  for  the  three  hundred  and  sixty-fifth  day 
twice,  as  the  Eomans  did  with  their  bissextile  days,  thus  leaving 
the  order  undisturbed.2 

The  Naliua  Calendar  system  closely  resembles  that  of  the 
Mayas,  a  fact  which  adds  to  the  abundant  proof  that  both 
civilizations  had  grown  up  under  nearly  the  same  influences,  and 
that  they  had  largely  affected  each  other.  If  the  trifling  differ- 
ences of  a  few  writers  concerning  some  of  the  details  of  the 
Aztec  calendar  be  overlooked,  and  the  best  authorities  (together 
with  a  little  exercise  of  judgment)  be  followed,  the  system  be- 
comes comparatively  simple.  Sahagun,  Leon  y  Gama,  Hum- 
boldt,  Veytia,  Galatin,  McCulloch,  Miiller,  Bancroft,  Chavero, 
and  Prof.  Valentini,  are  the  authorities  to  whom  we  refer  the 
reader.3 

1  See  Lancia,  Relation,  pp.  313,  400-412  ;  Stephens,  Yucatan,  Perez,  vol.  i, 
pp.  441-447,  MS.  cited  in  vol.  ii,  pp.  465-469  ;  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  ii, 
pp.  762-765  ;  M.  Delaporte,  Le  Calendrier  Yucateque,  MS.  cited  by  Rosny, 
Essai  sur  le  dechiffrement  de  L'Ecriture  Hieratique,  p.  25. 

2  Perez  in  Stephens'  Yucatan,  vol.  i,  p.  447. 

3  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i,  lib.  ii,  pp.  49-76 ;  lib.  iv,  pp.  282-310,  gives 
a  partial   though  very  satisfactory  account.      Leon  y  Gaina,    Dos   Piedras, 
is  critical  and  learned,  but  often  incorrect.      Humboldt,    Vues,  furnishes  an 
elaborate  account,  which  is  very  valuable  though  complicated.     Veytia's  ex- 
planation is  the  result  of  thorough  research,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn.  i.     Gallatin 
is  extremely  clear  and  reliable  in  Amer.  Ethno.  Soc.    Transactions,  vol.  i. 
McCulloch's  Researches  in  Amer.,  pp.  201-25.    Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  ii, 
pp.  502-22,  furnishes  us  an  account,  clear  and  full,  as  are  all  of  his  discus- 
sions.    Several  cuts  enhance  the  value  of  the  chapter.     We  especially  refer  the 
reader  to  his  rich  bibliography  of  the  subject,  appended  in  notes.     A  number 
of  additional  authors  are  before  us:  Ixtlilxochitl,  Muller,  Herrera,  Clavigero, 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Boturini,  Prichard,  but  last  and  best  is  the  ingenious 
and  masterly  Vortrag  uber  den  MexicaniscJien  Calender-stein  gehalten  wn  Prof. 


446 


THE  AZTEC  YEAR. 


The  Mexican  Calendar  contains  divisions  as  follows  :  The 
age,  called  hueliuetiliztli,  embraced  two  cycles  of  fifty-two  years 
each,  thus  equalizing  one  hundred  and  four  years.  The  cycle 
of  fifty-two  years  was  named  xiulimolpilli,  xiuhmolpia,  and 
xiulitlalpilli,  signifying  the  "  binding  up  of  the  years  "  and  con- 
sisted of  four  periods  of  thirteen  years  each.  These  periods  or 
indictions  were  called  "knots,"  while  the  single  years  were 
called  xihuitl  or  "  new  grass/'  because  anciently,  before  the  in- 
vention of  the  calendar,  the  Nahuas  were  only  able  to  distinguish 
the  revolution  of  the  years  by  the  annual  appearance  of  fresh 
vegetation  and  new  grass.  The  age  was  but  little  used,  the 
cycle  being  the  common  measure  for  long  periods.  The  years  in 
a  given  cycle  were  designated  as  among  the  Mayas,  by  means 
of  the  consecutive  rotation  of  four  signs,  each  accompanied 
with  a  numeral.  The  signs  were  tocMi,  "  rabbit " ;  acatl,  "  cane  " ; 
tecpatl,  "flint,"  and  caUi,  "house."  The  following  table  illus- 
trates the  rotation  occurring  in  one  cycle  : 


IST  TLALPILLI. 

SD  TLALPILLI. 

3n  TLALPILLI. 

4-TH  TLALPILLI. 

Names  of  Tears. 

Names  of 
Years 
Trans  ated. 

Names  of  Years. 

Names  of 
Years 
Translated. 

Name*  of  Years. 

Names  r>f 
Ytars 
Translated. 

Names  of   Years. 

*£r/ 

Translated, 

Ce  Tochtli  .  .  . 

1.  Rabbit. 

Ce  Acatl  .... 

1.  Cane. 

Ce  Tecpatl  .  .  . 

1.  Flint. 

Ce  Calli   .... 

1.  House. 

Ome  Acatl  .  .  . 

2.  Cane. 

Ome  Tecpatl  .  . 

2.  Flint. 

Ome  Calli.  .  .  . 

2.  House. 

Ome  Tochtli  .  . 

2.  Rabbit- 

Yey  Tecpatl  .  . 

3.  Flint. 

Yey  Calli.  .  .  . 

3.  House. 

Yey  Tochtli   .  . 

3.   Rabbit. 

Yey  Acatl   .  .  . 

3.  Cane,    i 

Nahui  Calli.  .  . 

4.  House. 

Nahui  Tochtli  . 

4.  Rabbit. 

Nahui  Acatl  .  . 

4.  Cane. 

Nahui  Tecpatl  . 

4.  Flint. 

Macuilli  ) 
Tochtli  f  '  '  ' 

5.  Rabbit. 

Macuilli  ) 
Acatl      }    '  '  ' 

6.  Cane. 

Macuilli  j 
Tecpatl  j   '  ' 

5.  Flint. 

Macuilli  I 
Calli       j    '  '  ' 

5.  House. 

Chicoace  j 
Acatl      f  '  ' 

6.  Cane. 

Chicoace  ^ 
Tecpatl  f  *  V 

6.  Flint. 

CUcoace  ) 
Calli       J   '  ' 

6.  House. 

Chicoace  | 
Tochtli  f  '  ' 

6.  Rabbit. 

Chicome  [ 
Tecpatl  f  '  ' 

7.  Flint. 

Chicome  ) 
Calli      f  '  '  ' 

7.  House. 

Chicome  | 
Tochtli  f  '  ' 

7.  Rabbit. 

Chicome  ) 
Acatl      )   '  ' 

7.  Cane. 

Chico  y  Calli  . 

8.  House. 

Chico  y  Tochtli. 

8.  Rabbit. 

Chico  y  Acatl  . 

8.  Cane. 

Chico  y  Tecpatl 

8.  Flint. 

Chico     Nahui  » 
Tochtli            J 

9.  Rabbit. 

Chico     Nahui  j 
Acatl.              f 

9.  Cane. 

Chico     Nahui  ) 
Tecpatl           f 

9.  Flint. 

Chico    Nahui  j 
Calli                ) 

9.  House. 

Matlactli  ) 
Acatl      )'  ' 

10.  Cane. 

Matlactli  j 
Tecpatl   f" 

10.  Flint. 

Matlactli  j 
Calli       f  '  ' 

10.  House. 

Matlactli  ^ 
Tochtli    )  '  ' 

10.  Rabbit. 

Matlactli  occe  ) 
Tecpatl            j 

11.  Flint. 

Matlactli  occe  ) 
Calli                f 

11.  House. 

Matlactli  occe  1 
Tochtli            j 

11.  Rabbit. 

Matlactli  occe  ) 
Acatl               f 

11.  Cane. 

Matlactli  om-  ) 
ome  Calli         f 

12.  House. 

Matlactli  om-  | 
ome  Tochtli    j 

12.  Rabbit. 

Matlactli   om-  | 
ome  Acatl.      j 

12.  Cane. 

Matlactli   om-  ) 
ome  Tecpatl    j 

12.  Flint. 

Matlactli  om-  | 
ey  Tochtli       J 

13.  Rabbit. 

Matlactli  om-  ) 
ey  Acatl          f 

13.  Cane. 

Matlactli   om-  1 
ey  Tecpatl       f 

13.  Flint. 

Matlactli  om-  ) 
ey  Calli          } 

13.  House. 

Ph.  Valentini,  am  30  April,  1878  (in  Republican  Hall,  New  York),  vor  dem 
Deutsch  ges.  wissensctiaftlichen  Verein,  32  pp.  8vo,  recently  translated  and  pub- 
lished by  Stephen  Salisbury,  Jr. 


THE  AZTEC  YEAR.  447 


As  in  the  Maya  rotation  of  years  no  confusion  could  occur,  so 
with  the  Mexican,  as  the  same  combination  could  be  made  only 
once  in  fifty-two  years.  The  cycles  themselves  were  distinguished 
by  numbers.  Confusion  is  liable  to  arise  in  studying  the  early 
writers,  since  the  Toltecs  and  Aztecs  began  their  reckoning  on 
different  signs,  the  former  on  Tecpatl,  and  the  latter  on  Tochtli. 
The  year  consisted  of  eighteen  months  of  twenty  days  each,  to 
which  were  added  five  days  called  nemontemi  or  "  unlucky  days/' 
Every  superstition  seemed  to  centre  in  the  nemontemi,  for  no 
business  of  importance  nor  enterprise  of  the  most  insignificant 
character  would  be  undertaken  upon  these  days.  Both  the 
names  of  the  months  and  the  particular  month  which  served  to 
begin  the  year,  as  well  as  the  date  of  the  first  day  of  the  year, 
have  been  fruitful  subjects  of  controversy  between  authors. 
Mr.  Bancroft  has  tabulated  the  names  given  by  twenty-one 
writers,  and  shown  the  disagreements  existing  between  them.1 
The  dates  for  the  first  day  of  the  year  range  between  the  ninth 
of  January  and  the  tenth  of  April.  Gama,  Humboldt  and 
Grallatin,  by  careful  calculations,  have  shown  that  the  first  year 
of  a  Nahua  cycle  commenced  on  the  thirty-first  day  of  Decem- 
ber, old  style,  or  on  the  ninth  day  of  January,  new  style,  with 
the  month  Titill  and  the  day  Cipactli.2 

The  names  and  order  of  the  months,  together  with  their 
etymologies,  as  adopted  by  Mr.  Bancroft,  are  as  follows : 
1.  Titill,  meaning  "our  mother,"  according  to  Boturini,  or 
"  fire/'  according  to  Cabrera  ;  2.  Itzcalli,  translated  "  regenera- 
tion" by  Boturini,  "skill"  by  the  Codex  Yaticanus,  and  the 
"  sprouting  of  the  grass  "  by  Veytia  ;  3.  Atlcahualco,  meaning 
the  "  abating  of  the  waters."  Another  name  (Quahuillehua) 
applied  to  this  month  signified  "burning  of  the  mountains," 
referring  to  the  forests  ;  4.  Tlacaxipehualiztli,  is  translated 
"the  flaying  of  the  people."  Another  name  applied  to  this 
month,  Cohuailhuitl,  means  the  "feast  of  the  snake";  5.  Toz- 
oztontli  is  rendered  "  small  fast "  or  "  penance  ";  6.  Hueytozoztli, 

1  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  ii,  p.  508. 

2  Mr.  Bancroft  also  follows  the  opinion  that  the  above  date  is  the  correct 
one. — Native  Races,  vol.  ii,  p.  515. 


448  AZTEC  WEEKS— DAYS. 

means  "great  fast"  or  "penance";  7.  Toxcatl,  a  "necklace"; 
8.  Etzalqualiztli,  "bean  stew"  or  "'maize  gruel";  9.  Tecuillm- 
itzintli,  "small  feast  of  the  Lord";  10.  Hueytecuilhuitl,  "great 
feast  of  the  Lord";  11.  Miccailhuitzintli,  translated  "small 
feast  of  the  dead";  12.  Hueymiceailhuitl,  "great  feast  of  the 
dead";  13.  Ochpaniztli,  "cleaning  of  the  streets";  14.  Teo- 
tleco,  "  arrival  of  the  gods."  The  names  Pachtli,  "  moss 
hanging  from  trees,"  and  Pachtontli,  "  humiliation,"  were  often 
applied  to  this  month ;  15.  Hueypachtli,  "  great  feast  of 
humiliation,"  sometimes  called  Tepeilhuitl,  "  feast  of  the  moun- 
tains"; 16.  Quecholli,  "peacock";  17.  Panquetzaliztli,  "the 
raising  of  flags  and  banners";  18.  Atemoztli,  means  the  "dry- 
ing up  of  the  waters." 

The  month,  consisting  of  twenty  days,  was  divided  into  four 
weeks  of  five  days  each.  Mr.  Bancroft  states  that  each  of  the 
weeks  began  with  one  of  the  four  signs — Tochtli,  Calli,  Tecpatl 
or  Acatl,  used  to  designate  the  years  ;  but  his  own  engraving  of 
the  Aztec  month,  and  the  order  of  the  days  on  the  Calendar- 
Stone,  contradict  this  statement.1  The  following  are  the  days 
in  their  proper  order,  with  their  translations  affixed  :  1.  Cipactli, 
"  sea-animal,"  "  sword-fish,"  or  "  serpent  with  harpoons." 
2.  Ehacatl,  "wind."  3.  Calli,  "house."  4.  Cuetzpalin,  "lizard." 
5.  Coatl,  "snake."  6.  Miquiztli,  "death."  7.  Mazatl,  "deer." 
8.  Tochtli,  "rabbit."  9.  Atl,  "water."  10.  Itzcuintli,  " dog." 
11.  Ozomatli, "  monkey."  12.  Mollinalli,  "  brushwood  "  or  "  tan- 
gled grass."  13.  Acatl,  "cane."  14.  Ocelotl,  "tiger."  15.  Quanhtli, 
"eagle."  16.  Cozcaquauhtli,  "vulture."  17.  Ollin,  "move- 
ment." 18.  Tecpatl,  "flint."  19.  Quahuitl,  "rain."  20.  Xo- 
chitl,  "flower." 

The  day  was  divided  into  sixteen  hours.2  Sahagun  and 
several  authors  state,  that  the  loss  of  six  hours  in  each  Aztec 
year  was  counterbalanced  by  the  addition  of  a  day  every  four 
years.  Gama  demonstrates  this  to  be  a  mistake,  and  states  that 
they  added  twelve  and  a  half  days  at  the  close  of  every  cycle  of 


1  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  ii,  p.  512. 

2  Prof.  Valentin! ,  Vortrag,  p.  16. 


DIVISIONS  OF  THE  RITUAL  YEAR.  449 

fifty-two  years.  Mr.  Bancroft  cites  this  fact,  and  states  the  time 
added  to  have  been  thirteen  days.1 

The  Nahuas  had  also  a  ritual  calendar,  for  the  purpose  of 
reckoning  their  religious  feasts,  which  was  altogether  different 
from  the  civil  system,  except  that  it  employed  the  twenty  days, 
the  year  of  365  days,  and  at  the  end  of  a  cycle  added  the  thirteen 
days  to  compensate  for  the  time  lost  during  that  period.2  The 
year  consisted  of  two  parts,  the  first  composed  of  twenty  weeks 
of  thirteen  days  each  (for  there  were  no  months  in  the  ritual 
year)  making  260  altogether.  This  portion  of  the  year  was 
called  Meztli pokuctUi  or  the  "lunar  computation,"  from  the  fact 
that  half  of  the  time  during  which  the  moon  is  visible  is  thirteen 
days.  The  smaller  part,  composed  of  105  days  reckoned  by  a 
continuation  of  the  periods  of  thirteen  days,  was  called  Toual- 
pohuaUi  or  "  solar  computation." 3  The  days  were  numbered 
from  one  up  to  thirteen,  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  first  solar 
month  being  counted  the  first  of  another  lunar  week,  and  thus 
the  reckoning  continued.  However,  it  will  be  observed  that  the 
same  number  would  fall  twice  on  one  name  in  the  course  of  a 
year ;  accordingly  accompanying  signs  were  provided  for  the 
regular  names  of  days.  The  duplication  could  not  occur  if  the 
second  division  embraced  104  days  instead  of  105. 

The  distinguishing  signs  were  nine  in  number,  called  quccliolli, 
"lords  of  the  night."  They  were  as  follows:  Tletl,  "fire"; 
Tecpatl,  "flint";  Xochitl,  "flower";  Centeotl,  "goddess  of 
maize";  Miquiztli,  "death";  Atl,  "water";  Tlazolteotl,  "god- 
<dess  of  love";  Tepeyollotli,  "a  mountain  deity";  Quiahuitl, 
"  rain,"  the  god  Tlaloc.  The  lords  of  the  night,  though  reck- 
oned from  the  first  of  the  year,  were  not  mentioned  except  in 
connection  with  the  105  days  of  the  second  division. 

The  reader  will  more  clearly  understand  the  relation  of  the 

1  Native,  Races,  vol.  ii,  p.  513. 

2  Mr.  Bancroft  incorrectly  states  that  thirteen  days  were  intercalated  at  the 
end  of  each  tlalpilli  (13  years).     It  is  plain  that  if  365  days  constitute  a  year, 
the  lost  time  would  not  amount  to  thirteen  days  before  fifty-two  years. 

3  Prof.  Valentini  quotes  the  terms  given  above,  and  Mr.  Bancroft  states  that 
the  same  process  of  computation  was  pursued  in  both  divisions. 

29 


450  MEXICAN   CALENDAR   STONE. 

two  systems  to  each  other  by  constructing  a  table  of  four  paral- 
lel columns.  In  the  left-hand  column  place  the  months  of  one 
year,  numbering  the  days  of  each  month  in  order,  but  beginning 
on  the  ninth  day  of  January.  In  the  second  column  place  the 
names  of  the  Mexican  months,  numbering  the  days  of  each  month 
from  one  to  twenty  in  regular  order.  In  the  third  column  place 
the  names  of  the  Mexican  days,  twenty  in  number,  repeating 
them  in  their  regular  rotation  throughout  the  year,  but  in  addi- 
tion prefix  to  the  names  such  numerals  as  will  fall  opposite  to 
each  in  the  process  of  dividing  them  off  into  thirteens.  These 
divisions  into  thirteens  represent  the  ritual  weeks.  Acatl  being 
the  13th  day  of  the  month  will  end  the  first  week  of  the  year, 
and  Ocelotl  being  the  14th  day  of  the  month  will  constitute  the 
1st  day  of  the  second  week.  In  the  fourth  column  place  the 
nine  signs  of  the  "lords  of  the  night"  in  regular  order.  Divide 
the  year  into  periods  of  nines,  and  it  will  be  found  that  the 
same  combination  of  days  of  the  month  (twenty  days),  of  days 
of  the  week  (thirteen  days),  and  the  "lords  of  the  night/7  will 
not  recur  for  a  considerable  period. 

The  most  remarkable  embodiment  of  this  complex  system  is 
found  in  the  symbols  and  concentric  zones  graven  upon  the  face 
of  the  Calendar  Stone,  described  in  the  last  chapter.  The  inter- 
pretation of  its  mysterious  disk  was  partly  accomplished  by  the 
learned  antiquarian  Leon  y  Garna ;  Gallatin,  and  after  him  Ban- 
croft presented  those  investigations  to  the  public.  In  1875 
(Nov.),  Don  Alfredo  Chevero,  of  the  Liceo  Hidalgo  of  Mexico, 
published  his  Calendario  Azteca,  in  which  it  was  shown  that  many 
of  Grama's  interpretations  would  have  to  be  abandoned.  It  was 
proven  that  the  "  Calendar  Stone "  was  a  sun-disk  or  stone  of 
sacrifice,  and  that  Gam  a  had  pursued  his  investigations  with  a 
mistaken  view  of  its  character.  Chevero's  account  of  the  history 
of  the  stone  is  full  and  satisfactory,  Duran  being  the  authority 
cited.  An  interpretation  of  some  of  the  concentric  zones,  two 
in  particular,  is  attempted  with  a  result  somewhat  different 
from  that  obtained  by  any  other  investigator.  Kecently,  Prof. 
Ph.  Yalentini,  by  the  light  of  his  extensive  researches  into  Nahua 
literature,  has  compelled  the  sun-disk  to  give  up  its  secrets.  The 


MEXICAN  CALENDAR  STONE. 


451 


THE  MEXICAN  CALENDAR  STONE. 


452  HISTORY  OF  THE  STONE. 

illustration  on  the  preceding  page  is  a  reproduction  of  a  pen-and- 
ink  drawing  made  by  the  Professor  from  the  most  recent  and 
correct  photograph  which  has  been  made  of  the  Calendar  Stone. 
It  was  kindly  furnished  for  this  work.  The  same  conclusion 
concerning  the  character  of  the  stone  was  reached  independently 
by  both  Chevero  and  Valentini.  The  latter's  account  of  the 
stone  and  its  history  is  drawn  from  Tezozomoc,  and  though 
agreeing  in  the  main  facts  with  Duran's  account  as  rendered  by 
Chevero,  bears  the  evidence  upon  its  face  of  independent  re- 
search.1 The  originality  of  Prof.  Valentini  is  vindicated  in  his 
masterly  interpretation  of  all  the  zones  of  the  Calendar  Stone. 
Whether  the  interpretation  will  ever  give  way  to  some  other  is  a 
question  of  the  future,  though  it  is  probable  that  it  will  not. 

We  are  indebted  to  Professor  Yalentini  for  a  communication 
on  the  History  of  the  Calendar  Stone,  condensed  from  his  unpub- 
lished MS.  Description  and  Interpretation  of  the  Mexican  Cal- 
endar Stone.  An  extract  from  the  communication  is  as  follows  : 
"King  Axayacatl  of  Mexico,  1466-1480,  the  builder  of  the 
large  pyramid,  at  the  approach  of  the  last  year  of  the  national 
cycle  (1479),  ordered  the  altar  standing  on  the  platform  of  the 
pyramid  to  be  covered  with  a  stone  disk,  the  surface  of  which 
was  to  be  sculptured  with  the  image  of  the  Sun-god,  and,  as  the 
text  says,  '  to  be  surrounded  by  all  the  national  deities '  (see 
Alvaro  de  Tezozomoc,  1598,  Chronica  Mexicana,  Ternaux-Com- 
pans,  vol.  i,  chap,  xlvii,  pp.  249  et  seq.).  A  large  slab,  carried  for 
the  purpose  from  the  quarries  of  Cuyoacan,  when  rolled  over  the 
bridge  of  Xoloc,  crushed  this  structure,  fell  to  the  bottom  of  the 
lake  and  remained  there.  Another  slab  was  broken  and  a  new 
bridge  built,  and  50,000  Indians  succeeded  in  transporting  the 
slab  to  the  foot  of  the  pyramid,  where  the  sculptor  accomplished 
his  task  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  king.  The  cyclical  festival  of 
the  sun  (1479)  was  celebrated,  and  on  the  disk  which  now  had 
been  inserted  into  the  surface  of  the  sacrificial  altar,  thousands  of 
captives  were  slaughtered.  The  king  is  said  to  have  overworked 


1  See  The  Nation  for  Aug.  8,  1878,  p.  84,  and  for  Sept.  19,  1878.     Also  Mr. 
Salisbury's  translation  of  Valentini's  Vortrag,  Worcester,  1879. 


INTERPRETATION  OF  THE  DISK,  453 

himself,  slaying  one  hundred  of  the  victims,  and  feasting  upon 
their  flesh  and  blood — that  very  soon  after  he  died  in  conse- 
quence of  these  exertions.  In  the  year  1512,  Montezuma  IT, 
for  reasons  unknown,  expressed  the  wish  to  replace  the  altar 
cover,  which  his  father  had  consecrated,  by  a  new  and  still 
larger  one.  The  people,  horrified  and  out  of  patience  with  the 
bloody  proceedings  connected  with  these  consecration  festivals 
of  sacrificial  disks,  contrived  to  let  the  slab,  brought  expressly 
for  the  purpose,  fall  into  the  lake  again,  pretending  as  an  excuse, 
that  the  stone  had  spoken  and  said  that  it  was  to  go  back  to  the 
quarry.  Montezuma,  superstitious  as  he  was,  took  the  accident 
for  a  bad  augury,  desisted  from  his  plan,  and  left  the  stone  in  its 
place.  We  may  thus  infer  that  it  was  OUT  disk  on  which,  in  the 
year  1520,  those  Spaniards  of  Cortes'  troops  which  were  made 
captives  had  been  immolated,  and  the  screams  and  cries  of  whom 
reached  the  ears  of  their  comrades,  and  as  Bernal  Diaz  narrates, 
'  filled  their  hearts  with  the  most  awful  forebodings/  Cortez 
demolished  the  pyramid,  and  with  its  debris  filled  the  canals  of 
the  city.  The  disk  was  preserved,  for  we  know  from  Duran, 
who  wrote  a  Historia  de  la  N.  Espana,  1588,  that  he  and  many 
of  his  fellow-citizens  had  often  been  standing  before  this  disk 
admiring  it,  until  the  Archbishop  Montufar,  scandalized  by  the 
existence  of  such  a  barbarous  relic,  caused  it  to  be  buried  in  the 
immediate  neighborhood  of  the  Metropolitan  cathedral  in  the 
year  1551.  This  procedure  was  forgotten  ;  so  much  so,  that 
when  this  disk  was  disinterred  in  the  year  1790,  even  Gama  the 
archaeologist  and  its  later  interpreter,  had  not  the  remotest  idea 
what  purpose  it  could  have  served,  for  the  manuscript  chronicles 
of  Duran  and  Tezozomoc  still  slumbered  in  the  dust  of  the 
archives.  The  viceroy,  Eeviellagigedo,  ordered  the  disk  to  be 
fitted  into  the  outer  wall  of  one  of  the  towers  of  the  cathedral. 
There  it  is  to  this  day." 

We  now  ask  your  attention  to  the  stone  itself.  The  central 
circle  contains  the  face  of  the  Sun-god  bedecked  with  ornaments, 
earrings,  and  jeweled  lip.  In  the  next  zone  we  observe  four  large 
parallelograms  containing  hieroglyphic  signs  :  Nahui  Ocelotl, 
Nahui  Ehecatl,  Nahui  Quahuitl  and  Nahui  All.  Between  the 


454  INTERPRETATION  OF  THE  DISK. 

upper  and  lower  enclosures  on  both  sides  of  the  central  disk  are 
circular  figures  containing  hieroglyphics  resembling  claws,  said 
to  represent  two  ancient  astrologers,  man  and  wife,  who,  according 
to  the  early  writers,  invented  the  calendar.  These  four  signs  are 
identical  with  the  days  on  which,  according  to  the  traditions,  the 
world  was  destroyed  at  four  different  times.  These  destructions 
mark  four  ages  represented  by  the  signs  of  the  day  on  which 
they  occurred.  These  ages  were  also  called  suns.  The  first 
destruction  occurred  in  Ce  Acatl,  and  is  represented  by  the  sign 
Nahui  Ocelotl,  or  4  Tigre,  seen  in  the  upper  right-hand  tablet. 
The  small  figure  above  and  towards  the  left  is  the  sign  for 
1.  Tecpatl,  a  feast-day  kept  by  the  Aztecs  in  memory  of  the  first 
destruction.  The  second  tablet  bears  the  symbol  for  Ehecatl  or 
Wind,  in  memory  of  the  destruction  of  the  world  by  hurricane, 
which  occurred  in  the  year  Ce  Tecpatl  or  Nahui  (4)  Ehecatl. 
Between  the  tablet  and  the  triangular  figure  to  the  right  is  a 
sculpture  in  which  a  broken  wall  with  towers  appears.  The 
sign  1.  Calli  is  associated  with  it,  indicating  a  ritualistic  feast- 
day  kept  on  that  sign.  The  third  tablet  bears  the  symbol  of 
the  rain-god  Tlaloc,  in  memory  of  the  destruction  of  the  world 
from  frequent  rains.  The  last  tablet  represents  the  fourth 
destruction  by  a  flood  on  Nahui  Atl  in  the  year  Ce  Calli. 

The  faces  of  Cox  Cox,  the  Mexican  Noah,  and  his  wife  are 
delineated  in  the  picture.  The  symbol  for  water  is  seen  imme- 
diately below  the  faces.  Between  the  two  lower  tablets,  two 
small  quadrilateral  enclosures  will  be  observed,  each  containing 
five  round  points,  supposed  to  mean  10  Ollin  (the  sun  being 
called  ollin  tonatiuh).  Below  the  lower  tablets  and  almost  in 
contact  with  the  next  concentric  circle  are  the  hieroglyphics 
1.  Quiahuitl  and  2.  Ozomatli.  The  first,  namely  10  Ollin,  cor- 
responds with  our  twenty-second  of  September  in  the  first  year 
of  a  cycle,  and  its  hieroglyphic  on  this  astronomical  disk  repre- 
sents the  autumnal  equinox.  At  the  extreme  top  of  the  Calendar 
Stone  is  a  central  figure,  well  known  to  be  the  hieroglyphic  for 
13  Acatl.  This  fact  known,  the  interpretation  of  the  two 
remaining  symbols  is  easy.  In  the  year  13  Acatl,  the  day 
1.  Quiahuitl  would  correspond  to  our  twenty-second  of  March, 


ASTRONOMICAL  KNOWLEDGE  OF  THE  AZTECS.  455 

and  represent  the  vernal  equinox.  In  the  same  year  2.  Ozomatli 
would  correspond  with  our  twenty-second  of  June,  or  summer 
solstice.  Thus  it  is  that  the  stone  speaks  and  testifies  to  the 
astronomical  knowledge  of  the  Aztecs,  the  accuracy  of  which 
casts  into  the  shade  the  imperfect  Julian  Calendar  in  use  by 
Europeans  at  the  time  of  the  conquest.  In  the  next  zone,  encir- 
cling that  which  contains  the  tablets  of  the  cosrnological  ages,  are 
twenty  enclosures,  containing  the  symbols  of  the  twenty  days. 
The  triangular  pointer  which  extends  upwards  from  the  crest  of 
the  sun-face  indicates  the  dividing  line  between  the  first  and 
last  days  of  the  month.  Cipactli,  whose  hieroglyphic  stands 
at  the  left  of  the  pointer  is  unquestionably  distinguished  as  the 
first  day  of  the  month.  The  second  symbol  to  the  left  is  that  of 
the  second  day  Ehecatl,  wind,  the  third  Calli,  house,  the  fourth 
Cuetzpalin,  lizard,  the  fifth  snake,  and  so  on  to  the  end  of  the 
list.  In  the  next  zone  we  find  a  succession  of  small  squares,  each 
enclosing  five  round  points.  The  circle  is  divided  into  four  parts 
by  four  large  triangular  pointers  or  gnomens.  In  each  division 
of  the  zone  are  ten  squares  containing  five  points  each,  or  in  the 
four,  we  have  200  points.  Garna  states  that  the  space  for  sixty 
additional  points  is  occupied  by  the  feet  or  curves  of  the  large 
indices.  By  experiment  it  is  found  that  the  mean  of  the  space 
occupied  by  the  feet  of  the  pointers  is  equal  to  the  width  of 
one  and  a  half  of  the  square  enclosures.  Eight  times  this  space 
gives  us  twelve  squares  with  sixty  points.  Thus  we  have  the 
ritualistic  division  or  lunar  reckoning  (Metzli  pohualli)  of  260 
days.  In  the  next  zone  the  symbols  of  the  remaining  105  days 
or  solar  reckoning  of  the  ritualistic  year  is  found.  Eight  pointers 
divide  the  circle  ;  the  six  upper  divisions  of  which  contain  each 
ten  figures  resembling  a  grain  of  maize,  while  the  two  lower 
divisions  have  but  five  figures  in  each.  This  gives  us  seventy 
figures.  Under  each  limb  of  the  pointers  is  space  for  one  and  a 
half  of  the  figures,  giving  twenty-four  more  or  ninety-four  in  all. 
The  space  of  ten  additional  figures  is  occupied  by  the  helm- 
plumes  of  the  heads  which  are  figured  at  the  lower  margin  of  the 
stone.  This  gives  us  104  figures,  or  one  less  than  the  required 
number.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  five  intercalary  days 


456  FESTIVAL  OF  THE  MEXICAN  CYCLE. 

called  the  nemontemi,  or  unlucky  clays,  though  reckoned  in  regu- 
lar order  at  the  close  of  each  year,  were  considered  separate  and 
apart  from  it.  The  artist  who  executed  the  Calendar  Stone  has 
carried  out  this  custom  in  placing  the  figures  of  the  nemontemi 
between  the  tablets  of  the  two  last  destructions  of  nature,  where 
they  will  be  found  by  themselves.  It  will  be  observed  that  four 
of  the  signs  correspond  to  those  wanting  under  the  lower  pointer 
and  the  adjacent  plumes,  with  this  further  departure  from  the 
general  plan  of  the  design,  that  the  central  figure  or  maize  grain 
corresponds  to  the  space  between  the  limbs  of  the  great  pointer 
below.  Here,  then,  we  have  the  missing  symbol,  and  are  able  to 
find  the  105  hieroglyphics  of  days  for  the  lesser  division  of  the 
year.  The  two  zones  consequently  represent  the  complete  year 
of  365  days. 

The  most  conspicuous  of  the  remaining  zones  is  the  outer, 
and  last  of  all.  The  attention  is  asked  to  one  of  the  twenty- 
four  quadrangular  figures  composing  it.  The  Mexican  Codices 
in  the  Kingsborough  collection  furnish  similar  symbols  for  the 
cycle  of  52  years.1  The  ancient  Mexicans  had  a  superstition 
that  in  the  last  night  of  the  52d  year  of  their  cycle  the  sun  would 
destroy  the  world.  Consequently,  at  every  recurrence  of  the 
eventful  night,  all  fires  were  extinguished,  the  people  clothed 
themselves  in  mourning,  and  forming  a  long  procession,  repaired 
to  a  neighboring  mountain,  where  at  midnight  a  priest  sacrificed 
a  man  in  their  presence.  A  second  priest  placed  a  round  block 
of  dry  wood  over  the  ghastly  wound  from  which  the  heart  had 


1  Prof.  Valentin!  cites  Codex  Vaticanus,  pi.  91,  Codex  Boturini,  pi.  10,  Codex 
Tetteriamts,  pi.  6  and  8.  The  Professor  in  making  the  comparison,  remarks : 
"  Auf  beiden  senkt  sich  ein  Schaft  in  ein  rundes  Loch,  von  welchem  aus  sicli 
etwas  volutenabnliches  hervorwindet.  Wir  gewahren  auf  den  gemalten  Bil- 
dern,  dass  jede  der  Voluten  in  2  Halften  getheilt  ist,  die  eine  grau  die  andere 
roth  gemalt.  Dieselbe  Abtheilung  finden  wir  auch  auf  der  Sculptur.  Was 
dieses  Symbol  bedeute,  wird  uns  aus  der  Beobachtung  klar,  dass  wir  es  in  den 
gemalten  Jahrestafeln  immer  nur  dann  wiederkehrend  finden,  sobald  52  Jahre 
verflossen  sind.  Wir  sehen  es  immer  gerade  an  das  Symbol  dieses  52ten  Jahres 
aiigehangt,  an  einer  Stelle,  in  Cod.  Tell.  IV,  PI.  8. 1.  Kingsb.  Coll.,  vol.  i,  es 
erscheint  auch  mit  einem  erklarenden  Texte.  Er  lautet :  "Dieses  ist  das  Zeichen 
fur  die  Zusammeribindung  der  53  Jahre" —  Vortraj,  pp.  23.  24. 


THE  SERPENT  ZONE.  457 


been  torn  ;  while  a  third,  kneeling  over  the  corpse,  rested  a  hard 
shaft  or  stick  upon  the  block,  revolving  it  between  his  two  hands 
with  pressure  until  the  friction  produced  fire.  This  was  con- 
sidered a  promise  from  the  god  that  the  destruction  of  the  world 
would  be  postponed  until  another  cycle  had  elapsed.1  A  mo- 
ment's observation  will  disclose  the  fire  symbol  in  the  hiero- 
glyphics for  the  cycle  as  delineated  on  the  stone ;  the  perpen- 
dicular shaft  with  handles,  surrounded  by  flames  and  smoke, 
rising  from  a  hole  below.  In  the  same  zone,  above,  we  have  two 
groups  of  pleats  or  bow-like  figures,  which  are  clearly  proven  to 
be  the  symbol  for  the  binding  of  two  52-year  cycles  into  an  age.2 

The  zone  immediately  within  the  one  we  have  been  consider- 
ing, contains  the  symbols  of  the  rain-god  Tlaloc.  No  writer  has 
as  yet  given  a  satisfactory  explanation  of  the  plumed  head  at 
the  bottom  of  the  stone.  It  will  be  readily  seen  that  the  two 
serpent  heads,  plumed,  and  with  extended  jaws,  armed  above 
and  below  with  great  fangs,  enclose  two  human  faces.  These 
are  but  the  heads  of  the  serpents  whose  bodies  constitute  the 
outer  zone  of  the  disk  and  terminate  in  the  triangular  points 
above. 

If  the  reader  will  but  turn  to  our  cut  of  the  serpent  temple 
at  Uxrnal  (p.  394),  the  same  symbol  of  Cukulcan  or  Quetzal- 
coatl,  the  feathered  serpent,  will  be  seen.  Dr.  Le  Plongeon,  in 
his  recent  researches,  is  convinced  that  Uxmal  was  built,  or  more 
properly  rebuilt,  by  Nahua  invaders,  who  afterwards  became 
amalgamated  with  the  Mayas.3  Most  of  the  Mexican  historians 
represent  Quetzalcoatl  as  the  founder  of  the  Nahua  civilization. 
Torquemada  states  that  he  was  their  leader  when  they  first 
arrived  in  Mexico.4  If  the  "Feathered  Serpent"  was  the  founder 

1  Prof.  Valentin!,  Vortrag,  pp.  24,  25,   cites  Codex  Selden,  pi.  10,  Codex 
Laud,  pi.  8,  and  Codex  Veletri,  fol.  34. 

2  Prof.  Valentini  cites  a  Codex  from  the  Squier  collection,  where  the  symbol 
occurs  accompanied  with  the  word  Molpiynxiliuitl,  which  translated  means  "  the 
binding  of  the  years."     He  also  cites  Codex  Boturini,  pi.  10,  Kingsborough 
Collection.—  Vortrag,  pp.  25,  26. 

3  Dr.  Le  Plongeon  in  Yucatan,  by  Stephen  Salisbury,  Jr.,  p.  83.     Worces- 
ter, 1877. 

4  Monarq.  Ind,,  torn,  i,  pp.  254  et  seq. 


458  BATE  OF  THE  CALENDAR  STONE. 

of  their  institutions,  it  was  not  inappropriate  for  the  Aztec 
artist  to  place  the  hero's  face  at  the  bottom  of  the  stone,  and 
represent  the  symbols  of  the  cycles  as  huge  scales  upon  his  body, 
since  the  influence  of  the  civilization  which  he  established  had 
been  felt  throughout  their  entire  history.  To  return  to  Prof. 
Valentines  investigations,  it  will  be  observed  that  there  are 
twenty-four  of  the  cycle  symbols,  two  of  which  are  nearly  hidden 
under  the  helm-plumes.  The  product  of  24  and  52  gives  us  a 
period  of  1248  years.  But  what  have  we  to  do  with  this  result  ? 
The  triangular-shaped  figures  which  point  to  the  central  tablet 
cut  at  the  top  of  the  stone,  indicate  that  we  must  make  a  calcula- 
tion, and  it  remains  for  us  to  interpret  that  symbol.  It  is  recog- 
nizable as  the  sign  Acatl  accompanied  by  the  number  thirteen  ; 
a  year  which,  according  to  the  authentic  tables  of  reduction, 
corresponds  to  the  year  1479  A.  D.  ;  a  date  .which  is  confirmed  as 
being  the  year  in  which  the  Calendar  Stone  was  finished  and  set 
up  in  the  great  pyramid  of  Mexico  by  the  statement  of  the  native 
writer  Tezozomoc,  that  its  author,  King  Axayacatl,  became  ill 
from  his  exertions  at  the  tragic  celebrations  of  the  completion 
of  the  temple  and  lived  scarcely  a  year,  at  the  same  time  fixing 
the  date  of  his  death  in  1480.  If  we  subtract  1248  years  from 
the  known  date  1479  A.  D.,  we  have  the  year  231  A.  D.;  a  date 
which  no  doubt  marks  the  beginning  of  the  national  era  of  the 
Nahuas,  and  probably  designates  the  year  of  their  arrival  in 
Mexico  by  the  ports  of  Tampico,  Xicalanco  and  Bacalar.  Thus 
it  is  that  the  uncertainty  of  the  traditions  relating  to  the  obscure 
events  of  early  Nahua  history  is  removed,  and  we  are  enabled  to 
settle  upon  the  third  century  of  our  era  as  the  period  when  the 
great  migration  took  place.  We  will  say  more  than  Professor 
Valentini  or  his  predecessor  ;  we  believe  this  to  be  the  date  of 
the  migration  from  Hue  hue  Tlapalan,  the  country  of  the  Mound- 
builders  of  the  Mississippi  valley,  and  we  further  think  we  are 
sustained  in  this  view  both  by  the  early  writers  and  by  the  con- 
dition of  the  mounds  and  shell-heaps  of  the  United  States.  At 
first  thought,  it  would  seem  that  the  year  231  might  be  the 
date  in  which  the  astrologers  assembled  in  Hue  hue  Tlapalan 
for  the  correction  of  the  calendar  (a  fact  to  which  we  have  pre- 


ANALOGIES  WITH    THE  NAHUA  CALENDAR.  459 

viously  referred),  but  it  is  distinctly  stated  that  the  assembly- 
convened  in  the  year  1  Tecpatl ;  a  date  which,  according  to  the 
received  reduction  tables,  corresponds  to  the  year  29  B.  c. 

Humboldt  by  an  elaborate  discussion  has  satisfactorily  shown 
the  relative  likeness  of  the  Nahua  Calendar  to  that  of  Asia. 
He  cites  the  fact  that  the  Chinese,  Japanese,  Calmouks,  Mongols, 
Mantchoux  and  other  hordes  of  Tartars  have  cycles  of  sixty 
years  duration,  divided  into  five  brief  periods  of  twelve  years 
each.  The  method  of  citing  a  date  by  means  of  signs  and  num- 
bers is  quite  similar  with  Asiatics  and  Mexicans.1  He  further 
shows  satisfactorily  that  the  majority  of  the  names  of  the  twenty 
days  employed  by  the  Aztecs  are  those  of  a  zodiac  used  since  the 
most  remote  antiquity  among  the  peoples  of  Eastern  Asia.2  Ca- 
brera thinks  he  finds  analogies  between  the  Mexican  and  Egyp- 
tian calendars.  Adopting  the  view  of  several  writers  (Acosta, 
Clavigero  and  others)  that  the  Mexican  year  began  on  the 
26th  of  February,  he  finds  the  date  to  correspond  to  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Egyptian  year.  He  also  observes  that  both  peoples 
intercalated  five  days  at  the  close  of  their  year.3  M.  Jomard, 
quoted  by  Delafield,  denies  that  the  Egyptians  intercalated,  but 
believes  sufficient  analogies  exist  to  prove  a  common  origin  for 
the  Theban  and  Mexican  calendars  ; 4  his  argument,  however,  is 
worthless,  as  are  many  others  of  a  similar  character. 

Religious  Analogies. — In  contrast  with  the  obscure  subject 
of  the  calendar  requiring  such  close  attention,  we  present  to  the 
reader  a  few  of  the  analogies  supposed  to  exist  between  Mexican 
and  other  religious  systems.  The  majority  of  our  references  will 
be  made  more  with  a  view  to  satisfying  curiosity  than  for  the 
establishment  of  a  theory.  Argument  from  analogy  is  at  best 
unscientific — it  proves  nothing.  It  is  a  matter  of  surprise  how 
much  has  been  written  to  establish  the  theory  that  the  Mexicans 

1  Humboldt,  Vues,  pp.  148  et  seq.    (Ed.  1810.) 

'-'  Vu.es,  p.  152.  On  page  150  he  furnishes  tables  of  comparison  which  show 
unmistakably  the  analogy  between  the  Mexican  Calendar  and  that  of  the  people 
of  Eastern  Asia. 

3  Cabrera,  Teatro  in  Rio' 8  Description,  pp.  103-5. 

4  DelaSeld's  American  Antiquities,  pp.  52-3. 


460  DELUGE  ANALOGIES. 


were  descendants  of  the  Jews  both  in  race  and  religion.  Mr. 
Bancroft  has  collected  many  of  Lord  Kingsborough's  arguments 
in  proof  of  the  theory  to  which  he  devoted  his  fortune  and 
sacrificed  his  life.  We  have  done  a  similar  work  with  a  some- 
what different  arrangement,  and  call  the  attention  of  the  reader 
to  some  of  the  fanciful  and  we  must  add  mirth-provoking  anal- 
ogies to  which  the  great  Americanist  attached  so  much  impor- 
tance. "  The  Mexicans  spoke  of  their  god  as  the  invisible  and 
incorporeal  Unity,  and  they  furthermore  believed  man  to  be 
created  in  his  image."1  He  states  further  that  the  doctrine  of 
the  trinity  was  also  held  by  them.2  He  considers  that  Eden 
and  the  temptation  were  portrayed  by  the  American  artists." 
"The  Toltecs  had  paintings  of  a  garden  with  a  single  tree 
standing  in  the  midst,  one  especially  drawn  on  coarse  paper  of 
the  Aloe,  round  the  root  of  which'  tree  is  entwined  a  serpent, 
whose  head  appearing  above  the  foliage  displays  the  features 
and  countenance  of  a  woman.  *  *  *  Torquemada  admits  the 
existence  of  this  tradition  amongst  them,  and  agrees  with  the 
Indian  historians  who  affirm  this  was  the  first  woman  in  the 
world  who  had  children,  and  from  whom  all  mankind  are  de- 
scended." 3 

Lord  Kingsborough  is  no  doubt  warranted  in  holding  that 
the  Nahuas  were  of  old  world  origin  at  a  very  remote  period 
prior  to  their  having  developed  any  special  tribal  characteristics, 
because  of  their  singular  and  we  think  certain  knowledge  of  the 
Mosaic  deluge  ;  but  he  is  not  justified  in  claiming  for  them  any 
particular  relationship  to  the  Jewish  or  any  Shemitic  people.4 

1  Mexican  Antiquities,  vol.  vi,  pp.  174,  182. 

2  Mexican  Antiquities,  vol.  vi,  p.  163. 

3  Mexican  Antiquities,  vol.  viii,  p.  19. 

4  "  It  is  impossible  on  reading  what  Mexican  mythology  records  of  the  war 
in  heaven,  and  of  the  fall  of  Zoutemoque  and  the  other  rebellious  spirits  ;  of  the 
creation  of  light  by  the  word  Touacatecutli,  and  of  the  division  of  the  waters  ; 
of  the  sin  of  Yztlacohuhqui,  and  his  blindness  and  nakedness ;  of  the  tempta- 
tion of  Suchiquecal  and  her  disobedience  in  gathering  roses  from  a  tree,  and 
the  consequent  misery  and  disgrace  of  herself  and  all  her  posterity — not  to 
recognize  scriptural  analogies.     But  the  Mexican  tradition  of  the  deluge  is  that 
which  baars  the  most  unequivocal  marks  of  having  been  derived  from  a  Hebrew 


PARALLELS  IN  JEWISH  AND   MEXICAN  HISTORY.         461 

In  a  preceding  chapter  we  have  given  the  deluge  tradition 
from  Ixtlilxochitl,  who  states  that  the  waters  rose  fifteen  cubits 
(caxtolmoletltli)  above  the  highest  mountains,  and  that  a  few 
escaped  in  a  close  chest  (toptlipetlacali),  and  after  men  had  mul- 
tiplied, they  erected  a  very  high  zacuali  or  tower,  in  order  to  take 
refuge  in  it  should  the  world  be  again  destroyed.  He  further 
states  that  then  their  speech  was  confused,  so  that  they  could 
not  understand  each  other,  and  that  they  dispersed  to  different 
parts  of  the  earth.1  Whether  the  native  historian  of  Tezcuco 
who  gives  us  this  account,  so  remarkable  for  its  similarity  to  the 
Mosaic,  was  influenced  by  Spanish  priests  and  warped  from  the 
truth,  we  are  not  prepared  to  affirm  at  this  distant  day,  since 
such  an  assumption  would  strike  the  very  keystone  from  the 
arch  upon  which  all  historical  evidence  rests.  Much  of  the 
aversion  to  the  view  that  the  Mexican  deluge  legends  are  authen- 
tic and  of  old  world  origin,  has  been  generated  by  the  unscientific 
and  presumptuous  style  of  most  of  its  advocates.  Lord  Kings- 
borough  himself  is  ever  ready  to  catch  at  a  straw,  and  out  of 
customs  the  most  remote  to  evolve  an  analogy.  Nevertheless,  we 
are  not  at  liberty  to  reject  the  Mexican  deluge  legend  as  a  fable 
without  assuming  the  burden  of  proof.2  Remarkable  parallels  (?) 
in  the  history  of  both  Jews  and  Mexicans  are  thought  to  be  dis- 
covered by  the  sanguine  Kingsborough.  Of  a  number,  two  or 
three  specimens  will  suffice.  Hue  hue  Tlapalan  is  claimed  to 
have  been  situated  on  the  Californian  coast  since  the  Gulf  of 
California  until  a  late  period  was  called  the  red  river  or  gulf,  a 


source.  This  tradition  records  that  a  few  persons  escaped  in  the  Ahuehuete, 
or  ark  of  fir,  when  the  earth  was  swallowed  up  by  the  deluge,  the  chief  of 
whom  was  named  Patecatle  or  Cipaquetona  ;  that  he  invented  the  art  of  making 
wine ;  that  Xelua,  one  of  his  descendants,  at  least  one  of  those  who  escaped 
with  him  in  the  ark,  was  present  at  the  building  of  a  high  tower,  which  the 
succeeding  generation  constructed  with  a  view  of  escaping  from  the  deluge 
should  it  again  occur;  that  Tonacatecutli,  incensed  at  their  presumption, 
destroyed  the  tower  with  lightning,  confounded  their  language  and  dispersed 
them  ;  and  that  Xelua  led  a  colony  to  the  New  World." — Mex.  Antiq.,  torn,  vi, 
p.  401. 

1  Ixtlilxochitl's  Relaciones  in  Mex.  Ant.,  vol.  ix,  and  this  work,  chap.  vi. 

2  Sec  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  pp.  66,  68. 


462  ANALOGIES   OF  CEREMONIAL  LAW. 

name  they  brought  with  them."  1  Again  :  "  As  the  Israelites 
were  conducted  from  Egypt  by  Moses  and  Aaron  who  were 
accompanied  by  their  sister  Miriam,  so  the  Aztecs  departed 
from  Aztlan  under  the  guidance  of  Huitziton  and  Tecpalzin,  the 
former  of  whom  is  named  by  Acosta  and  Herrera,  Mixi,  attended 
likewise  by  their  sister  Quilaztli,  or  as  she  is  otherwise  named 
Chimalman  or  Malinatli,  both  of  which  names  have  some  resem- 
blance to  Miriam  as  Mixi  has  to  Moses."  2  "  The  destruction  of 
the  rebellious  Kohra  (Gen.  xvi)  is  repeated  after  the  arrival  of  the 
Mexicans  at  Tulan,  who,  enchanted  with  the  land,  were  unwill- 
ing to  go  further  in  search  of  their  promised  land.  They  mur- 
mured at  Huitzilopochtli,  and  suffered  a  dreadful  punishment 
at  his  hands  that  night  by  the  death  of  every  one  who  had 
rebelled  against  his  will." 3 

Lord  Kingsborough  discovers  in  a  Mexican  painting  in 
the  Bodleian  library,  a  symbol  resembling  the  jaw-bone  of  an 
ass,  from  the  side  of  which  water  flows  forth.  This,  of  course, 
commemorated  the  story  of  Sampson.4  Among  the  conspicuous 
doctrines  held  by  both  Jews  and  Mexicans,  we  note  that  the 
latter  believed  their  children  to  be  the  gift  of  Tezcatlipoca  as  the 
former  ascribed  them  to  the  favor  of  Jehovah.3  The  doctrine  of 
sin  and  atonement  was  held  by  the  Mexicans.  Confession  and 
sacrifice  of  atonement  were  common,  for  "  half  the  offerings 
represented  in  the  Mexican  paintings  were  trespass-offerings,  or 
sacrifices  for  the  commission  of  sins."  G  "  The  Mexicans,  like  the 
Jews,  were  accustomed  to  do  penance  by  sitting  on  the  ground, 
in  which  posture  their  priests  are  often  represented  in  the  Mexi- 
can paintings." 7  "  The  Mexicans  were  as  punctilious  about 
washings  and  ablutions  as  the  Jews."8  Baptism  was  consid- 
ered the  means  of  regeneration  in  Yucatan,9  and  was  practised 
by  the  Mexicans  as  a  religious  ceremony.10  Both  peoples  had 

1  Hex.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii,  p.  27.  2  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  vi,  p.  246. 

3  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  vi,  p.  253.  4  Me'x.  Antiq.,  vol.  vi,  p.  361. 

5  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii,  p.  67.  6  Ibid,  vol.  viii,  p.  137. 

7  Ibid,  vol.  viii,  p.  382. 

8  Ibid,  vol.  viii,  p.  238  ;  washing  of  hands  after  meals,  see  p.  53,  Appendix. 

9  Ibid,  vol.  vi,  p.  414  ;  vol.  viii,  p.  18. 

10  The  following  is  Kingsborough's  account  of  the  Mexican  baptism  :  "  The 


ANALOGIES   OF   CEREMONIAL   LAW.  463 

devils  and  the  leprosy,1  both  considered  women  who  died  in 
child-bed  as  worthy  of  honor  as  soldiers  who  fall  in  battle.2 
The  doctrine  of  hell,  according  to  the  most  orthodox  theology, 
was  held  by  the  Mexicans.3  Both  Jews  and  Mexicans  believed 
in  the  resurrection  of  the  body  and  the  immortality  of  the  soul.4 
The  latter  people  sprinkled  the  face  of  a  corpse  with  water  as  a 
baptism  after  death.5  Numerous  analogies  are  found  to  exist 
between  the  Mosaic  and  the  religious  code  of  the  Mexicans,  as 
in  profanity,  sabbath-keeping,  disobedience  to  parents,  the  smit- 
ing of  a  servant  to  death,  and  in  the  punishment  by  stoning  of 
persons  guilty  of  fornication  and  adultery.0  Kingsborough 
maintains  that  circumcision  was  performed  on  the  eighth  day, 
declaring  it  to  have  "  prevailed  thousands  of  leagues  along  the 
coast  of  the  Atlantic,  amongst  nations  very  remote  from  each 
other,  and  who  spoke  very  different  languages." 7  Both  peoples 
had  a  mutual  disgust  for  swine  flesh,  and  refused  to  eat  the 

midwife  took  the  infant  in  her  arms  naked,  and  carried  it  into  the  court  of  the 
mother's  house,  in  which  court  were  strewed  reeds  or  rushes,  which  they  call 
Tule,  upon  which  was  placed  a  small  vessel  of  water,  in  which  the  said  midwife 
bathed  the  said  infant ;  and  after  she  had  bathed  it,  three  boys  being  seated  near 
the  said  rushes,  eating  roasted  maize  mixed  with  boiled  beans,  which  kind  of 
food  they  named  Yxcue,  which  provision  or  paste  they  set  before  the  said 
boys,  in  order  that  they  might  eat  it.  After  the  said  bathing  or  washing,  the 
said  midwife  desired  the  said  boys  to  pronounce  the  name  aloud,  bestowing  a 
new  name  on  the  infant  which  had  been  thus  bathed;  and  the  name  which  they 
gave  it  was  that  which  the  midwife  wished." — Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  vi,  p.  45. 

1  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  vi,  p.  248.  2  Ibid,  vol.  viii,  p.  69. 

3  Ibid,  vol.  vi,  pp.  163  et  seq.  4  Ibid,  vol.  vi,  p.  167. 

5  Ibid,  vol.  viii,  p.  248. 

6  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  vi,  p.  125;  Codex  TeUeriano-Remen&s,  pi.  six;  Mex. 
Antiq.,  vol.  vii,  pp.  240-1,  and  Duran,  MS.,  part  ii,  cap.  20;  see  further,  Mex. 
Antiq.,  vol.  vi,  pp.  135-218. 

7  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  vi,  pp.  121-2.    He  cites  several  authors  to  prove  this 
sweeping  statement,  and  is  not  content  with  finding  it  among  the  Indians,  but 
is  provoked  by  his  zeal  to  discover  the  practice  of  the  same  rite  among  the  Hot- 
tentots.    See  Ibid,  vol.  vi,  pp.  272,  383-5  ;  vol.  viii,  pp.  143.  391,  20.    On  page 
393,  vol.  vi,  he  makes  this  remarkable  statement :  "  From  an  examination  of 
some  of  the  Mexican  paintings,   it  would  appear  that  circumcision  among 
the  Indians  was  not  confined  to  the  human  species."     Also  vol.  viii,  p.  155  : 
"  The  head  of  the  Totonac  high-priest,  was  anointed  by  the  blood  of  circumcised 
children." 


464  PROPHECY. 


blood  of  any  animal.1  The  latter  statement  is  altogether  un- 
warranted in  fact.  The  ceremonial  of  both  peoples  have  many 
features  in  common.  As  the  Jews  killed  the  paschal  lamb  in 
the  evening,  so  the  Mexicans  offered  up  their  sacrifices  at  night.2 
The  Jews  in  Mexico  substituted  llamas  for  sheep  in  their  sacri- 
fices.3 Both  Jews  and  Mexicans  worshipped  toward  the  east,  or 
toward  their  chief  temples,  and  both  called  the  south  by  the 
designation  of  "right-hand  of  the  world."4  Both  burned  in- 
cense toward  the  four  corners  of  the  earth.5  As  David  leaped 
and  danced  before  the  ark  of  the  Lord,  so  did  the  Mexican 
monarchs  before  their  idols.6  Both  peoples  had  an  ark,  and 
Duran  states  that  in  the  ark  of  the  Aztecs  which  figured  so 
prominently  in  their  migration,  was  the  image  of  their  invisible 
god.7  Numerous  analogies  relating  to  astrology,  omens,  witch- 
craft, dreams,  etc.,  are  recorded.8  Keferences  to  prophecy  are 
not  wanting :  Quetzalcoatl  predicted  the  destruction  of  the  temple 
of  Cholula,  furnishing  a  parallel  to  Christ's  prophecy  of  the  de- 
struction of  the  temple.9  In  the  Mexican  mythology,  by  means 
of  an  active  imagination,  he  finds  an  allusion  to  the  "stone 
which  was  carved  without  hands."  10  A  tiger  represented  in  the 
Bologna  MS.  he  supposes  to  be  the  lion  of  the  tribe  of  Juda— 
the  Jews  of  the  New  World  having  metamorphosed  it  into  a 
tiger.11  Kingsborough  supposes  that  the  crosses  found  in  Mexico 
may  have  been  carried  there  by  Irish  monks,  "especially,"  he 
adds,  "as  M.  de  Humboldt  informs  us  that  the  first  Spanish 
monks  and  missionaries  gravely  discussed  the  question  of  whether 
Quetzalcoatl  was  an  Irishman."  12  The  fanaticism  of  the  emi- 
nent Americanist,  however,  reaches  its  culmination  in  his  sup- 
posed discovery  of  analogies  to  Christ  in  Mexican  mythology. 
The  story  of  the  virgin,  the  annunciation,  and  the  identity  of 

1  Max.  Antig.,  vol.  vi,  p.  273 ;  vol.  viii,  pp.  157,  236, 160. 

2  Hid,  vol.  vi,  p.  504.  3  Ibid,  vol.  vi,  p.  361. 
4  Ibid,  vol.  vi,  p.  257.  5  Ibid,  vol.  vi,  p.  222. 

6  Ibid,  vol.  vi,  p.  142.  '  Ibid,  vol.  viii,  p.  258. 

8  Ibid,  vol.  vi,  pp.  301,  312  ;  vol.  viii,  pp.  23-58. 

9  Ibid,  vol.  viii,  p.  27.  10  Ibid,  vol.  viii,  p.  32. 
11  Ibid,  vol.  viii,  pp.  26-7.  12  Ibid,  vol.  vi,  p.  190. 


NAHUA  AND  ASIATIC  ANALOGIES.  465 

Christ  and  Quetzalcoatl,  are  clearly  discernible  to  his  practised 
eye.1  Christ  stilled  the  tempest,  and,  like  Quetzalcoatl,  was 
god  of  the  air.2  In  Yucatan,  in  the  priestly  fable  of  Bacab,  he 
finds  a  complete  and  true  account  of  the  trinity.3  It  is  hardly 
necessary  for  us  to  remark  that  these  ingenious  comparisons, 
tinged  with  a  coloring  of  fanaticism  and  yet  so  full  of  interest, 
are  useless  to  the  cause  of  science  and  prove  nothing.  With 
the  single  exception  of  the  remarkable  tradition  of  the  deluge 
and  its  literal  correspondence  in  detail  to  the  Mosaic  account,  we 
must  dismiss  the  multitude  of  supposed  analogies  between 
Mexican  and  Hebrew  traditions,  customs  and  religion,  which 
Kingsborough  and  others  have  discovered,  as  either  imaginary 
or  accidental.4 

The  hypothesis  that  the  Nahua  religion  may  have  received 
some  of  its  characteristics  from  India  is  altogether  plausible 
and  not  without  support  in  resemblances.  The  cosmological 
conception  of  the  egg  and  serpent  is  found,  as  previously  stated, 
on  Brush  Creek,  in  Adams  County,  Ohio.  It  certainly  comes 
to  us  from  Asiatic  India.  Serpent  worship,  not  only  among 
the  people  of  the  mounds  but  especially  of  Mexico,  is  the 

1  find,  vol.  vi,  pp.  207-8.  2  Ibid,  vol.  vi,  p.  261. 

3  Hex.  Antiq.,  vol.  vi,  pp.  207-8.      He  thinks  the  gospel  must  have  been 
preached  at  an  early  day  in  Yucatan,  and  in  proof  cites  from  the  sixth  chapter 
of  the  Fourth  Book  of  Cogolludo's  History  the  following :  "  A  certain  ecclesiastic 
wrote  to  a  priest  commissioned  by  Las  Casas,  that  he  met  a  principle-lord,  who, 
on  being  questioned  respecting  the  ancient  religion  which  they  professed,  told 
him  that  they  knew  and  believed  in  the  God  who  was  in  Heaven,  and  that  this 
God  was  the  Father,  Son  and  Holy  Ghost,  and  that  the  Father  was  named 
Yzona,  who  had  created  man  ;  and  that  the  Son  was  called  Bacab,  who  was  born 
of  a  virgin  of  the  name  of  Chiribirias,  and  that  the  mother  of  Chiribirias  was 
named  Yxchel ;  and  that  the  Holy  Ghost  was  named  Echvah.     Of  Bacab,  the 
Son,  they  said  he  was  put  to  death  and  scourged  and  crowned  with  thorns  and 
placed  with  his  arms  extended  upon  a  beam  of  wood,  to  which  they  did  not 
suppose  that  he  had  been  nailed,  but  that  he  was  tied,  where  he  died  and  re- 
mained dead  during  three  days,  and  on  the  third  day  came  to  life  and  ascended 
into  heaven,  where  he  is  with  his  Father  ;   and  that  immediately  afterwards 
Echvah,  who  is  the  Holy  Ghost,  came  and  filled  the  earth  with  whatsoever  it 
stood  in  need  of." 

4  Mr.    Bancroft  in  his  fifth  vol .,  pp.  84-89,  has  collated  a  great  number  of 
Lord  Kingsborough's  analogies.     Our  limited  space  forbids  further  treatment. 

30 


466  MEXICAN   AND  GREEK  ANALOGIES. 

most  patent  fact  revealed  to  us  in  ancient  American  sculp- 
ture. "  Humboldt  thinks  he  sees  in  the  snake  cut  in  pieces, 
the  famous  serpent  Kaliya  or  Kalinaga,  conquered  by  Vishnu, 
when  he  took  the  form  of  Krishna,  and  in  the  Mexican  Toua- 
tiuh,  the  Hindu  Krushna,  sung  of  in  the  Bhagavata-Purana."  ! 
Count  Stolberg  and  Tschudi  have  both  made  arguments  in  favor 
of  this  view.2  Humboldt  characterizes  Quetzalcoatl  as  the 
Buddha  of  the  Mexicans,  the  founder  of  the  monastic  estab- 
lishments resembling  those  of  Thibet  and  Western  Asia.3  He 
further  considers  the  flood  of  which  they  speak,  identical  with 
that  of  which  traditions  are  preserved  by  the  Hindoos,  the 
Chinese,  and  the  Shemitic  peoples. 

Advocates  of  Scandinavian  analogies  in  religion  are  not 
wanting.  Although  Viollet-le-Duc  finds  parallels  existing  be- 
tween the  Brahmanistic  ideas  of  divinity  and  passages  of  the 
Popol  Vuhj  still  he  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  strongest  resem- 
blances have  been  found  to  exist  between  the  religious  customs 
of  the  Scandinavians  and  those  recorded  in  the  Popol  Vuli.^ 
Humboldt  remarks,  "  we  have  fixed  the  special  attention  of  our 
readers  upon  this  Votan  or  Wodan,  an  American  who  appears 
of  the  same  family  with  the  Wods  or  Odins  of  the  Goths  and 
of  the  peoples  of  Celtic  origin.  Since,  according  to  the  learned 
researches  of  Sir  William  Jones,  Odin  and  Buddha  are  prob- 
ably the  same  person,  it  is  curious  to  see  the  names  of  Bond- 
var,  Wodan sdag  and  Votan  designating  in  India,  Scandinavia, 
and  in  Mexico,  the  day  of  a  brief  period."  5 

Lafitau,  in  his  Mceurs  des  Sauvages,  is  as  enthusiastic  in  his 
advocacy  of  the  theory  that  the  ancient  Americans  derived  their 
religion  from  the  Greeks,  as  Kingsborough  is  certain  that  it  was 
of  Jewish  origin.  He  devotes  his  fourth  chapter,  and  furnishes 
numerous  illustrations,  in  support  of  his  view.6  Our  limited 
space  precludes  the  possibility  of  presenting  in  full  the  analo- 

1  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  41  ;  Humboldt's  Vues,  torn,  i,  p.  236. 

2  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  v,  p.  41  ;  Humboldt,  Vues,  p.  256 ;  Tscliudi, 
Peruvian  Antiq.,  p.  211.  3  Vues,  p.  230  (ed.  1810). 

4  Viollet-le-Duc  in  Charnay's  Ruins,  pp.  41-2.     Paris,  1863. 

5  Vues,  p.  148  (ed.  1810).  6  Maun  des  Saumges,  pp.  108-455. 


BRASSEUR  DE  BOURBOURG'S  COMPARISONS. 


gies  discovered  by  the  Abbe  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  between  the 
Mexican  deities  and  those  of  Greece  and  Egypt.  If  we  hesitate 
sometimes  in  accepting  his  conclusions,  we  cannot  but  wonder  at 
his  erudition  and  his  zeal  in  research.  He  calls  attention  to  the 
fact  that  the  cult  of  Pan  and  Hermes  were  identical  in  Greece, 
and  refers  to  Maia,  a  personification  of  the  earth,  and  the 
mother  of  the  Hermes  having  been  the  consort  of  Zeus  or  Pan 
himself.  So  in  Mexico  he  finds  Pan  in  the  person  of  Cipactoual, 
who,  under  the  name  of  Cuextecatl,  has  for  his  consort  Maia  or 
MaiaoeL  This  god  was  adored  in  all  parts  of  Mexico  and 
Central  America,  and  at  Panuco  or  Panco,  literally  Panopolis, 
the  Spaniards  found  upon  their  entrance  into  Mexico,  superb 
temples  and  images  of  Pan.1  The  names  of  both  Pan  and 
Maia  enter  extensively  into  the  Maya  vocabulary,  Maia  being 
the  same  as  Maya,  the  principal  name  of  the  peninsula,  and  pan, 
making  Mayapan,  the  ancient  capital.  In  the  Nahua  language 
pan  or  pani  signifies  "  equality  to  that  which  is  above,"  and 
Pantecatl  was  the  progenitor  of  all  beings.  The  Abbe  has 
little  difficulty  in  proving  the  identity  of  Zamna,  Hunab-ku  and 
other  JSlaya  dieties,  with  the  gods  of  Greece.2  In  the  name  of 
the  Egyptian  god  Horus,  he  finds  the  significance  of  hurricane, 
or  in  the  dialects  of  the  Antilles,  huracan  or  nrogan,  the  god 
Hurakan  of  the  Quiches.  Also  in  the  Egyptian  hieroglyphic 
symbol  which  Salvolini  found  equivalent  to  the  phonetic  K, 
namely,  the  singular  reptile  Uraeus,  which  resembles  a  serpent 
in  an  erect  position  with  an  enlarged  body,  and  employed  ex- 
tensively as  a  decoration  in  hair  of  the  Egyptian  deities  and 
the  Pharaohs  ;  he  sees  the  emblem  of  Quetzalcoatl  (Ketzal- 
cohuatl)  the  feathered-serpent,  called  Gukumatz  in  Quiche,  and 
Kukulcan  in  Maya.  The  same  symbol  is  represented  on  the 
Egyptian  monuments  with  a  feather  rising  from  the  serpent's 
crest.3  It  would  be  easy  to  pursue  these  ingenious  comparisons 
through  a  number  of  pages,  but  we  question  their  value  in  throw- 
ing any  light  on  the  subject  in  hand.  The  reader  will  find  them 

1  Brasseur  in  Introduction  to  Landa's  Relation,  pp.  Ixx-i. 

2  Landa's  Relation,  Introduc.,  pp.  Ixxi  et  seq. 

3  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  in  Landa,  pp.  Ixvi-ix. 


468  BRASSEUR  DE  BOURBOURG'S  COMPARISONS. 

scattered  in  profusion  through  the  voluminous  writings  of  the 
learned  Abbe.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  most  of  the  seeming 
analogies  between  the  new  and  old  world  religions  cannot  be 
other  than  accidental,  since  it  is  probable  that  the  aborigines 
entered  our  continent  at  a  very  remote  antiquity,  long  before  the 
religions  with  which  theirs  have  been  so  persistently  compared, 
took  on  their  distinctive  features.  If  after  they  were  separated 
from  the  rest  of  the  world  by  seas  and  mountains,  the  Ameri- 
cans developed  religious  systems  presenting  analogies  to  those 
of  other  lands,  it  furnishes  us  but  another  proof  of  the  com- 
mon parentage  and  brotherhood  of  the  race,  of  the  universal 
outgoing  of  the  human  mind  after  the  deity,  and  the  sameness 
of  mental  operations  and  processes  under  the  same  given  condi- 
tions." l 

1  We  have  not  thought  it  necessary  to  treat  the  mythology  or  religious 
systems  of  the  Mayas  and  Nahuas  in  any  formal  manner,  but  only  incidentally 
to  call  attention  to  some  salient  features,  cropping  out  in  connection  with  the 
subject  in  hand.  The  religions  of  the  ancient  Americans  have  been  so  often 
and  so  admirably  treated,  that  anything  relating  to  them  in  this  connection 
would  be  superfluous.  See  especially  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iii ;  Muller's 
Oeschichte  der  Amerikanischen  Urreligionen  ;  Squier's  Serpent  Symbol  in  Amer- 
ica ;  Brinton's  Myths  of  the  New  World,  and  Ibid,  Religious  Sentiments  in 
the  New  World. 


CHAPTEE   X. 

LANGUAGE    AND    ITS    KELATION    TO    NORTH    AMERICAN 
MIGRATIONS. 

Diversity  of  Languages  in  America — Causes  of  Diversity — Richness  of  American 
Languages — Polysynthesis — Grimm's  Law — The  Maya-Quiche  Languages 
— Stability  of  the  Maya — Oldest  American  Language — The  Maya  compared 
to  the  Greek,  the  Hebrew,  the  North  European,  the  Basque,  West  African, 
and  the  Quichua  Languages — Epitome  of  Maya  Grammar — The  Mizteco- 
Zapotec  Languages — The  Nahua  or  Aztec — The  Classic  Tongue— Ancient 
and  Modern  Nahua — Epitome  of  Aztec  Grammar — Geographical  Extension 
of  the  Aztec — In  the  South — In  the  North-west — Buschman's  Researches — 
Sonora  Family  —  Opata-Tarahumar-Pima  Family  —  Moqui  and  Aztec  Ele- 
ments—  Aztec  in  the  Shoshone  and  in  the  Languages  of  Oregon  and  the 
Columbian  Region — Line  of  Aztec  Elements — The  Nahua  probably  the 
Language  of  the  Mound-builders — The  Otomi — Supposed  Chinese  Analogies 
— Japanese  Analogies — Geographical  Names. 

LANGUAGE  in  aboriginal  America  may  be  pronounced  a 
mystery  of  mysteries  and  a  Babel  of  Babels.  Mr.  Bancroft 
has  catalogued  nearly  six  hundred  distinct  languages,  existing 
between  northern  Alaska  and  the  Isthmus  of  Panama.  Many  of 
these,  however,  scarcely  deserve  to  be  called  more  than  dialects  ; 
while  each  has  its  individuality,  it  is  true  that  all  have  certain 
characteristics  in  common,  a  fact  which  by  some  has  been  con- 
sidered sufficient  ground  for  belief  in  the  unity  of  the  American 
race,  a  hypothesis  which  is  by  no  means  tenable.  The  geo- 
graphical division  and  intermixture  of  languages,  for  instance,  in 
California,  is  without  a  parallel  elsewhere  in  the  world.  By  the 
accidents  attendant  upon  savage  life,  resulting  from  ceaseless 
hostilities  and  the  frequent  inroads  of  tribes  upon  their  neighbors, 
a  nation  has  often  been  scattered  in  fragments,  and  its  refugees, 
separated  into  small  bands,  have  taken  up  their  residence  in  the 


470      SURVIVAL  OF  THE  FITTEST  A  LAW  OF  LANGUAGE. 

midst  of  other  tribes  at  localities  far  removed  from  their  central 
home.  In  a  generation  or  two  a  modification  of  the  parent 
speech  has  been  brought  about  by  the  surrounding  influences,  all 
of  which  vary  in  the  several  localities  in  which  the  refugees  have 
found  their  new  homes.  New  tribes  thus  formed,  soon  become 
unintelligible  to  their  brothers,  who  have  developed  a  dialect 
under  different  influences  from  theirs.  When  we  consider  that 
for  thousands  of  years  this  wholesale  division  and  subdivision 
of  tribes  and  languages  has  been  going  on,  as  the  result  of  cease- 
less hostilities,  we  can  easily  account  for  the  multitude  of  lan- 
guages and  dialects  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  existence  of  a  thread 
of  unity  or  similarity  on  the  other,  said  to  run  through  them  all. 
Supposing  the  continent  to  have  received  its  population  from 
several  different  quarters,  the  natural  expectation  would  be  that 
in  the  course  of  time  this  process  of  general  intermixture  would 
result  in  developing  in  each  language  much  that  was  common  to 
the  others — hence  the  foundation  for  the  hypothesis  of  their 
unity  of  origin.  In  the  study  of  American  languages  it  has  often 
been  a  matter  of  surprise  that  their  structure  and  expressiveness 
indicates  a  degree  of  perfection  far  in  advance  of  the  civilization 
out  of  which  they  had  sprung.  This  superiority,  we  think,  can 
be  accounted  for  on  the  principle,  first,  that  the  evolution  of 
languages  on  this  continent  has  been  more  active  and  constant 
here  than  elsewhere,  though  unforturately  not  always  operating 
under  favorable  conditions  ;  and  second,  that  in  the  frequent 
catastrophes  which  have  resulted  from  inter-tribal  warfare,  even 
in  language,  the  law  of  the  survival  of  the  fittest  is  apparent, 
in  the  preservation  of  those  etymological  forms  and  principles 
of  structure  which  are  most  useful.  We  by  no  means  agree  with 
the  eminent  philologist  Dr.  W.  Farrar,  F.K.S.,  chaplain  to  the 
Queen,  and  others  who,  taking  but  a  partial  and  second-hand 
view  of  American  languages,  pronounce  their  elaborateness  a 
childish  excess,  and  their  vaunted  wealth  a  concealment  of  their 
poverty.1  An  examination  of  the  poems  of  Nezahualcoyotl, 
king  of  Tezcuco,  recorded  by  Ixtlilxochitl,  will  afford  sufficient 

1  Families  of  Speech,  pp.  134-6.    London,  1873.     12mo. 


GRIMM'S  LAW. 


471 


proof  of  the  expressiveness  and  richness  of  the  Aztec  language.1 
The  song  on  the  "  Mutability  of  Life  "  and  the  ode  on  the  tyrant 
Tezozomoc  have  often  been  translated  and  admired.2  One  of  the 
leading  characteristics  of  American  language,  it  has  been  said,  is 
"agglutination"  but  we  must  add  that  the  term  employed  is 
not  sufficiently  comprehensive.  "  Agglutination/'  says  Farrar, 
"  may  be  described  as  that  principle  of  linguistic  structure  which 
consists  in  the  mere  placing  of  unaltered  roots  side  by  side  ;  as 
when  to  express  i  discipline '  the  Chinese  say  '  law-soldier/  or  for 
'elders'  ' father-mother/  or  for  ' enjoyment'  ' luxury-play-food- 
clothes/  " 3 

The  term  poly  synthesis,  the  synthesis  of  many  words  into  one, 
with  a  little  explanation  will  describe  the  characteristic,  so  promi- 
nent, to  which  we  allude.  In  their  polysynthesis,  the  syllables 
or  words  which  are  compressed  into  one  long  word,  no  longer 
retain  their  individual  forms,  but  are  clipped  and  altered  so  as 
to  be  scarcely  recognizable.  A  sentence  by  this  process  of  fusion 
is  compressed  into  a  single  long  word.  Dr.  Farrar  cites  the 
following  example  from  the  Aztec  ;  achichillacachocan,  means 
"  the  place  where  people  weep  because  the  water  is  red."  The 
component  parts  are :  ail  "  water,"  chichiltic  "  red/'  tlacatl 
"man,"  chorea  "  weep,"  all  of  which  have  nearly  lost  their  iden- 
tity in  the  inflection  and  contraction  necessary  in  the  synthesis.4 
As  in  the  Aryan  and  other  families,  Grimm's  system  of  Lautver- 
schiebung — sound  changing,  or  shunting — better  known  by  Prof. 
Max  Miiller's  designation  as  "Grimm's  law"  prevails,  so  there  are 
groups  or  families  in  northern  Mexico  pointed  out  by  Buschman 
to  which  this  law  is  clearly  applicable.  No  doubt  the  number 
of  relationships  already  established  between  aboriginal  languages, 
as  the  result  of  classification,  will  be  greatly  augmented  when, 

1  Spanish,  in  Kingsborough's  Hex.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii,  pp.  110-15. 

2  English  translation  in  Prescott's  Mexico,  vol.  iii,  and  Bancroft's  Native 
Races,  vol.  ii,  pp.  494-97.  3  Families  of  Speech,  pp.  125-26. 

4  The  same  author  refers  to  the  classification  of  languages  adopted  by  Prof. 
Steinthal  in  his  Charafcteristik  der  Jiauptsacliliclisten  Typen  des  Sprachbaues. 
Languages  are  divided  into  cultivated  and  uncultivated,  and  each  again  are  sub- 
divided into  isolating  and  inflectional.  The  American  languages  are  classed  as 
uncultivated  and  inflectional  by  incorpo-ation.— (Families  of  Speech,  p.  127.) 


472    CLASSIFICATION  OF   THE  MAYA-QUICHft  LANGUAGES. 

if  ever,  the  subject  receives  special  attention.1  Mr.  Bancroft 
classifies  the  languages  in  his  catalogue  under  three  great  fami- 
lies, namely,  the  Tinneh,  Aztec  and  Maya.  The  first,  which 
covers  the  territory  around  the  northern  extremity  of  the  Kocky 
Mountains,  and  sends  its  offshoots  as  far  south  as  northern 
Mexico,  only  concerns  us  incidentally  in  treating  the  ancient 
languages  of  North  America.2  The  two  families  (and  their  far- 
reaching  branches)  in  which  wre  are  interested,  are  the  Maya  and 
the  Aztec,  the  latter  the  survivor  of  the  speech  of  the  Nahuas. 

To  the  Maya,  or  rather,  the  Maya-Quiche  stock,  no  doubt 
belongs  the  greatest  antiquity  assignable  to  any  language  or 
languages  on  the  continent.  The  mother  tongue,  the  Maya, 
prevails  throughout  all  of  Yucatan,  and  together  with  its  dia- 
lects extends  itself  over  Tabasco,  Chiapas  and  Guatemala,  and 
is  even  present  in  the  states  of  Tamaulipas  and  Vera  Cruz,  in 
the  Huastic  and  Totonac  languages.  Numerous  catalogues  of 
the  branches  of  this  family  have  been  made,  but  the  most  recent, 
and  we  think  the  most  complete,  is  one  constructed  in  1876  on 
Senor  Pimentel's  classification  by  the  Mexican  scholar,  Senor 
Garcia  y  Cubas.  It  is  as  follows :  1.  Yucateco  or  Maya ; 
2.  Punctunc ;  3.  Lacandon  or  Xochinel ;  4.  Peten  or  Itzae  ; 
5.  Chanabal,  Comiteco,  Jocolobal ;  6.  Choi  or  Mopan  ;  7.  Chorti 
or  Chorte.  8.  Cakchi,  Caichi,  Cachi  or  Cakgi ;  9.  Ixil,  Izil ; 
10.  Coxoli  ;  11.  Quiche,  Utlatec  ;  12.  Zutuhil,  Zutugil,  A  titeca, 
Zacapula ;  13.  Cachiquel,  Cachiquil ;  14.  Tzotzil,  Zotzil,  Tzin- 
anteco,  Cinanteco  ;  15.  Tzendal,  Zendal ;  16.  Mame,  Mem, 
Zaklohpakap ;  17.  Poconchi,  Pocoman ;  18.  Atche,  Atchi ; 
19.  Huastic,  and  probably  20.  the  Haytian,  Quizqueja  or  Itis, 
with  their  affinities,  the  Cuban,  Boriguan  and  Jamaican  lan- 
guages.3 

1  See  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  pp.  559,  670-2.     See  on  the  latter 
page  especially  a  vocabulary  of  resemblances. 

2  We  refer  tlie  reader  who  is  interested  in  the  aboriginal  languages  of  the 
North-west  to  the  Contributions  to  NortJi  American  Ethnology,  published  by 
the  Department  of  the  Interior,  under  the  direction  of  Major  J.  W.  Powell, 
Washington,  1877.     3  vols.  4to. 

3  Garcia  y  Cubas,  The  Republic  of  Mexico  in  1876.     A  political  and  ethno- 
graphical division  of  the  population,  etc.,  translated  by  Geo.  F.  Henderson,  p.  G6. 


GEOGRAPHICAL  EXTENT  OF  THE  MAYA.       473 

The  author  of  the  above  list  has  compensated  us  for  its 
length  by  giving  each  of  the  names  with  its  variation  in  orthog- 
raphy according  to  different  writers.  The  classification  is  alto- 
gether superior  to  any  other.  The  Maya  is  of  peculiar  interest 
to  us,  especially  since  within  the  territory  over  which  it  extends 
are  found  the  most  celebrated  architectural  remains  known  to 
Central  American  archeology.  The  majority  of  the  sculptured 
tablets  which  are  preserved  are  no  doubt  in  the  Maya  or  some 
of  its  dialects.  What  is  most  satisfactory  to  us,  is  the  proba- 
bility that  the  language  is  spoken  to-day  by  the  mass  of  the 
native  population  of  Yucatan  as  it  was  anciently,  for  says  Sefior 
Pimentel,  "the  Indians  have  preserved  this  idiom  with  such 
tenacity  that  to  this  day  they  will  speak  no  other,"  and  he  adds 
that  it  is  necessary  for  the  whites  to  address  them  in  their  own 
tongue  in  order  to  communicate  with  them.1 

Senor  Orozco  y  Berra  furnishes  us  evidence  that  little  change 
has  taken  place  in  the  language  since  the  earliest  times,  in  the 
statement  that  all  the  geographical  names  of  the  peninsula  are 
Maya,  which  is  considered  proof  in  his  judgment  that  the  Mayas 
were  the  first  occupants  of  the  country.2  It  is  but  a  reasonable 
expectation,  therefore,  that  at  no  distant  day,  by  the  aid  of 
Landa's  alphabet,  the  inscriptions  will  be  compelled  to  reveal 
their  mysterious  contents.  The  Tzendal,  the  language  in  which 
Yotan  is  said  to  have  written  a  history  of  the  foundation  of  his 
city,  and  still  spoken  near  the  ruins  of  Palenque,  is  said  to  have 
been  the  oldest  of  American  languages,  but  linguistic  investiga- 
tions have  proven  that  it  is  an  offshoot  from  the  Maya,  the 
mother  tongue.3  It  is  probable  that  the  Maya  was  first  planted 
at  some  point  in  the  territory  which  it  now  occupies,  and  gradually 
extended  its  domain  until  its  colonies  reached  northern  Yera 
Cruz  and  southern  Nicaragua.  Whether  at  any  time  it  was  the 

Mexico,  1876.  Most  of  the  above  names  are  cited  by  Mr.  Bancroft,  Native  Races, 
vol.  iii,  p.  760 ;  by  Orozco  y  Berra,  Geografia,  pp.  18-25  et  passim,  and  by 
Pimentel,  Lenguas  Indigenas  de  Mex.,  vol.  ii,  p.  5  et  seq. 

1  Leng.  Indig.  de  Mex.,  vol.  ii,  p.  3. 

2  Geograjia  de  las  Lenguas  de  Hex.,  pp.  129. 

3  See  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  p.  760,  and  the  literary  apparatus 
appended. 


474      THE  MAYA  COMPARED  WITH  THE  GREEK. 

language  of  a  people  inhabiting  central  and  southern  Mexico  at 
a  date  anterior  to  the  arrival  of  the  Nahuas,  is  unknown  though 
probable.  Seilor  Orozco  y  Berra  has  shown  by  linguistic  studies 
that  probably  the  Mayas  occupied  the  Atlantic  seaboard  of  the 
United  States,  having  in  their  migration  passed  from  the  Flo- 
ridian  peninsula  to  Cuba  and  thence  to  the  other  Caribbean  isles, 
and  to  Yucatan.  He  states  that  the  Mayas  possess  traditions 
of  a  northern  home  from  which  they  passed  by  means  of  the 
islands  of  the  Gulf  to  Yucatan.  Both  he  and  Senor  Pimentel 
agree  that  the  languages  of  the  West  Indies  belong  to  the  Maya 
family.1 

The  characteristics  of  the  Maya-Quiche  languages  are  ;  flexi- 
bility, expressiveness,  vigor,  approximating  harshness,  yet  on 
the  contrary  rich  and  musical  in  sound.  The  Maya  itself  has 
more  than  once  been  compared  to  the  Greek,  and  even  said  to  be 
derived  from  it.  Dr.  Le  Plongeon,  who  for  four  years  has  been 
exploring  the  ruins  of  Yucatan  and  especially  of  Chichen-Itza, 
writes  thus  in  connection  with  the  discovery  of  a  well-sculptured 
bear's  head  at  Uxmal :  "When  did  bears  inhabit  the  peninsula  ? 
Strange  to  say,  the  Maya  does  not  furnish  the  name  for  bear. 
Yet  one-third  of  this  tongue  is  pure  Greek.  Who  brought  the 
dialect  of  Homer  to  America  ?  Or  who  took  to  Greece  that  of 
the  Mayas  ?  Greek  is  the  offspring  of  the  Sanscrit.  Is  Maya  ? 
Or  are  they  coeval  ?  A  clue  for  ethnologists  to  follow  the 
migrations  of  the  human  family  on  this  old  continent.  Did  the 
bearded  men  whose  portraits  are  carved  on  the  massive  pillars  of 
the  fortress  at  Chichen-Itza,  belong  to  the  Mayan  nations  ? 
The  Maya  is  not  devoid  of  words  from  the  Assyrian/' 2  He  does 
not  hesitate  to  say  that  "the  Maya,  containing  words  from 
almost  every  language,  ancient  or  modern,  is  well  worth  the  at- 
tention of  philologists,"  a  statement  which  might  with  but  little 
breach  of  propriety  be  made  as  well  concerning  almost  any  other 
language.  In  referring  to  its  antiquity,  the  writer  says,  "  I  must 

1  Orozco  y  Berra,  Geografia,  pp.  22,  128. 

2  Communication  of  Dr.  Le  Plongeon  to  the  Hon.  John  W.  Foster,  minister 
of  the  United  States  at  Mexico,  dated  Island  of  Cozumel,  May  1,  1877,  in  Salis- 
bury's Dr.  Le  Plongeon  in  Yucatan,  p.  83. 


MAYA  COMPARED  TO  HEBREW.  475 

speak  of  that  language  which  has  survived  unaltered  through 
the  vicissitudes  of  the  nations  that  spoke  it  thousands  of  years 
ago,  and  is  yet  the  general  tongue  in  Yucatan — the  Maya. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  is  one  of  the  most  ancient  lan- 
guages on  earth.  It  was  used  by  a  people  that  lived  at  least 
6000  years  ago,  as  proved  by  the  Katuns,  to  record  the  history 
of  their  rulers,  the  dogmas  of  their  religion,  on  the  walls  of  their 
palaces,  on  the  facades  of  their  temples." l  The  Mexican  scholar, 
Seiior  Melgar,  is  convinced  that  he  sees  resemblances  between 
the  names  employed  by  the  Chiapenecs  in  their  calendar,  and  the 
Hebrew,  and  furnishes  comparative  lists  to  sustain  his  hopeless 
theory.2 

1  Dr.  Le  Plongeon,  communication  to  Stephen  Salisbury,  Jr.,  Esq.,  dated 
Island  of  Cozumel,  June  15,   1877.     He  remarks  :  "  Notwithstanding  a  few 
guttural  sounds,  the  Maya  is  soft,  pliant,  rich  in  diction  and  expression,  even 
every  shade  of  thought  may  be  expressed."    "  Strange  to  say  the  language 
remained  unaltered.     Even  to-day,  in  many  places  in  Yiicatan  the  descendants 
of  the  Spanish  conquerors  have  forgotten  the  native  tongue  of  their  sires,  and 
only  speak  Maya,  the  idiom  of  the  vanquished." — Communication  above  cited  in 
Salisbury's  Le  Plongeon  in  Yucatan,  pp.  95  et  seq. 

2  The  following  is  Senor  Melgar's  comparative  list  with  the  Spanish  trans- 
lated into  English. 

Hebrew.  English.  Chlapenec. 

Ben,  Son,  Been. 

Bath,  Daughter,  Batz. 

Abba,  Father,  Abagh. 

Chimah,  Star  in  Zodiac  ?  the  creator  of  rain.         Chimax. 

Maloc,  King,  Molo. 

Abah,  Name  applied  to  Adam,  Abagh. 

Chanan,  Afflicted,  Chanam. 

Elab,  God,  Elab. 

Tischiri,  September,  Tsiquin. 

Chi,  More,  Chic, 

Chabic,  Rich,  Chabin. 

Enos,  Son  of  Seth,  Enot. 

Votan,  To  give,  Votan. 

Lambotas,  River  of  Arica,  Lambat. 

He  adds :  "  Todas  estas  coincidencias  hacer  suponer  que  en  epocas  muy 
remotas  existeron  communicaciones  entre  el  viejo  y  el  nuevo  mundo."  He  then 
refers  to  Plato's  Atlantis. — Melgar  in  Sociedad  Mex.  de  Oeog.  Boletin,  iii,  fipoca, 
p.  108. 


476  MAYA  COMPARED  TO  THE  NORTH-EUROPEAN  LANGUAGES. 

The  speculations  of  the  Abbe  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  are 
none  the  less  remarkable  and  about  equally  as  plausible  as  those 
of  Dr.  Le  Plongeon  or  Senor  Melgar.  The  Abbe  after  years  of 
study  among  the  peoples  of  Central  America,  was  convinced 
beyond  a  doubt  that  a  marked  relationship  existed  between  the 
Quiche-Cakchiquel  and  Zutugil  and  the  languages  of  the  north 
of  Europe.  He  considers  the  evidence  sufficient  that  peoples 
speaking  the  Germanic  and  Scandinavian  languages  migrated  to 
Central  America  and  infused  their  idioms  into  the  Maya.1 

With  Mr.  Bancroft  we  agree  that  no  value  can  be  attached 
to  these  speculations,  until  impartial  comparisons  are  made  by 
scholars  who  have  no  theories  to  substantiate.  It  is  worthy  of 
note  that  several  eminent  scholars  have  observed  the  remarkable 
similarity  of  grammatical  structure  between  the  Central  Amer- 
ican and  certain  transatlantic  languages,  especially  the  Basque 2 

1  Brasseur's  letter  to  M.  Rafn  in  Nouvelles  Annales  des  Voy.,  6th  series,  vol. 
xvi,  p.  263.     He  thinks  the  Scandinavians  may  have  reached  those  remote  parts 
at  an  early  day.    On  pp.  281-9  he  gives  a  list  of  words  chosen  from  the  Quiche, 
Cakchiquel  and    Zutohil,   showing    analogies  with    languages    of   Northern 
Europe,  especially  with  the  Scandinavian.     Also  see  the  same  author  in  the 
Nom.  Ann.  des  Voy.,  6th  series,  vol.  iii,  1855,  pp.  156-7.     The  Abbe  in  a  letter 
to  the  New  York  Tribune,  November  21st,  1855,  in  referring  to  the  early  inhab- 
itants of  Vera  Paz,  says  ;  "  They  came  from  the  east — not  from  the  south-east, 
but  from  the  north-east.     I  speak  only  of  the  tribes  of  Quiche-Cakchiquel  and 
Zutohil.     They  came  from  the  north-east,  certainly  passed  through  the  United 
States,  and  as  they  say  themselves,  they  crossed  the  sea  in  darkness,  mist,  cold 
and  snow.    I  suppose  they  must  have  come  from  Denmark  and  Norway.     They 
came  in  small  numbers,  and  lost  their  white  blood  by  their  mixture  with  the 
Indians  whom  they  found — whether  in  the  United  States  or  in  these  regions, 
certainly  there  must  have  been  a  Tula  in  our  northern  European  countries. 
But  what  is  more  convincing  of  this  migration  or  passage,  I  find  the  same  result 
by  a  comparison  of  the  languages.     I  cannot  speak  of  the  structure  of  them, 
but  by  what  I  have  observed  is  that  the  fundamental  forms  and  words  of  the 
languages  of  these  regions  (except  the  Mexican)  are  intimately  connected  with 
the  Maya  or  Tzendal,  and  that  all  the  words  that  are  neither  Mexican  nor  Maya 
belong  to  our  languages  of  Northern  Europe,  viz. :  English,  Saxon,  Danish, 
Norwegian,  Swedish,  Flemish  and  German,  some  even  appear  to  belong  to  the 
French  or  Persian." 

2  Dr.  Farrar,  referring  to  the  Basque,  says  :  "  What  is  certain  about  it  is, 
that  its  structure  is  polysynthetic,  like  the  language  of  America.     Like  them, 
and  them  only,  it  habitually  forms  its  compounds  by  the  elimination  of  certain 


EPITOME  OF  MAYA  GRAMMAR.  477 

and  some  of  the  languages  of  Western  Africa.1  Dr.  Le  Plongeon, 
after  several  years  spent  amid  the  antiquities  of  Peru  and  in  the 
study  of  the  Quichua  language,  says,  "  The  Quichua  contains 
many  words  that  seem  closely  allied  to  the  dialects  spoken  by  the 
nations  inhabiting  the  regions  called  to-day  Central  America, 
and  the  Maya  tongue."  In  referring  to  the  mural  paintings  at 
Chichen-Itza,  he  further  remarks,  "  By  comparing  them  with 
those  of  the  Quichuas,  I  cannot  but  believe  that  Manco's  ances- 
tors emigrated  from  Xilbalba  or  Mayapan,  carrying  with  them 
the  notions  of  the  northern  country."2  Interesting  as  these 
speculations  are,  they  must  be  received  with  allowance  and  viewed 
with  doubt,  until  thorough  linguistic  researches  test  their  value. 
The  most  important  features  of  Maya  grammar  are  as  fol- 
lows :  The  letters  of  the  alphabet  are,  a  b  c  o  e,  ch,  cA,  h,  i,  k, 
1,  m,  n,  o,  p,  p,  6,  pp,  t,  th,  tz,  u,  x,  y,  y,  z.  The  letter  o  is 
pronounced  like  the  English  dj,  h  is  not  aspirated,  th  is  hard, 
and  the  k  guttural.  Much  of  the  beauty  of  the  pronunciation 
depends  on  the  elision  of  certain  vowels  and  consonants,  as  for 
instance  instead  of  ma  in  Tcati  they  say  min  Jcati,  or  instead  of 
ti  ca  otoch  they  would  say  ti  c  otoch.  The  plural  is  distinguished 
from  the  singular  by  the  addition  of  ob  (those).  Verbs  ending 
in  an  take  tac  in  the  plural.  The  masculine  of  rational  beings 

radicals  in  the  simple  words ;  so  that,  e.  g.,  ilhun,  twilight,  is  contracted  from 
hill,  dead,  and  egun,  day ;  and  belhaun,  the  knee,  from  belhar,  front,  and  oln, 
leg.  It  was  this  fact  that  made  Larramendi  give  to  his  treatise  on  Basque 
grammar  the  title  of  '  The  Impossible  Overcome.'  The  most  daring  of  all  the 
hypotheses  which  have  been  suggested  points  to  the  conceivable  existence  of 
some  great  Atlantis ;  to  the  possibility  of  the  '  Basque  area  being  the  remains 
of  a  vast  system,  of  which  Madeira  and  the  Azores  are  fragments  belonging  to 
the  Miocene  period.'  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  fact  is  indisputable  and  is  emi- 
nently noteworthy  that,  while  the  affinities  of  the  Basque  roots  have  never  been 
conclusively  elucidated,  there  has  never  been  any  doubt  that  this  isolated  lan- 
guage, preserving  its  identity  in  a  western  corner  of  Europe  between  two 
mighty  kingdoms,  resembles  in  its  grammatical  structure  the  aboriginal  lan- 
guages of  the  vast  opposite  continent,  and  those  alone." — Families  of  Speech, 
pp.  132-3.  Also  see  Alfred  Maury  in  Nott  and  Gliddon's  Indigenous  Races  of 
the  Earth,  p.  48. 

1  See  Maury  in  Nott  and  Gliddon's  Indig.  Races,  pp.  81-84. 

2  Salisbury's  Le  Plongeon  in  Yucatan,  p.  96. 


478 


EPITOME  OF  MAYA  GRAMMAR. 


is  denoted  by  the  prefix  ab,  the  feminine  by  ix.  The  words  xibil 
and  chupul,  signifying  male  and  female  respectively,  are  used  to 
express  the  gender  of  animals.  The  case  of  nouns  is  determined 
by  their  position  in  the  sentence  and  their  relation  to  the  prepo- 
sitions, the  most  frequent  of  the  latter  being  ti,  which  has  various 
significations.  Adjectives  accompanying  substantives  always  pre- 
cede them,  but  the  number  is  only  expressed  by  the  substantive. 
The  comparative  is  formed  by  adding  I  to  the  adjective,  some- 
times il,  and  prefixing  u  or  y  the  pronoun  of  the  third  person. 
The  superlative  is  formed  by  prefixing  hack  to  the  positive. 
The  Maya  pronouns  are  as  follows  : 


Personal  Pronouns. 

Possessims. 

Reciprocals. 

Ten,  en,           I 
Tech,  ecb,        Thou. 
Lay,  laylo,  lo,  He,  that. 
Toon,  on,          We. 
Teex,  ex,          You. 
Loob,  ob,  '       They,  those. 

In,  u,             Mine 
A,  au,           Thine. 
U,  i,              His,  of  that. 
Ca,                 Ours. 
Aex,  auex,  Yours. 
Uob,  yob,     Of  those. 

Inba,         Myself. 
Aba,         Thyself. 
Uba,         Himself. 
Caba,        Ourselves. 
Abaex,     Yourselves. 
Ubaob,     Themselves. 

The  verb  has  four  conjugations  and  that  of  the  auxiliary 
teni,  to  be,  the  present  tense  of  which  is  the  same  as  the  per- 
sonal pronouns  given  in  the  left  hand  column,  Ten-,  Tech,  etc. 
The  other  cases  are  as  follows  :  Imperfect,  Ten  cuclii;  Perfect, 
Ten  hi;  Pluperfect,  Ten  hi-illcuchi  ;  Future,  Bin  ten-ac;  Future 
perfect,  Ten  hi-ili  cosJwm;  Imperative,  Ten-ac;  Subjunctive 
present,  Ten-ac  en;  Imperfect,  Hi  ten-ac. 

The  verb  Nacal,  to  ascend,  of  the  first  conjugation,  is  in- 
flected as  follows : 

PRESENT  INDICATIVE. 

Singular,  1st  per.,  Nacal  in  cali;  2d  per.,  Nacal  a  cah;  3d 
per.,  Nacal  u  cah. 

Plural,  1st  per.,  Nacal  ca  cah;  2d  per.,  Nacal  a-cah-ex;  3d 
per.,  Nacal-u-cah-ob. 

The  Imperfect,  Nacal  in  cah-cuchi;  Perfect,  Nac-en;  Plu- 
perfect, Nacen  Hi  cuchi;  Future,  Bin  nacac-en;  Future  per- 
fect, Nacen  ili-cuchom;  Imperative,  Nacen. 


LORD'S  PRAYER  IN  MAYA.  479 


THE  LORD'S  PRAYER  IN  MAYA. 

Cayum         iaueeh    ti  caannob  cilichthantabac       akaba ;          tac  a 
Our  Father  who  art  in    Heaven      blessed  be        Thy  name  ;  it  may  come 

ahaulil          c'    okol.      Mencahac      a    nolah  uai  ti    luum  bai  ti    caane. 
Thy  kingdom    us    over.     Be    done  Thine  will  as  on  earth  as  in  heaven. 

Zanzamal  uah    ca    azotoon    heleae     caazaatez      c'    ziipil    he  bik   c'    zaatzic 
Daily    bread  us       give      to-day    us  forgive  our  sins         as      we  forgive 

uziipil  ahziipiloobtoone,  ma    ix  appatic  c'  lubul  ti    tuntali        caatocoon    ti 
their  sins      to  sinners,      not  also    let     us  fall  in  temptation  us  deliver  from 

lob.1 
evil. 

In  the  state  of  Oajaca  and  occupying  the  western  portion 
of  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  in  a  position  intermediate  be- 
tween the  Maya  on  the  one  hand  and  the  Nahua  on  the  other, 
is  found  the  ancient  family  of  languages  known  as  the  Mizteco- 
Zapotec,  the  various  dialects  of  which  are  spoken  to  this  day  by 
the  natives  occupying  those  regions.  No  tradition  throws  any 
light  on  the  origin  of  this  group,  nor  do  any  affiliations  in  vocab- 
ulary or  grammmatical  structure  seem  to  exist  between  them 
and  any  other  family,  American  or  foreign.  The  Miztec  lan- 
guage is  exceedingly  difficult  to  acquire,  being  characterized  by 
words  of  extraordinary  length.  The  Zapotec  on  the  contrary, 
with  its  several  dialects,  is  elegant,  sonorous,  and  less  difficult.2 

The  language  pre-eminent  above  all  others  in  Mexico  for  its 
territorial  extent,  for  the  refinement  and  civilization  which  it 


1  See  on  the  Maya,  Ruz,  Gram.  Tucateca  ;  Pimentel,  Quadro  Leng.  Indig., 
tom.ii,  pp.  5  et  seq.,  whose  grammar  we  have  followed  above.    Also  vol.  ii, 
pp.  119,  221 ;  vol.  i,  p.  229,  for  idioms;  Gallatin  in  Am.  EthnoL  Soc.  Transact., 
vol.  i,  pp.  252  et  seq.;  Vater,  Mithridatcs,  torn.  Hi,  pt.  iii,  pp.  4-24 ;  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg,  Grammaire  in  Landa's  Relation,  pp.  459  et  seq.,  also  Maya  and 
French  Vocabulary ;  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  pp.  759-82,  quotes  prayer 
as  above.     Further  see  literature  cited  in  Ludewig's  Literature  of  American 
Aboriginal  Languages,  ed.  of  Triibner.     London,  1858,  pp.  102-3. 

2  Full  accounts  of  the  grammatical  structure  of  the  languages  of  this  family 
may  be  found  in  Pimentel's  Quadro,  torn,  i,  pp.  35-78,  321-60  ;  Orozco  y  Berra's 
Geografia,  pp.  25  et  seq.;  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  pp.  748-58. 


480  THE  NAHUA   OR  AZTEC. 

represented,  and  its  own  inherent  beauty  and  elegance,  is  known 
as  the  Nahua  or  Aztec,  or  more  modernly  the  Mexican.  It  was 
the  language  of  the  Toltecs  and  of  their  advanced  civilization, 
and  after  them  of  the  seven  tribes  of  Nahuatlacas,  that  in  the 
year  1196  established  themselves  in  the  Mexican  plateau.  The 
Aztecs,  one  of  these  tribes,  in  the  course  of  events  gaining  the 
ascendency,  gave  their  name  to  the  language  which  their  con- 
quests speedily  extended  over  a  territory  four  hundred  leagues 
in  length,  and  in  width  from  the  Gulf  to  the  Pacific,  in  the 
latitude  of  the  capital.  The  Aztec  tongue  prevailed  continu- 
ously from  a  point  on  the  Gulf  of  California,  under  the  twenty- 
sixth  parallel  of  latitude  south-easterly  to  Eios  Goatzacoalco 
and  Tobasco  ;  and  southward  to  the  fifteenth  parallel,  extending 
along  the  coast  of  San  Salvador  and  appearing  in  the  interior 
of  Nicaragua.  Its  dialectical  extension  north  of  Mexico  we 
will  consider  on  a  future  page.  Twenty  languages  besides  the 
Aztec  are  said  to  have  been  spoken  throughout  Montezuma's 
empire,  but  the  Aztec  alone  was  recognized  as  the  official  and 
classic  tongue.  The  Chichimecs  are  said  to  have  spoken  a  lan- 
guage of  their  own,  until  the  ruler  Techotlalatzin  commanded 
them  to  learn  the  Mexican.1  Mr.  Bancroft  is  of  the  opinion 
that  the  Nahua  was  the  original  language  of  the  Chichimecs, 
and  consequently  does  not  agree  with  Senor  Pimentel  who  ad- 
vocates the  opposite  view,  and,  we  think,  sustains  it.2  The 
copiousness  and  grace  of  the  Aztec  has  furnished  a  theme  for 
many  Spanish  writers  whose  praises  have  found  an  echo  in  the 
works  of  our  most  able  scholars  and  historians.  If  the  Maya 
has  been  compared  to  the  Greek,  the  Aztec  has  often  been 
likened  to  the  Latin,  not  in  structure  or  vocabulary,  but  in  its 
relation  to  ancient  American  civilization,  in  its  expressiveness, 
politeness,  its  capacity  for  the  sublime,  and  for  the  romantic 
coloring  with  which  it  is  able  to  clothe  that  which  is  humble 
and  even  insignificant.  "  It  was  the  court  language,"  says  Mr. 

1  Ixtlilxoclritl,  Hist.  Chic,  in  Kingsborougb/s  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix,  p.  217,  and 
cited  by  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  p.  724. 

2  Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  pp.  724-5  ;  Pimentel,  Quadro  Leng.  Indig.  de  Mex  , 
torn,  i,  pp.  154r-8,  and  our  discussion  in  this  work,  chapter  vi.  p.  255. 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  NAHUA.  481 

Bancroft,  "  of  American  civilization,  the  Latin  of  medieval  and 
the  French  of  modern  times."  1 

The  Nahua  attained  its  highest  development  during  the 
century  preceding  the  conquest  in  the  schools  of  oratory,  poetry 
and  history,  established  at  Tezcuco,  to  which  the  sons  of  nobles 
were  sent,  as  much  to  acquire  the  purity  of  the  idiom  as  the 
science  which  they  taught.2  Senor  Orozco  y  Berra  says  that 
the  difference  existing  between  the  ancient  Nahua  and  the 
modern,  may  be  compared  to  that  difference  observed  between 
the  Castilian  of  the  Komance  of  the  Cid  and  that  of  the  present 
day.3 

The  outlines  of  the  Aztec  grammar  are  briefly  as  follows  : 
The  alphabet  contains  the  letters  a,  ch,  e,  h,  i,  k,  1,  m,  n,  o,  p, 
t,  tl,  tz,  u,  v,  x,  y,  z,  but  lacks  our  consonants  b,  d,  f,  r,  g,  s. 
No  word  commences  with  1.  The  a  is  clear  ;  ch  before  a  vowel 
is  pronounced  as  in  Spanish,  but  before  a  consonant  or  when 
final  it  differs  somewhat ;  e  is  clear  ;  h  is  moderately  aspirated 
and  soft,  but  strong  when  it  precedes  u;  t  is  omitted  except 
when  it  comes  between  two  I's.  The  tl  in  the  middle  of  a 
word  is  soft  as  in  Spanish,  but  at  the  end  is  pronounced  tie,  the 
e  being  half  mute.  The  pronunciation  of  tz  is  similar  to  the 
Spanish  s,  but  stronger.  The  v  is  pronounced  by  the  women  as 
in  Spanish  and  French,  but  by  the  men  like  liu  in  Spanish  ;  x, 
soft  like  the  English  sh,  and  z  like  the  Spanish  s,  but  not  quite 
so  hissing.4 

1  Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  pp.  726-7.    The  same  author  refers  to  the  Natural 
History  of  Dr.  Hernandez,  written  in  the  Aztec,  as  proof  of  its  copiousness. 
"  Twelve  hundred  different  species  of  Mexican  plants,  two  hundred  or  more 
species  of  birds,  and  a  large  number  of  quadrupeds,  reptiles,  insects  and  metals, 
each  of  which  is  given  its  proper  name  in  the  Mexican  language."     (Quoted  by 
Pimentel,  Quadro.,  vol.  i,  p.  168.) 

2  See  Prescott's  Conq.  of  Hex.,  vol.  i,  p.  174  (ed.  of  1875).     "  Tezcuco,"  says 
Boturini,  "  where  the  noblemen  sent  their  sons  to  acquire  the  most  polished 
dialect  of  the  Nahuatlac  language,  and  to  study  poetry,  moral  philosophy,  the 
heathen  theology,  astronomy,  medicine  and  history."    (Idea,  p.  142,  cited  by 
Prescott.) 

3  Geografia  de  las  Lenguas,  p.  9. 

4  Pimentel,  Quadro,  Lenguas  Indig.,  p.  165,  also  copied  by  Bancroft,  Native 
Races,  vol.  iii,  p.  731.     From  Pimentel  we  draw  our  extract  of  Aztec  Grammar. 

31 


482  AZTEC  CONSTRUCTION. 

By  composition,  words  containing  sixteen  syllables  are  formed, 
though  many  simple  words  are  quite  long.  We  have  abeady 
explained  the  process  of  polysynthesis  or  compounding  by  means 
of  clipping  the  syllables  and  words  with  a  view  to  brevity  and 
euphony.  The  following  example  furnished  by  Pimentel  and 
copied  by  Mr.  Bancroft,  further  illustrates  the  principle  :  tlazotli, 
esteemed  or  loved  ;  maviztik,  honored  or  reverenced  ;  teopixki, 
priest ;  tatli,  father,  and  no,  mine,  furnishes  as  a  result :  not- 
lazomavizteopixkatatzin,  "  my  esteemed  father  and  reverend 
priest."  An  example  of  the  termination  tzin,  signifying  respect/ 
is  presented  in  this  word.  Several  illustrations  of  the  same 
principle  are  furnished  by  Senor  Pimentel,  showing  that  often  a 
sentence  is  compounded  into  a  single  word.  Indeed  a  great 
many  of  the  component  parts  of  these  long  words,  though  words 
in  themselves,  are  incapable  of  being  used  separately.  In  com- 
position the  verb  succeeds  the  nominative  and  is  placed  at  the 
end  of  the  sentence.  The  adverb  precedes  the  verb,  as  does  the 
adjective  the  substantive. 

The  Aztec  is  rich  in  terminations  for  the  formation  of  the 
plural.  Generally  no  change  is  required  for  inanimate  objects,  as 
multiplicity  is  expressed  by  means  of  numerals  or  the  adverb  miek 
(much),  e.  g.,  ze  tetl,  one  stone  ;  yei  tetl,  three  stones  ;  miek  tetl, 
many  stones,  though  often  the  terminations  used  for  the  plural 
of  persons  is  applied  to  inanimate  objects,  particularly  when 
they  are  connected  with  persons,  as  zoquitl,  mud  ;  tizoquime,  we 
are  earth  ;  however,  there  are  exceptions  to  the  rule,  as  in  the 
Aztec  words  for  the  heavens,  the  mountains  and  the  stars. 
Furthermore,  the  first  syllable  is  often  doubled  in  order  to  form 
the  plural  of  inanimate  things.  Senor  Pimentel  has  embraced 
the  entire  subject  of  the  formation  of  the  plural  in  six  rules. 

1.  Primitive  words  form  their   plural  in  me  tin  or  ke,  as 
ichkatl,  a  ewe,  a  sheep  ;  ickkame,  sheep  ;  zolin,  a  quail ;  zoltin, 
quail ;  kokoxki,  sick  ;  kokoxke,  sick  (plural). 

2.  Derivatives  form  their  plural  as  follows  :    the  so-called 
"  reverentials "   in  tzintli,   have  the  plural  in   tzitzintin ;    the 
diminutives  in  tontli  form  the  plural  totontin,  and  the  dimin- 
utives in  ton  Siudpil,  augmentatives  in  pol  and  reverentials  in 


THE  CASES.  483 


tzin  double  the  final  syllable  ;  as,  tlakatzintli,  person ;  tlakatzi- 
tzintin,  persons,  etc. 

3.  Words  either  primitive  or  derived  into  which  the  posses- 
sive pronouns  enter,  form  the  plural  in  van  (kuan  according  to 
the  common  orthography) ;  as,  noichkavan,  my  sheep,  noichka- 
totonvan,  my  little  sheep. 

4.  The  words  tlakatl,  person  ;  zivatl,  woman  ;  terms  of  gen- 
tilitious  character  or  expressive  of  office  and  profession,  form 
their  plural  by  the  omission  of  the  final  letters,  as  Mexicatl,  a 
Mexican ;  Mexika,  Mexicans  ;  in  which  case  the  final  vowel  is 
accented. 

5.  Some  words  form  the  plural  by  omitting  the  terminals 
and  by  doubling  the  first  syllable,  while  others  double  the  first 
syllable  without  omitting  the  terminal ;    as,  teotl,  god  ;    teteo, 
gods  ;   zolin,  quail ;   zozoltin,  quails  ;  telpochtli  and  ichpocktti, 
double  the  syllable  po. 

6.  Some   adjectives   have  various  plurals,  as  miek,  much  ; 
whose  plural  is  miektin,  miekintin  or  miekin. 

In  most  cases  the  adjective  and  its  substantive  agree  in  num- 
ber. The  only  means  of  expressing  gender  is  by  adding  the 
words  okichtli,  male,  and  zivatl,  female. 

In  the  absence  of  a  regular  declension  the  cases  are  formed 
as  follows  :  The  genitive  is  indicated  by  the  possessive  pronoun 
or  by  the  juxtaposition  of  the  words,  the  dative  by  means  of 
verbs  called  applicatives,  the  accusative  by  certain  particles 
accompanying  the  verb  or  by  juxtaposition,  the  vocative  by 
adding  e  to  the  nominative  or  by  the  change  of  i  into  e  in  words 
ending  in  ill  or  li  and  the  in  into  e  in  words  ending  in  tzin. 

The  ablative  is  indicated  by  various  particles  and  prepositions. 
The  language  surpasses  the  Italian  in  the  number  of  its  augmen- 
tatives  and  diminutives.  The  former  take  the  syllable  pol,  the 
latter  tontli  and  ton.  The  Aztec  is  richer  in  verbal  nouns  than 
any  other  language.  Those  derived  from  active,  neuter,  passive, 
reflective  and  impersonal  verbs,  terminate  in  ni,  oni,  yd,  ia,  yan, 
kan  or  ian,  tli,  li,  liztli,  oka,  ka,  ki,  k,  i,  o,  tl. 


484 


CONJUGATIONS. 


TABLE  or  PRONOUNS. 


POSSESSIVES. 

No, 

Mine. 

Mo, 

Thine. 

I, 

His. 

To, 

Ours. 

Amo, 

Yours. 

In  or  im 

,    Theirs. 

Te, 

Of  or  belonging  to  others. 

PERSONALS. 
Nevatl,  neva,  ne,         I. 
Tevatl,  tern,  te,  Thou. 

Yevatl,  yeva,  ye,          He,  or  somebody. 
Tevantin,  teva,  We. 

Amevantin,  amevin,  You. 
Yevantin,  yevan,         They. 


"  The  possessives,"  says  Pimentel,  "  are  always  used  in  com- 
position, and  change  the  final  syllable  of  the  word  to  which  they 
are  joined  ;  as,  teotl,  God,  nofeuh,  my  God/'  etc.1 

The  modes  of  the  verb  are  :  the  indicative,  imperative,  opta- 
tive and  subjunctive.  The  indicative  has  the  following  tenses  : 
present,  imperfect,  perfect,  pluperfect,  future.  The  subjunctive 
has  one  tense  which  is  translated  by  the  imperfect. 

The  following  example  of  the  conjugation  is   given  from 

Pimentel : 

INDICATIVE. 

Present. 

Ni-chiva,     I  make.  T-i-c7iiva,      We  make. 

Ti-chiva,      Thou  makest.  An-chiva,    You  make. 


Chiva, 


He  makes. 


They  make. 


Chiva, 

Imperfect. 
Ni-chiva-ya,     I  made. 

Perfect. 
Oni-chi-uh,     I  have  made. 

Pluperfect. 
Oni-chi-uMa,    I  had  made. 

Future. 
Ni-chiva-z,     I  shall  make. 

IMPERATIVE. 

Present :    Ma  xi-chiva,     Make  thou. 
Future  :      Ma  ti-chiva-z,    Make  thou  presently. 


Quadro,  Leng.  Indig.,  torn,  i,  p.  183. 


THE  LORD'S  PRAYER  IN  AZTEC.  485 

OPTATIVE. 

Imperfect  :    Ma  ni-chiva-ni,   Would  that  I  should  make. 
Perfect  :         Ma  oni-chi-uh,     Would  that  I  have  made. 

SUBJUNCTIVE. 

Imperfect  :    Ni-cliiva-zkia,  or  )    mi    ,  T   ,      ,  , 

^   J  AT.    ,  .        ,  .  '        \   That  I  should  make. 


There  is  no  infinitive  in  the  conjugation,  it  being  expressed 
by  the  future  indicative.  Only  verbs  in  liztli  have  this  mode. 
The  passive  voice,  save  in  a  few  exceptional  cases,  is  formed  as 
follows  :  lo  is  added  to  the  present  indicative  of  the  active  voice. 
In  the  perfect  tense,  Tc  is  added  to  the  previously  affixed  o  in  the 
singular  and  ke  in  the  plural.  The  other  modes  and  tenses  form 
their  passive  voice  by  adding  to  the  present  indicative  passive 
their  own  final  termination,  as,  for  instance,  we  have  nichiva,  I 
make,  nichivalo,  I  am  made,  onichivalok,  I  was  made,  onichi- 
valoka,  that  I  should  be  made,  etc.  The  Aztec  contains  only 
six  irregular  verbs. 

THE  LORD'S  PRAYER  IN  AZTEC. 

Totatzine  in      ilvikak  timoyetztika  ma  yektenevalo  in  motokatzin 

Our  reverend  Father  who  heaven  in        art  be  praised       (  )   thy  name 

mavallauh  in  motlatokayotzin  ma  chivalo  in  tlaltikpak  in  motlanekilitzin  in 
may  come  (  )     thy  kingdom       be  done      (  )  earth  above  (  )         thy  will          (  ) 

yuh    chivalo    in     ilvikak.      In    totlaxkal     mo     moztlae  totech      moneki 
as     is  done    (  )    heaven  in.   (  )    our  bread  every     day        to  us    is  necessary 

ma  axkan  xitechmomakili,  ivan  ma  xitechmopopolvili  in  totlatlakol   in   yuh 
to-day  give  us  and  forgive  us  (  )      our  sins      (  )     as 

tikintlapopolvia     intechtlatlakalvia      ivan    makamo    xitechmomakavili    inik 
we  forgive      those  who  us  offend    and         not  lead  thou  us       that 

amo  ipan   tivetzizke   in  teneyeyekoltiliztli,    zanye  ma  xitechmomakixtili  in 
not      in        we  fall     (  )         temptation,  but  deliver  us  (  ) 

ivikpa   in  amo  kualli.1 
against  ()    not    good. 

1  It  will  be  observed  in  some  portions  of  this  abstract,  I  have  used  almost 
the  same  words  as  are  employed  by  Mr.  Bancroft.     This  is  owing  to  the  fact 


486  SUPPOSED  TRACES  OF  AZTEC  AT  THE  XORTH. 

Language  has  ever  been  an  important  factor  in  determining 
the  original  home  and  the  migrations  of  peoples.  With  this  view 
the  Aztec  has  received  the  attention  of  some  of  the  best  scholars 
of  both  continents.  The  most  prominent  results  merit  attention. 
The  Nahua  language  is  unquestionably  spoken  far  to  the  south, 
in  Guatemala,  Honduras  and  Nicaragua,  and  this  fact  has  been 
persistently  cited  as  conclusive  proof  of  the  southern  origin  of  the 
Nahuas  ;  but  even  Mr.  Bancroft,  the  most  eminent  of  the  advo- 
cates of  this  hypothesis,  admits  that  there  "  it  is  dialectic  rather 
than  aboriginal  in  appearance,  so  that  the  testimony  of  language 
is  all  in  favor  of  the  plateau  of  Anahuac  having  been  the  primal 
centre  of  the  Aztec  tongue." 1 

The  reports  of  several  of  the  adventurers  into  the  unex- 
plored north,  were  to  the  effect  that  the  aborigines  whom  they 
encountered  spoke  Aztec.  Father  Roque  of  Onate's  expedition 
into  New  Mexico  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and 
Father  Geronimo  de  Zarate  subsequently  at  the  Rio  del  Tizon, 
are  authority  for  the  most  positive  statements  that  the  Mexican 
was  encountered.  Mr.  Anderson,  a  companion  of  Captain  Cook  in 
1778,  discovered  the  Aztec  terminal  I  tl  or  z  of  frequent  occur- 
rence among  the  Nootkas  of  the  Northwest  coast.  With  this 
data  and  the  traditions  of  the  Aztecs,  which  all  point  to  the 
north  as  their  ancient  home,  sufficient  basis  was  found  for  a  gen- 
eral belief  that  the  Mexican  peoples  had  migrated  down  the  coast 
of  California  and  left  an  unbroken  linguistic  line  along  the  entire 
route  of  their  wanderings.  At  the  beginning  of  the  present 
century,  the  great  German  philologist,  Vater,  sought  to  establish 
this  line  by  his  extensive  investigations,  published  in  his  Mitliri- 
dates.2  Unfortunately  for  his  labors,  later  researches  have  shown ; 
his  generalizations  too  sweeping.  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt 
considered  the  Cora,  under  the  twenty-second  degree  of  latitude 

that  both  he  and  I  have  translated  certain  passages  literally  from  Senor  Pimen . 
tel,  from  whose  work  I  have  drawn  this  account  throughout.  See  Quadro, 
Lenguas  Indig.  de  Mex.,  torn,  i,  pp.  164-216 ;  Gallatin  in  Amer,  Ethnol.  Soc. 
Trails.,  vol.  i,  pp.  214-246  ;  Vater,  Mithridates,  vol.  iii,  pt.  iii,  pp.  85-106,  and 
Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  pp.  721-37. 

1  Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  p.  726. 

2  Mithridates,  torn,  iii,  pt.  iii,  pp.  75  et  seq. 


DR  BUSCHMANN'S  RESEARCHES.  487 

on  the  Kio  de  Santiago,  to  be  a  mixture  of  Aztec  and  some  older 
and  rougher  language.1  In  1855-59,  Dr.  Buschmann  of  Berlin 
issued  two  celebrated  works,2  in  which  the  subject  was  critically 
examined,  and  as  far  as  possible,  with  the  data  at  hand,  the  true 
proportion  of  Aztec  elements  entering  into  all  the  languages 
spoken  north  of  the  Mexican  plateau,  was  indicated.  The 
researches  were  systematically  made,  beginning  with  the  North 
Mexican  languages  and  proceeding  northward  in  the  supposed 
line  of  the  Aztec  migration.  In  four  languages  of  Northwestern 
Mexico  in  particular,  did  Dr.  Buschmann  find  the  conspicuous 
presence  of  Aztec  elements.  These  are  the  Cora  of  Jalisco, 
referred  to  above  ;  the  Tepehuana  of  northern  Sinaloa,  Durango 
and  southern  Chihuahua,  spoken  between  the  twenty-third  and 
twenty-seventh  parallels,  in  a  crescent-shaped  territory  the 
points  of  which  touch  the  Aztec  on  the  west,  intervening  be- 
tween it  and  the  Gulf  of  California  ;  the  Tarahumara,  spoken 
in  the  Sierra  Madre,  of  the  State  of  Chihuahua  and  Sonora, 
and  fourthly,  the  Cahita  occupying  the  east  coast  of  the  Gulf 
of  California  between  the  twenty-sixth  and  twenty-eighth  paral- 
lels. By  a  liberty  in  classification,  Buschmann  calls  this  group 
the  Sonora  family,  although  the  languages  are  entirely  different 
from  each  other,  with  the  exception  that  they  are  all  pervaded 
by  the  Aztec  element.  This  is  their  only  bond  of  union.  They 
contain  about  two  hundred  Aztec  words,  and  about  eight  hun- 
dred words  derived  from  the  Aztec  in  the  several  idioms.3  "  The 
Aztec  tl,  and  tli  in  the  Cora,  are  found  changed  in  ti,  te  and  t;  in 
the  Tepehuana  into  de,  re  and  sci;  in  the  Tarahumara  into  ki, 
ke,  ca  and  la,  and  in  the  Cahita,  into  ri.  In  all  four  of  the 
languages  substantive  endings  are  dropped,  first,  in  composition 
when  the  substantive  is  united  with  the  possessive  pronoun ; 
secondly,  before  an  affix  ;  thirdly,  in  the  Cora  alone,  before  the 
ending  of  the  plural  and  before  affixes  in  the  formation  of 

1  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  pp.  663-70,  our  authority  for  the  facts  stated 
on  p.  486.     See  his  sketch  of  the  theory  and  the  reaction  under  Buschmann. 

2  Die  Lautveranderung  AztekiscJier  Worter  in  der  Sonorischen  Sprachen. 
Berlin,  1855,  4to,  and  Die  Spuren  der  AztekiscJien  Sprachen.    Berlin,  1859,  4to. 

3  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  p.  663. 


488  BUSCHMANN'S  SONORA  FAMILY. 

words."1  Northeast  of  the  Tarahumara  and  reaching  to  the 
Eio  Grande  is  the  Cnocho,  and  directly  to  the  east  of  the  Cnocho, 
is  the  territory  of  the  Toboso,  also  bounded  on  the  north  by  the 
Bio  Grande.  It  is  uncertain  whether  the  Aztec  was  ever  .the 
language  of  these  large  districts,  though  testimony  is  not  want- 
ing that  it  was  understood  by  both  peoples.2  In  fact  throughout 
all  northern  Mexico,  the  Aztec  was  understood,  and,  in  some 
instances,  entered  prominently  into  the  languages  of  the  north- 
western tribes.  Grimm's  law  of  Lautveranderung ,  sound  chang- 
ing or  shifting,  is  as  conspicuous  in  its  application  to  the  Aztec- 
Sonora  family  of  Buschmann  as  it  is  to  the  members  of  the 
Aryan  family,  and  often  far  more  so.  Occupying  the  north- 
western extremity  of  Mexico  are  the  Pima-Alto  and  Bajo,  and 
the  Opata,  the  principal  dialect  of  the  latter  being  the  Eudeve. 
Here  again  the  Aztec  appears  both  in  the  identity  of  words  and 
the  similarity  of  grammatical  structure.  These  languages  are 
recognized  as  branches  of  the  Aztec-Sonora  family,  so  much  so 
that  Orozco  y  Berra  has  classified  them  together  under  the  name 
of  the  Opata-Tarahumar-Pima.  He  accounts  for  the  presence 
of  the  Aztec  element  upon  the  supposition  that  the  language  and 
civilization  of  Mexico  once  extended  over  this  region,  but  were 
subverted  and  displaced  by  the  incursions  of  northern  peoples 
toward  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century.3  Not  only  is  this 
probable,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  it  would  be  a  matter  of 
surprise  if  traces  of  the  Aztec  were  not  found  in  languages 
bordering  upon  so  vast  and  powerful  an  empire  as  that  of  Mon- 
tezurna.  Still  this  fact  alone  is  scarcely  sufficient  to  account  for 
the  prominence  of  the  Aztec  element  in  the  northern  languages, 
while  it  is  almost  totally  wanting  in  others  more  central  and 
southern.  Crossing  into  the  United  States  territory,  we  first 
encounter  the  Moqui  of  the  pueblo  towns  of  Arizona  ;  to  the 
west  in  southeastern  California,  we  meet  the  Cahuillo,  Cheme- 

1  Bancroft,   Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  pp.   667-8;  William  von  Humboldt  in 
Buschmann,  Spuren  der  Aztek.  Spr.  pp.  48-50 ;  Orozco  y  Berra,  Geografia,  p.  39. 

2  Buschmann,  Spuren  der  Aztek.  Spr.,  p.  172  ;  Orozco  y  Berra,  Geografia, 
pp.  324-5 ;  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  p.  714. 

3  Geografia,  pp.  53,  147-8. 


THE  MOQUI  AND  AZTEC.  439 

huevi,  Kizh,  Netela  and  Kechi  ;  'at  the  other  extreme  on  the 
east,  we  have  the  Comanche  of  New  Mexico  and  Texas,  while 
to  the  north,  in  Utah,  Nevada,  Idaho  and  Oregon,  we  have 
the  great  Shoshone  and  Utah  families.  But  why  group  these 
languages  in  such  a  wholesale  manner  ?  Is  it  because  of  inter- 
linguistic  affinities?  No.  Simply  because  of  the  Aztec  element 
(though  insignificant  it  is  true),  which  unquestionably  pervades 
them  all.1  Six  of  the  Moqui  towns  speak  the  language  which 
bears  their  name.  But,  strange  to  say,  Harno  the  Seventh  uses 
the  Tequa,  a  language  of  one  of  the  New  Mexican  Pueblos. 
The  Moqui  language  contains  much  that  is  Aztec,  and  because 
of  its  substantive  endings  in  pe  and  be,  etc.,  is  considered  by 
Buschmann  a  branch  of  ihis  Shoshone-Comanche  family  of 
the  Sonora  idiom.2  Coupling  this  fact  with  the  traditions  of 
the  Moquis  (see  pages  302-304)  descriptive  of  their  migra- 
tions from  the  North  under  the  pressure  of  the  hordes  of 
savages  who  deprived  them  of  their  cultivated  lands  and 
slaughtered  their  families,  we  are  at  a  loss  to  account  for  this 
infusion  of  Aztec  elements,  except  on  the  hypothesis  that  at  a 
remote  day  large  numbers  of  Nahuas  came  in  contact  with  the 
ancestors  of  this  people  in  their  ancient  home.  Equally  con- 
spicuous is  the  Aztec  element  in  south-east  California  lan- 
guages and  the  great  Shoshone  and  Utah  families,  which  occupy 
the  great  central  basin  and  stretch  away  into  Idaho  and  Oregon. 
Grimm's  law  of  sound-shifting  is  seen  in  their  adjective  and 

1  "  As  regards  this  Aztec  element,  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  these  languages 
are  related  to  the  Aztec  language  in  the  same  sense  that  other  languages  are 
spoken  of  as  being  related  to  each  other,  for  this  might  lead  those  who  are 
searching  for  the  former  habitation  or  fatherland  of  the  Aztecs,  to  suppose  that 
it  has  been  found.  This  element  consists  simply  in  a  number  of  words  identi- 
cal or  reasonably  approximate  to  the  like  Aztec  words,  and  in  the  similarity, 
perhaps,  of  a  few  grammatical  rules.  How  this  Aztec  word-material  crept  into 
the  languages  of  the  Shoshones,  whether  by  intercommunication,  or  Aztec 
colonization,  we  do  not  know.  Nor  do  I  wish  to  be  understood  as  attempting 
to  sustain  the  popular  theory  of  an  Aztec  migration  from  the  North ;  on  the 
contrary,  the  evidences  of  language  are  all  on  the  other  side." — Bancroft's 
Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  pp.  660-1 . 

9  Buschmann,  Spuren  der  Aztek.  Spr.,  p.  290 ;  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol. 
iii,  pp.  673-4. 


490  TRACES  OF  AZTEC  IN  OREGON. 

substantive  endings,  p,  pa,  pe,  pi,  be,  wa,  ph,  pee,  rp,  and  rpe. 
The  Shoshone  and  Utah  still  retain  ts,  tse,  and  tsi,  all  of  which 
are  but  variations  of  the  Aztec  tl,  tli,  according  to  the  law  above 
named.  Buschmann  pronounces  this  group  the  capstone  of  his 
Sonora  edifice.1  In  Western  Oregon,  from  the  source  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Willamette  Biver,  the  Yamkally  and  Calapooya 
languages  preserve  traces  of  the  Aztec  both  in  words  and  ter- 
minal sounds.2  The  same  is  even  more  evident  concerning  the 
Chinook,  of  the  lower  Columbia  River,  in  which  the  Aztec  till 
and  tl  is  a  regular  termination.3  Throughout  the  entire  region 
drained  by  the  Columbia  and  its  tributaries,  Dr.  Buschmann 
found  well-marked  Aztec  elements.  The  Clallum  and  Lummi 
languages  of  the  great  Salish  or  Flathead  family,  which  touches 
the  coast  opposite  Vancouver's  Island  and  extends  into. the  in- 
terior, have  the  tl  termination  and  other  phonetic  resemblances 
to  the  Aztec.4  Furthermore,  Mr.  Gibbs  has  discovered  that  the 
cardinals  employed  by  the  Clallam  and  Lummi  in  their  system 
of  enumeration  are  of  a  threefold  character,  and,  as  Mr.  Gallatin 
has  shown,  are  similar  to  those  of  the  Mexicans  and  Mayas.5 

1  Spuren  d^r  Aztek.  Spr.,  pp.  349-51,391,  648-52  et  seq.;  Bancroft,-  Native 
Races,  vol.  iii,  pp.  681-79,  comparative  table  compiled  from  Busclimann,  Turner, 
Molina,  Ortega,  and  others,  on  p.  678. 

2  Busclimann,  Spuren  der  Aztek.  Spr.,  p.  629,  and  Bancroft,  Native  Races, 
vol.  iii,  pp.  630-1. 

3  ".  The  Chinook  language  is  spoken  by  all  the  nations  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Columbia  to  the  Falls.     It  is  hard  and  difficult  to  pronounce  for  strangers,  being 
full  of  gutturals  like  the  Gaelic.     The  combinations  thl  or  tl  are  as  frequent  in 
the  Chinook  as  in  the  Mexican." — Franchere,  Narrative  of  a  Voy.  to  N.W.  Coast 
of  N.  Am.,  p.  262.    Swan,  speaking  of  the  Chinook,  says  :  "  The  peculiar  clucking 
sound  is  produced  by  pressing  the  tongue  against  the  roof  of  the  mouth,  and 
pronouncing  the  word  ending  with  tl  as  if  it  were  the  letter  k  at  the  end  of  the 
tl;  but  it  is  impossible  in, any  form  or  method  of  spelling  that  I  know  of,  to 
convey  the  proper  guttural  clucking  sound.     Sometimes  they  will,  as  if  for 
amusement,  end  all  their  words  in  tl;  and  the  effect  is  ludicrous  to  hear  three 
or  four  talking  at  the  same  time  with  this  singular  sound,  like  so  many  sitting- 
hens."— North  West  Coast,  p.  315. 

4  Buschmann,  Spuren  der  Aztek.  Spr.,  pp.  628-9 ;  Bancroft,  Native  Races, 
vol.  iii,  p.  619. 

5  Gibbs'  Alphabetical  Vocab.  of  Clallam  and  Lummi  Lang.,  p.  6  ;  Gallatin, 
in  Trans.  Am.  Eth.  Soc.,  vol.  i,  p.  54. 


BUSCHMANN  ON  THE  VANCOUVER  LANGUAGES.  491 

Whether  the  Aztec  is  represented  in  the  language  of  the 
Nootkas  on  Vancouver's  Island  is  uncertain.  Certainly  strong 
marks  of  similarity  are  observable.  Buschmann,  while  admitting 
the  existence  of  resemblances,  thinks  that  hardly  enough  of  them 
exist  to  warrant  relationship.1  The  inquiry  naturally  arises, 
how  came  this  Aztec  element  which,  three  and  a  half  centuries 

1  Buschmann,  Die  Volker  und  Sprachen  Neu- Mexico's,  p.  370,  calls  attention 
to  the  great  resemblance  of 

Aztec  Nutka. 

tepuztli  =  copper  =  chipuz 
tetl         =  stone     =  tenetschok 

and  adds  that  Esquiates  the  name  of  a  society  is  entirely  Mexican.    We  append 
the  result  of  his  investigations  : 

"Von  ahnlicher  Art,  gleich  den  Spanish  gemodelten  Gestalten  Mexicani- 
ssher  Worter,  sind  viele  Nutka-Worter  der  Spanischen  Sammlung :  nur  mit 
dem  Unterschiede,  dass  sie  auf  keinar  vorhandenen  mexicanischen  Worten 
beruhen  (da  zufallig  diese  Buchstaben-combinationem  in  der  Azt.  Sprache  nicht 
vorkommen,  aber  ihren  Wesen  nach  recht  gut  vorkommen  konnten).  Solche 
Worter  sind :  iztocoti  =  Muschel  (dazu  Eigenname  iztocoti  No.  923) ;  mojati  = 
jagd  (caza),  mamati  =  Hof,  muztati  =  Regenbogen  :  cucustlati  —  Nasenloch, 
natlagcazte  =  Rippen ;  otniquit  =  Jungfrau ;  mamatle  —  Schiff;  oumatie  = 
Leib ;  aguequetle  =Hunger ;  capitzitle  =  Dieb ;  tahecMile  =  larga  :  temextixitle 
=  Kuss ;  cuachitle  =  reisen  ;  cuchitle  =  pincher ;  meyali  =  Schmerz.  Es 
giebt  noch  eine  hohere  Gattung  von  Nutka-Wortern  (der  Span.  Reise),  wetche 
(besonders  durch  die  Aechtheit  ihrer  Endung  von  der  vorigen  verschieden) 
ganz  und  gar  wie  mexicanische  Worter  aussehen,  und  (so  weit  sie  substantiva 
sind)  mexicanische  sein  wurden,  wenn  es  der  Sprache  beliebt  hatte  diese 
bestimmten  Lautgestalten  zu  bilden  :  inapatl  =  Rucken ;  tlexatl  —  Matte ; 
tzahuacatl  =  9  ;  chamieJitl  =  Iris ;  naguatzitl  =  Zwerg ;  naschitl  =  Tag ; 
jacamitl  —  viereckig  ;  huatzacchitl  =  Husten  ;  nectzitl  =  trinken  ;  pugxitl  = 
heben :  cocotl  =  Seeotter ;  amanuti  =  espinilla ;  apactzutl  =  Bart ;  ictlatzutl 
=  Mund  ;  iniyutl  =  Kehle  ;  jayutl  =  Fluth  ;  tlatlacastzeme  =  Blatter  (wie  ein 
Mex.  Plural  in  me) ;  coyactzae  =  Fuchsbalg.  Noch  mehr  Worter  finden  sich, 
wenn  man  fiir  die  Mex.  Sprache  unnaturliche  und  zu  harte  Consonanten — 
Verbindungen  ubersieht.  Diese  letze  ho'here  Gattung  vorzuglich,  doch  auch 
die  erstere  meint  Alexander  von  Humboldt  in  der  obigen  Stelle  (S.  363).  So 
gawinnet  die  Nutka-Sprache  durch  eine  reiche  Zahl  von  Wortern  und  durch 
grosse  Ziige  ihres  Lautwesens,  einzig  von  alien  anderen  fremden,  die  ich  habe 
aufdecken  konnen,  in  einem  bedeutenden  Theile  eine  tauschende  Aehnlichkeit 
mit  der  Azteckischen  oder  Mexicanischen ;  und  so  wird  die  ihr  schon  friiher 
gewidmete  Aufmerksamkeit  vollstandig  gerechtfertigt.  Ihrer  Mexicanischen 
Erscheinrung  fehlt  aber,  wie  ich  von  meiner  Seite  hier  auspreche  jede  Wirk- 
lichkeit." — Ibid,  p.  371. 


492      NAHUA  THE  LANGUAGE   OF   THE   MOUND-BUILDERS. 

after  the  overthrow  of  the  Aztec  empire,  we  observe  in  faint, 
though  unbroken  lines  running  from  the  centre  of  Mexico  to  the 
vicinity  of  Vancouver's  Island  to  find  its  way  into  a  multitude 
of  languages,  some  of  which  are  separated  from  others  by  a  vast 
region  more  than  two  thousand  miles  in  width  ?  How  did  it 
come  to  be  the  only  bond  of  union  between  so  many  languages 
in  all  other  respects  so  dissimilar  ?  It  has  been  suggested  that 
this  wide-spread  dissemination  of  the  Aztec  is  owing  to  the  trade 
probably  carried  on  between  Mexico  and  the  North.  However, 
this  is  merely  conjecture  and  is  incapable  of  proof.  It  will  be 
observed  that  the  linguistic  line  is  faintest  in  the  central  basin 
among  the  Shoshones  and  Utahs,  where  the  relationship  is  estab- 
lished mainly  by  the  sound-shifting  of  the  terminals  according  to 
Grimm's  law,  but  in  the  languages  of  the  Columbia  Eiver  and 
its  tributaries,  and  especially  of  the  Salish  or  Flathead  family 
bordering  on  the  strait  of  Juan  de  Fuca,  the  Aztec  terminal  is 
actually  present  and  in  constant  use.  The  most  critical  re- 
searches have  established  this  as  an  incontestable  fact.  In  this 
connection  it  is  worthy  of  note  (as  shown  in  our  first  chapter) 
that  the  works  of  the  Mound-builders  abound  in  this  region 
in  great  numbers,  extending  into  the  interior,  appearing  upon 
the  upper  Missouri  and  its  tributaries,  and  continuing  to  the 
Mississippi  Valley  and  thence  into  Mexico  instead  of  following 
the  coast  or  the  central  basin  at  the  west.  Whether  the  Nahua 
was  the  language  of  the  Mound-builders  of  the  United  States,  we 
are  unable  to  determine,  but  the  probabilities  that  it  was  are  con- 
siderable ;  because  (1)  the  people  of  the  mounds  built  structures 
similar  to  those  which  prevail  all  over  Mexico,  though  in  a  less 
degree  of  perfection ;  (2)  they  carried  obsidian  from  Mexico  to 
the  North  Mississippi  Valley,  showing  both  regions  to  have 
enjoyed  intimate  commercial  relations.  This  is  no  evidence  that 
the  Mound-builders  were  colonists  sent  out  from  Mexico,  since 
it  is  improbable  that  colonists  would  have  penetrated  into  the 
extreme  North-west  by  way  of  the  Missouri  Eiver.  Further- 
more we  have  the  valuable  argument  of  Baron  von  Hellwald 
made  at  the  Luxembourg  session  of  the  Congres  International 
de  Americanistes  in  favor  of  a  migration  from  north  to  south,  in 


THE  ANCIENT  NAHUA.  493 

his  reply  to  Mr.  Kobert  S.  Kobertson's  paper  on  "  the  Mound- 
builders/'  namely,  that  no  evidence  exists  of  the  Mexicans  or 
Central  Americans  having  worked  copper  mines  anterior  to  the 
conquest ;  hence  it  follows  that  since  copper  was  employed  by 
both  Mexicans  and  Mound-builders,  it  must  have  been  carried 
southward  by  the  latter.1  (3)  We  have  testimony  of  the  early 
writers  that  the  Nahuas  came  from  the  North-east ;  Sahagun 
says  from  the  direction  of  Florida,  which  then  embraced  the 
Mississippi  Valley.  (4)  We  have  the  statements  of  Acosta  and 
Sahagun  that  the  Apalaches  occupying  the  region  east  of  the 
Mississippi  extended  their  colonies  far  into  Mexico.  According 
to  Acosta  the  Mexicans  called  them  Apalaches,  Tlautuics  or 
Mountaineers.  "  Sahagun  speaking  of  them  says  :  '  They  are 
Nahuas  and  speak  the  Mexican  language/  This  is  by  no  means 
improbable,  as  the  Aztec  is  found  eastward  in  the  present  states 
of  Tamaulipas  and  Coahuila,  and  thence  the  distance  to  the 
Mississippi  is  not  so  far." 2  In  their  search  for  the  Aztec  element 
in  the  North,  every  investigator — Buschmann  among  the  rest — 
has  made  a  great  oversight.  They  have  expected  to  find  resem- 
blances to  the  Aztec  as  it  was  spoken  at  the  time  of  the  con- 
quest after  centuries  of  culture  had  been  bestowed  upon  it  in 
the  schools  of  Mexico  and  Tezcuco.  It  appears  never  to  have 
occurred  to  these  scholars,  that  if  Mexican  similarities  exist  at 
the  North  they  are  with  the  ancient  form  of  the  Nahua,  which 
Orozco  y  Berra  tells  us  "differs  as  much  from  the  modern  Nahua 
or  Aztec  as  the  Spanish  of  the  Komance  of  the  Cid  from  the 
Spanish  of  to-day,"  or  coming  nearer  home,  we  may  say  that  it 
probably  differed  as  much  as  the  Anglo-Saxon  of  King  Alfred 
and  the  English  of  the  present.  The  linguistic  researches 
referred  to  have  certainly  been  made  over  a  wide  chasm  of  time 
and  change,  as  viewed  in  this  light,  and  when  we  consider  the 
instability  of  language  in  America,  the  wonder  is  that  any 


1  Compte-Rendu  Seconde  Ses.  Cong.  Interned,  de  Americanistes,  Luxembourg, 
vol.  i,  pp.  51-2. 

2  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  vol.  iii,  p.  727.     Acosta,  Hist.  Nat.  Ind.,  p.  600. 
Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii,  lib.  ix,  cap.  9. 


494  OTOMI  AND  CHINESE  COMPARED. 

Nahua  traces  exist  at  the  North-west  at  this  late  date.1  This 
phenomenon  can  only  be  accounted  for  on  the  supposition  that, 
at  a  remote  period,  large  numbers  of  Nahua-speaking  people 
resided  for  a  considerable  length  of  time  in  those  regions.  The 
presence  of  the  mounds  in  such  numbers  in  Washington  and  the 
British  possessions  north  of  it,  leads  to  this  view,  provided  it  can 
be  established  that  the  Mound-builders  were  Nahuas.  The  fact 
that  the  line  of  mounds  is  toward  the  interior  precludes  the 
expectation  that  the  Nahua  is  to  be  found  prominently  present 
west  of  the  Kocky  Mountains.  It  is  plausible  to  consider  the 
Moquis  a  branch  from  the  Nahuas,  separating  from  them  at  an 
early  day  and  establishing  themselves  in  Southern  Oregon  and 
Utah,  whence,  according  to  their  tradition,  they  were  driven  by 
the  Utes.  In  the  course  of  time,  their  language,  which  contains 
a  Nahua  element,  may  have  become  changed  and  lost  much  of 
its  original  character.  To  their  residence,  migration,  and  the 
possible  captivity  of  many  of  their  number,  the  traces  of  Aztec 
found  in  the  Shoshone  and  Utah  tongues  may  be  due. 

Analogies  between  the  Nahua  and  all  the  other  languages  of 
the  world  have  been  assiduously  sought  for,  and  supposed  affilia- 
tions advocated  by  theorists,  but  in  the  present  unsatisfactory 
state  of  philological  science  it  would  be  presumptuous  for  us  to 
pretend  that  any  claim  for  linguistic  analogies  with  the  old  world 
could  be  sustained.  There  is  no  doubt  that  strong  analogies 
are  observable  between  the  Otomi  and  the  Chinese.  Senor 
Najera,  to  whom  the  former  is  vernacular,  has  appended  to  his 
excellent  grammar  of  the  Otomi  a  comparative  table  of  Chinese 
and  Otomi  words,  which  while  it  shows  strong  resemblances,  is 
not  sufficient  in  itself  to  establish  relationship.2 

1  "  To  show  how  languages  spring  up  and  grow,  Vancouver,  when  visiting 
the  coast  in  1792,  found  in  various  places  along  the  shores  of  Oregon,  Washing- 
ton and  Vancouver's  Island,  nations  that  now  and  then  understood  words  and 
sentences  of  the  Nootka  and  other  tongues,  some  of  which  had  been  adopted 
into  their  own  language.     When  Lewis  and  Clarke,  in  1806,  reached  the  coast, 
the  jargon  [Chinook]  seems  to  have  already  assumed  a  fixed  shape,  as  may  be 
seen  from  the  sentences  quoted  by  the  explorers." — Bancroft's  Native  Races, 
vol.  iii,  p.  632. 

2  I  append  a  partial  list  from  Senor  Najera's  Disertacion  sobre  la  lengua 


MONOSYLLABISM. 


495 


Warden  has  treated  the  grammatical  resemblances,  which 
in  many  respects  are  striking.1  It  is  one  of  the  most  singular 
phenomena  met  with  in  the  whole  range  of  ethnography  and 
philology,  that  a  monosyllabic  language  should  be  found  in  the 
very  heart  of  Mexico  surrounded  by  the  most  remarkable  poly- 
syllabism  in  the  world,  touching  the  capital  on  the  south-east 
and  extending  north-west  into  San  Luis  Potosi  and  over  portions 
of  Queretaro  and  Guanajuato.  It  is  no  doubt  a  language  of 
great  antiquity,  and  whether  Chinese  in  origin  is  not  fully 
determined.2  Numerous  claims  have  been  set  forth  that  some 
of  the  Californian  languages  bear  a  striking  resemblance  to  the 
Chinese,  and  that  Indians  and  Chinese  in  some  cases  have  found 
so  much  in  common  in  their  respective  languages  as  to  be  able 
to  hold  conversations  with  each  other.  These  claims  have  in 
most  instances  been  supported  by  persons  having  little  knowl- 

Othomi,  Mexico,   1845,  fol.,  pp.  87-8.     I  have  rendered  the  Spanish  list  into 
English. 


Chinese. 

Othomi. 

English. 

Chinese. 

Othomi. 

English. 

Cho. 

To. 

The,  that. 

Pa. 

Da. 

To  give. 

Y. 

N-y. 

A  wound. 

Tsun. 

Nsu. 

Honor. 

Ten. 

Gu,  Mu. 

Head. 

Hu. 

Hmu. 

Sir,  Lord. 

Siao. 

Sui. 

Night. 

Na. 

Na. 

That. 

Tien. 

Tsi. 

Tooth. 

Hu. 

He. 

Cold. 

Ye. 

Yo. 

Shining. 

Ye. 

He. 

And. 

Ky. 

Hy  (ji). 

Happiness. 

Hoa. 

Hia. 

Word. 

Ku. 

Du. 

Death. 

Nugo. 

Nga. 

I. 

Po. 

Yo. 

No. 

Ni. 

Nuy. 

Thou. 

Na. 

Ta. 

Man. 

Hao. 

Nho. 

The  good. 

Nin. 

Nsu. 

Female. 

Ta. 

Da. 

The  great. 

Tseu, 

Tsi,  Ti. 

Son. 

Li. 

Ti. 

Gain. 

Tso. 

Tsa. 

To  perfect. 

Ho. 

To. 

Who. 

uan. 

Khuani. 

True. 

Pa. 

Pa. 

To  leave. 

Siao, 

Sa. 

To  mock. 

Mu,  Mo. 

Me. 

Mother. 

1  Warden,  in  Antiquities  Mexicains,  torn,  ii,  div.  ii,  pp.  125  et  seq.    The  same 
author  has  furnished  many  linguistic  analogies,  though  without  following  any 
scientific  classification.     Ampere,  Promenade  en  Amerique,  vol.  ii,  p.  301,  fur- 
nishes a  list  of  Chinese  and  Otomi  resemblances. 

2  Orozco  y  Berra,  Geografia,  p.  17.     Pimentel,  Leng.  Indig.  de  Hex.,  torn,  i, 
p.  118.     Bancroft,  vol.  iii,  p.  737.    Vater,  Mithridates,  torn,  iii,  pt.  iii,  p.  113. 
Malte-Brun  (V.  S.),  in  Congres  de  Americanistes,  de  Luxembourg,  Seconde  Sea., 
torn,  ii,  pp.  16-18. 


496 


JAPANESE  ANALOGIES. 


edge  of  the  principles  of  philology,  and  who  are  scarcely  aware  of 
the  difficulty  of  comparing  two  monosyllabic  languages  in  which 
the  finest  shade  of  pronunciation  carries  with  it  the  greatest 
significance.1  Japanese  claims  have  been  urged  with  some  rea- 
son by  ethnologists  no  less  eminent  than  Latham,  who  is  confi- 
dent that  the  "Kamskadale,  Koriak,  Aino-Japanese  and  the 
Korean  are  the  Asiatic  languages  most  like  those  of  America."2 
Comparisons  of  the  Indian  languages  with  those  of  the  old 
world  have  often  been  made,  most  frequently  in  a  haphazard 
manner  and  to  little  purpose.  Kecently,  however,  Herr  Forch- 
hammer  of  Leipzig  published  a  truly  scientific  comparison  of 
the  grammatical  structure  of  the  Choctaw,  Chickasaw,  Musko- 
gee  and  Seminole  languages,  with  the  Ural-Altaic  tongues,  in 

1  "  In  1857,  a  gentleman  named  Henley,  a  good  Chinese  scholar,  who  acted 
as  an  interpreter  of  this  state  for  some  time,  published  a  list  of  words  in  the 
Chinese  and  Indian  languages  to  show  that  they  were  of  the  same  origin. 
From  this  we  make  an  extract  supporting  our  remarks : 

Indian. 
Naug-a, 
Yi-soo, 
Keoka, 
Aek-a-soo, 
Yuet-a, 
Yeeta, 
Utyta, 
Lee-lum, 
Ho-ya-pa, 

We  have  no  means  at  hand  of  testing  the  following  statement  from  the  same 
author:  "The  Chinese,  who  have  become  so  numerous  in  California  since  the 
discovery  of  gold,  bear  a  striking  resemblance  to  the  Indians,  and  are  known  to 
be  able  to  converse  with  them  in  their  respective  languages  to  an  extent  that 
cannot  be  the  result  of  mere  coincidence  of  expression." — Cronaise,  The  Natural 
Wealth  of  California,  p.  31.  Probably  a  mistake. 

2  "  Unhesitatingly  as  I  make  this  assertion — an  assertion  for  which  I  have 
numerous  tabulated  vocabularies  as  proof— I  am  by  no  means  prepared  to  say 
that  one-tenth  part  of  the  necessary  work  has  been  done  for  the  parts  in  ques- 
tion ;  indeed,  it  is  my  impression  that  it  is  easier  to  connect  America  with  the 
Kuirle  Isles  and  Japan,  etc.,  than  it  is  to  make  Japan  and  the  Kuirle  Isles,  etc., 
Asiatic." — Latham,  Man  and  His  Migrations,  pp.  195-6.    Barton,  New  Views, 
is  certain  that  the  languages  of  America  originated  in  Asia ;  see  pp.  Ixxxviii- 
xcii.     On  p.  28  of  Appendix  he  furnishes  a  comparative  list  of  Japanese  and 
Indian  words. 


Chinese, 

English. 

Indian. 

Chinese. 

English. 

Nang, 

Man. 

A-pa, 

A-pa, 

Father. 

Soa, 

Hand. 

A-ma, 

A-ma, 

Mother. 

Keok, 

Foot. 

Ko-le, 

A-ko, 

Brother. 

Soo, 

Beard. 

Ko-chae, 

To-chae, 

Thanks. 

Yuet, 

Moon. 

Nagam, 

Yam, 

Drunk. 

Yat, 

Sun. 

Koolae, 

Ku-kay, 

Her. 

Hoto, 

Much. 

Koo-chue, 

Chue-koo, 

Hog. 

Ee-lung, 

Deafness. 

Chookoo, 

Kow-chi, 

Dog." 

Ho-ah, 

Good. 

ANALOGIES  IN  GEOGRAPHICAL  NAMES.  497 

which  he  has  developed  many  interesting  points  of  resemblance.1 
Prof.  Yalentini  has  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  Ptolemy 
(Geography,  Asia  Minor,  Chapter  X,  Armenia  Major)  gives  in  his 
list  of  cities  belonging  to  the  Koman  province  in  his  time  (A.  D. 
140),  the  names  of  five  cities  situated  in  the  region  of  the  historic 
Ararat,  which  have  nearly  their  counterpart  in  five  proper  names 
applied  to  localities  in  Mexico  by  its  ancient  colonists.  The  cities 
of  Armenia  Major,  according  to  Ptolemy,  are  :  Choi,  Colua, 
Zuivana,  Cholima,  Zalissa.  "  The  first  name  Choi  is  contained 
in  Cholula;  the  second,  Colua,  in  Coluacan;  the  third,  Zuivana, 
in  Zuivan,  which  is  the  ancient  name  of  the  Yucatanic  province 
of  Bacalab  (see  Perez  in  Stephens'  Yucatan,  Appendix,  vol.  ii, 
Chronology  of  Yucatan).  Cholima  is  to-day  written  Colima, 
Zalissa  is  contained  in  Xalisco,  the  Spanish  x  sounding  in  the 
Nahua  language  like  the  English  sh"  2  Generally  we  have  been 
disposed  to  pronounce  all  such  coincidences  accidental,  as  most 
of  them  certainly  are.  In  this  case  we  leave  the  decision  to  the 
reader.  In  this  chapter  we  have  noticed  two  prominent  families 
of  languages,  (1)  the  Maya-Quiche,  having  such  transatlantic 
affinities  as  to  furnish  presumptive  evidence  that  if  it  did  not 
originate  from,  it  was  at  least  influenced  by  the  West  European 
or  African  languages.  (2)  The  great  Nahua  family,  which  lin- 
guistic researches,  together  with  the  circumstantial  evidence 
furnished  by  architectural  remains,  commercial  intercourse  and 
the  testimony  of  early  writers,  assign  to  at  least  a  temporary 
occupancy  of  the  Columbian  region  on  the  North-west  coast. 
Concede  this  fact,  and  you  must  look  elsewhere,  possibly  to  the 
opposite  continent,  for  the  early  beginnings  of  a  language  so 
ancient  and  polished. 

While  the  proof  is  not  conclusive,  yet  we  think  it  is  pre- 
sumptive that  both  of  these  families,  as  well  as  some  other 
American  languages,  are  of  old  world  origin. 

1  Vergleichung  der  Amerikanischen  Sprachen  mit  den  Ural-Altaischen  liin- 
sichtlich  ihrer  Grammatik.     (Congres  des  Americanistes,  Luxembourg,  1877, 
torn,  ii,  p.  56  et  seq.)    Also  see  E.  L.  O.  Roehrig  "  On  the  Language  of  the  Dakota 
or  Sioux  Indians,"  Smithsonian  Report,  1872. 

2  Prof.  Valentini's  communication  to  the  author. 

32 


CHAPTER    XI. 

THE  PROBABILITIES  THAT  AMERICA  WAS  PEOPLED  FROM  THE 
OLD  WORLD,  CONSIDERED  GEOGRAPHICALLY  AND  PHYSI- 
CALLY. 

Legends  of  Atlantis — Brasseurde  Bourbourg's  Theory — The  Subject  Examined 
Scientifically  —  Retzius'  View — Le  Plongeon's  Observations  —  Identity  of 
European  and  American  Plant  Types — Revelations  of  the  Dolphin  and 
Challenger  Expeditions— The  Atlantic  Floor — Challenger  and  Dolphin 
Ridges  —  Challenger  Plateau  probably  once  Dry  Land  —  Identity  of 
European  and  South  American  Fauna — Elevation  and  Depression  of  Coast 
Level  of  Greenland,  United  States,  and  South  America — Gulf- Stream — 
Equatorial  Current — The  Trade- Winds — Accidental  Discovery  of  Brazil — 
America  Probably  Reached  by  Ancient  Navigators — The  Caras— Atolls  of 
the  Pacific  Ocean — A  Pacific  Continent — Contiguity  of  the  Continents  at 
the  North  —  Aleutian  Islands— Kuro-Suvo — Behring's  Straits — Inviting 
Appearance  of  the  American  Shore — Remoteness  of  the  Migration — Prof. 
Grote's  View — Prof.  Asa  Gray's  Observations — Conditions  Favorable  to  a 
Migration — John  H.  Becker's  Observations. 

~T  Y7~E  have  observed  that  traditional  and  linguistic  evidence 
VV  seems  to  point  to  a  trans -Atlantic  origin  for  some  of  the 
American  peoples.  In  a  preceding  chapter  (iii),  we  quoted  the 
story  of  the  Platonic  Atlantis,  as  recorded  in  the  Critias,  and 
alluded  to  the  advocacy  by  the  Abbe  Brasseur  cle  Bourbourg  of 
the  hypothesis  that  the  submerged  continent  of  Egyptian  tradi- 
tion was  a  reality.  In  support  of  this  view,  the  Abbe  has  cited 
the  opinions  of  geologists  and  the  remarkable  traditions  preserved 
by  the  Central  Americans,  the  Mexicans,  and  the  Haytians, 
concerning  the  earthquakes  and  volcanic  eruptions  which  sub- 
merged beneath  the  ocean  a  continent,  of  which  the  Antilles  are 
but  its  mountain  summits.  Attach  as  little  importance  as  we 
may  to  these  ancient  legends,  which  no  doubt  refer  to  some 
extraordinary  cataclysm,  the  memory  of  which  was  preserved 


LEGENDS  OF  ATLANTIS.  499 

for  ages  by  periodic  feasts  and  religious  celebrations,1  in  which 
the  gods  were  besought  by  princes  and  people  for  security 
against  a  similar  calamity,  still  our  minds  naturally  associate 
them  with  the  story  of  the  Platonic  Atlantis.2 

1  Brasseur,  in  Landa's  Relation,  p.  xxi,  and  Popol  Vuh,  chap.  iii.     Brasseur, 
in  Quatre  Lettres,  p. 24,  speaking  of  the  Codex  Ckimalpopoca,  says:  "Oui,  Mon- 
sieur, si  ce  livre  est  en  apparence  1'histoire  des  Tolteques  et  ensuite  des  rois  des 
Collmacan  et  de  Mexico,  il  presente,  en  realite,  le  recit  du  cataclysnie  que  boule- 
versa  le  monde,  il  y  a  quelques  six  on  sept  mille  ans,  et  constitua  le  continents 
dans  leur  etat  actuel,"  pp.  40-41.     He  expresses  his  belief  that  the  Cod.  Chim. 
has  a  double  meaning,  and  that  many  names  and  symbols  possessed  by  the 
natives  refer  to  the  cataclysm  which  occurred  six  or  seven  thousand  years 
ago.    "  C'est  le  recit  de  ces  bouleversements,  c'est  1'histoire  du  cataclysme,  dont 
tous  les  peuples  ont  garde  la  memoire,  que  recontent  tous  mes  documents." 

2  The  following  are  the  legends,  according  to  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg:  "Ac- 
cording to  the  tradition  of  the  Sacred  Book  (Popol  Vuh),  water  and  fire  con- 
tributed to  the  universal  ruin,  at  the  time  of  the  last  cataclysm  which  preceded 
the  fourth  creation.     '  Then,'  says  the  author,  '  the  waters  were  agitated  by  the 
will  of  the  Heart  of  Heaven,  and  a  great  inundation  came  upon  the  heads  of 
these  creatures.    *     *      *    They  were  engulfed,   and  a  resinous  thickness 
descended  from  heaven.      *      *      *      The  face  of   the  earth  was  obscured 
and  a  heavy  darkening  rain   commenced,   rain  by  day  and  rain  by  night. 
*    *     *    There  was  heard  a  great  noise  above  their  heads  as  if  produced  by 
fire.     Then  were  men  seen  running,  pushing  each  other,  filled  with  despair; 
they  wished  to  climb  upon  their  houses,  and  the  houses  tumbling  down  fell  to 
the  ground ;  they  wished  to  climb  upon  the  trees,  and  the  trees  shook  them 
off;  they  wished  to  enter  into  the  grottoes,  and  the  grottoes  closed  themselves 
before  them.'    In  the  Codex  Chimalpopoca,  the  author,  speaking  of  the  destruc- 
tion which  took  place  by  fire,  says  :  '  The  third  sun  is  called  Quia-Tonatiuft,  sun 
of  rain,  because  there  fell  a  rain  of  fire  ;  all  which  existed  burned,  and  there  fell 
a  rain  of  gravel.'     They  also  narrate  that  whilst  the  sandstone  which  we  now 
see  scattered  about,  and  the  tetzontli  (amygdaloide  poreuse)  boiled  with  great 
tumult,  there  also  rose  the  racks  of  vermillion  color.     Now  this  was  in  the  year 
Ce  Tecpactl,  One  Flint,  it  was  the  day  Nahui-Quiahuitl,  Fourth  Rain.     Now,  in 
this  day,  in  which  men  were  lost  and  destroyed  in  a  rain  of  fire,  they  were  trans- 
formed into  goslings ;  the  sun  itself  was  on  fire,  and  everything,  together  with 
the  houses,  was  consumed."    Brasseur  recounts  a  Haytian  legend  concerning  the 
origin  of  the  sea  and  isles :    "  There  was,  they  say,  a  powerful  man  called  laia, 
who,  having  murdered  his  only  son,  wished  to  bury  him ;  but  not  knowing 
where  to  put  him,  enclosed  him  in  a  calabash,  which  he  placed  afterwards  at 
the  foot  of  a  high  mountain,  situated  a  little  distance  from  the  place  where  he 
lived ;  on  account  of  his  affection  for  his  son  he  often  went  to  the  spot.     One 
day,  having  opened  it  (the  calabash),  there  came  out  whales  and  other  very 
large  fishes,  of  which  laia,  full  of  fear,  having  returned  home,  told  his  neighbors 


500  BRASSEUR  DE  BOURBOURGPS   THEORY. 

Until  recently  the  mere  expression  of  belief  in  the  former 
existence  of  an  Atlantic  continent  has  been  the  signal  for  criti- 
cism, and  has  called  forth  the  smile  of  pity,  if  not  of  contempt. 
Such,  however,  is  no  longer  true,  since  scientific  investigation, 
consisting  chiefly  in  deep-sea  soundings  and  the  study  of  the 
fauna  and  flora  of  the  opposite  shores  of  the  Atlantic,  call  for 
the  respectful  attention  of  all  who  are  interested  in  the  ancient 
history  of  this  continent.  Prominent  among  the  men  of  science 
who  have  expressed  confidence  in  this  hypothesis  is  Prof.  Andres 
Ketzius  of  Stockholm,  who  was  convinced  from  a  study  of  com- 
parative craniology,  that  the  primitive  dolichocephalic  skulls  of 
America,  especially  of  the  ancient  Caribs  of  the  Antilles,  were 
nearly  related  to  the  Guanches  of  the  Canary  Islands.1 

Dr.  Le  Plongeon  observed  that  the  sandals  upon  the  feet  of 
the  statue  of  Chaacmol,  discovered  at  Chichen-Itza,  and  of  the 
statue  of  a  priestess  found  on  the  island  of  Mugeres,  aare 

what  had  happened,  saying  that  this  calabash  was  filled  with  water  and  innu- 
merable fishes.  This  news  being  spread  abroad,  four  twin  brothers,  desiring  to 
obtain  fish,  went  to  the  place  where  the  calabash  was.  Just  as  they  had  taken 
it  in  their  hand  to  open  it,  laia  came,  and  they  seeing  him,  threw  the  calabash 
on  the  ground,  in  their  fear  of  him.  This  (the  calabash)  having  burst,  on 
account  of  the  great  weight  which  was  enclosed  in  it,  the  waters  gushed  forth, 
and  the  interminable  plain,  which  stretched  farther  than  the  eye  could  reach, 
was  flooded  and  covered  with  water.  The  mountains  alone,  because  of  their 
great  height,  were  not  submerged  in  this  great  inundation.  So  they  believed 
that  these  mountains  were  the  islands  and  the  other  divisions  of  the  earth 
which  we  see  in  the  world." — Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  in  Landa's  Relation, 
pp.  xxi-4v.  < 

1  "  With  regard  to  the  primitive  dolichocephalse  of  America,  I  entertain  an 
hypothesis  still  more  bold,  perhaps,  namely,  that  they  are  nearly  related  to  the 
Guanches  in  the  Canary  Islands  and  to  the  Atlantic  populations  of  Africa,  the 
Moors,  Tauricks,  Copts,  etc.,  which  Latham  comprises  under  the  name  of 
Egyptian- Atlantidae.  *  *  .*  We  find,  then,  one  and  the  same  form  of 
skull  in  the  Canary  Islands,  in  front  of  the  African  coast,  and  in  the  Carib- 
Islands,  on  the  opposite  coast  which  faces  Africa.  *  *  *  The  color  of  the 
skin  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic  is  represented  in  these  populations  as  being 
of  a  reddish-brown.  *  *  *  These  facts  involuntarily  recall  the  tradition 
which  Plato  tells  us  in  his  Timceus  was  communicated  to  Solan  by  an  Egyptian 
priest  respecting  the  ancient  Atlantis.  *  *  *  This  tradition  deserves 
attention  in  connection  with  facts  which  seem  to  point  in  the  same  direction." 
—Retzius,  in  Smithsonian  Report  for  1859,  p.  266. 


DR.  LE  PLONGEON'S  OBSERVATIONS.  5Q1 

exact  representations  of  those  found  on  the  feet  of  the  Guanclies, 
the  early  inhabitants  of  the  Canary  Islands,  whose  mummies 
are  yet  occasionally  met  with  in  the  caves  of  Teneriffe  and  the 
other  isles  of  the  group/'1  The  great  number  of  American 
plant-types  in  the  Miocene  flora  of  Switzerland,  led  Prof.  Unger 
to  espouse  the  view  that  a  continent  formerly  existed  in  the 
present  Atlantic  ocean.2  Professor  Heer,  the  celebrated  bota- 
nist of  Zurich,  for  the  same  reasons  promulgated  this  hypothesis, 
and  in  his  Flora  Tertiaria  Helvetice,  defines  the  location  of  the 
continent,  which  he  believes  to  have  been  as  wide  as  Europe.3 
In  opposition  to  this  view,  it  is  urged  by  Professors  Oliver  and 
Asa  Gray,  that  the  flora  of  America  and  Europe  are  united  by 
means  of  a  former  overland  communication  at  Behring's  Straits.4 
The  conformation  of  the  ocean-bed  is  the  next  matter  of  impor- 
tance in  examining  the  subject.  The  deep-sea  soundings  taken 
for  the  submarine  cable  between  Newfoundland  and  Ireland, 
led  to  the  impression  that  the  Atlantic  floor  was  comparatively  a 
level,  forming  but  one  great  trough  between  the  continents.  The 
United  States  exploring  ship  Dolphin,  however,  subsequently 
dispelled  this  illusion,  by  revealing  the  fact  that  a  great  sub- 
marine plateau  or  mountain  chain  which  has  been  denominated 
the  "  Dolphin  Rise,"  divided  the  North  Atlantic  into  two  longi- 
tudinal troughs  running  north  and  south.  This  is  described  as 
a  seal-shaped  ridge  with  its  tail  joining  a  connecting  ridge  at 
•the  south  in  15°  North  Lat.  and  45°  West  Long.,  while  its  body 
widens  as  it  runs  towards  the  north,  reaching  its  maximum 
width  under  the  forty-fifth  parallel,  and  finally  tapering  to  a 
narrow  isthmus  at  52°  North  Lat.  and  30°  West  Long.,  which 

1  Salisbury,  Dr.  Le  Plongeon  in  Yucatan,  pp.  57-61. 

2  Unger,  Die  Versunkene  Insel  Atlantis,  cited  by  Lyell,  Antiquity  of  Han, 
p.  440. 

3  Published  in  Winterthal,  1854-58,  3  bde.    Also  by  the  same  author,  see 
Urwelt  der  Schweiz,  Zurich,  1865,  and  ErganzungsUatter,  bd.  ii  (Hildburgh), 
1867.     See  Meyer's  Konversations-Lexicon,  3.  Aufl.,  bd.  viii,  p.  603 ;  bd.  ii, 
p.  125,  where  the  above  are  cited.    Dr.  Otto  Ule,  Die  Erde,  bd.  i,  p.  27,  concurs 
with  the  above ;  work  published  in  Leipzig,  1874,  2  vols.  large  8vo. 

4  See  Lyell,  Antiquity  of  Man,  p.  440,  and  Oliver,  Lecture  at  the  Royal 
Institution,  March  7, 18G2,  cited  by  Lyell. 


502  DEEP-SEA   SOUNDING  EXPEDITIONS. 

connects  the  ridge  with  the  great  northern  submarine  table- 
land.1 

This  work  was  prosecuted  further  by  the  German  frigate 
Gazelle,  and  by  H.  M.  ships  Lightning  and  Porcupine,  with  con- 
firmatory results.2  The  most  thorough  and  satisfactory  work 
of  this  character,  however,  was  performed  during  the  cruise  of 
H.  M.  ship  Challenger,  from  December  30,  1872,  until  May  24, 
1876,  inclusive.  Sir  C.  Wyville  Thomson,  the  director  of  the 
expedition,  in  his  excellent  work,  The  Atlantic,  has  contributed 
much  exact  information  relative  to  the  contour  of  the  sea-bed. 
The  frontispiece  to  his  second  volume  is  a  chart  illustrative  of 
the  relative  depths  of  different  localities  in  the  Atlantic  ocean. 
Almost  its  entire  length  from  north  to  south,  the  great  chain 
whose  loftiest  summits  tower  above  the  sea  in  the  Azores 
Islands,  St.  Paul's  Rocks,  Ascension  and  St.  Helena  Islands,  is 
indicated  by  a  white  irregular  belt  representing  a  depth  of  one 
thousand  fathoms,  but  shading  off  into  the  blue,  indicative  of 
the  depths  on  either  hand.  Professor  Thomson  says,  "Com- 
bining our  own  observations  with  reliable  data  which  have  been 
previously  or  subsequently  acquired,  we  find  the  mean  depth 
of  the  Atlantic  is  a  little  over  2000  fathoms.  An  elevated  ridge 
rising  to  an  average  height  of  about  1900  fathoms  below  the 
surface,  traverses  the  basin  of  the  North  and  South  Atlantic,  in 
a  meridional  direction  from  Cape  Farewell,  probably  as  far  south, 
at  least,  as  Gough  Island,  following  roughly  the  outlines  of  the 
coasts  of  the  old  and  new  worlds.  A  branch  of  this  elevation 
strikes  off  to  the  south-westward,  about  the  parallel  of  10° 
North,  and  connects  it  with  the  coast  of  South  America  at  Cape 
Orange  ;  and  another  branch  across  the  eastern  trough,  joining 
the  continent  of  Africa,  probably  about  the  parallel  of  25° 
South."3 


1  Sir  C.  Wyville  Thomson,  The  Atlantic  (voyage  of  the  Challenger),  vol.  i, 
pp.  190,  203,  213 ;  vol.  ii,  23,  232.     New  York,  1878.    Also  see  Scientific  Ameri- 
can for  July  28th,  1877. 

2  Depths  of  the  Sea,  by  Dr.  Carpenter,  F.R.S.,  J.  G.  Jeffreys,  F.R.S.,  and 
Dr.  Wyville  Thomson,  F.R.S.,  London,  1873. 

3  The  Atlantic,  Exploring  Voyage  of  H.  M.  8.  Challenger,  vol.  ii,  pp.  218-9. 


THE  "CHALLENGER  PLATEAU"  ONCE  DRY  LAND.    £Q3 

The  width  of  the  great  land  ridge  as  well  as  its  relation  to 
the  North.  Atlantic  islands  is  indicated  in  the  following  :  "  One 
of  the  most  remarkable  differences  between  the  Azores  and  Ber- 
muda is,  that  while  Bermuda  springs  up  an  isolated  peak  from 
a  great  depth,  the  Azores  seem  to  be  simply  the  highest  points 
of  a  great  plateau-like  elevation,  which  extends  for  upwards  of  a 
thousand  miles  from  west  to  east,  and  appears  to  be  continuous 
with  a  belt  of  shallow  water  stretching  to  Iceland  in  the  north 
and  connected  probably  with  the  c  Dolphin  Kise '  to  the  south- 
ward, a  plateau  which  in  fact  divides  the  North  Atlantic  longi- 
tudinally into  two  great  valleys,  an  eastern  and  a  western." 1  A 
member  of  the  Challenger  staff,  in  a  lecture  delivered  in  London 
soon  after  the  termination  of  the  expedition,  expressed  the 
fullest  confidence  that  the  great  submarine  plateau  is  the 
remains  of  the  "lost  Atlantis,"  citing  as  proof  the  fact  that 
the  inequalities,  the  mountains  and  valleys  of  its  surface,  could 
never  have  been  produced  in  accordance  with  any  laws  for  the 
deposition  of  sediment  nor  by  submarine  elevation,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  must  have  been  carved  by  agencies  acting  above  the 
water  level.2  The  volcanic  character  of  the  Azores  and  Philip- 
pines, together  with  the  prevalence  of  volcanic  deposits  found 
upon  the  entire  ridge  by  the  officers  of  the  Challenger,  lend 
probability  to  the  Egyptian  and  American  legends  of  a  tremen- 
dous catastrophe  in  which  a  continent  was  submerged  beneath 
the  waves.3 

Sir  C.  Wyvillo  Thomson  found  that  the  fauna  of  the  coast  of 
Brazil  brought  up  in  his  dredging  machine,  were  similar  to  that 
of  the  western  coast  of  South  Europe.4  This  is  of  particular 
interest,  since  at  a  short  distance  north  of  the  Amazon  an  arm 
of  the  central  ridge  connects  the  sunken  plateau  with  the  coast 
of  South  America.  Mr.  J.  Starke  Gardner,  the  eminent  English 
geologist,  is  of  the  opinion  that  in  the  Eocene  period  a  great 
extension  of  land  existed  to  the  west  of  Cornwall.  The  extra- 
ordinary mingling  of  American,  Asiatic,  Australian  and  African 


1  The  Atlantic,  vol.  ii,  p.  23.  s  Scientific  American,  July  28,  1877. 

3  The  Atlantic,  vol.  ii,  p.  254.  4  Ibid,  vol.  ii,  p.  288. 


504    ELEVATION  AND  DEPRESSION  OP  COAST  LEVEL. 

genera  in  all  European  floras  of  the  Tertiary  period  leads  him  to 
the  conviction  that  at  a  remote  time  they  were  all  connected. 
Referring  to  the  locations  of  the  Dolphin  and  Challenger  ridges, 
he  asserts  that  a  great  tract  of  land  formerly  existed  where  the 
sea  now  is,  and  that  Cornwall,  the  Scilly  and  Channel  islands, 
Ireland  and  Brittany  are  the  remains  of  its  highest  summits.1 
The  question  at  once  arises,  "  What  ground  have  we  for  believing 
that  the  great  Atlantic  ridges  ever  occupied  a  higher  altitude 
than  at  present  ? "  The  answer  is  found  in  the  comparison  of 
facts  with  the  following  theory  set  forth  by  Prof.  Joseph  Le 
Conte  :  "  Any  increase  in  the  height  and  extent  of  the  whole 
amount  of  land  on  the  globe  must  be  attended  with  a  corre- 
sponding depression  of  the  sea-bottoms,  and  therefore  an  actual 
subsidence  of  the  sea-level  everywhere.  Hence  if  it  be  true,  as  is 
generally  believed,  that  the  continents  have  been,  on  the  whole, 
increasing  in  extent  and  in  height,  in  the  course  of  geological 
history,  then  it  is  true  also  that  the  seas  have  been  subsiding, 
and  that  therefore  the  relative  changes  are  the  sum  of  the  two." 2 
It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  processes  of  elevation  and  depression 
are  now  actively  going  on  along  the  eastern  coast  of  both  the 
Americas.  The  coast  of  Greenland  is  sinking  along  a  distance  of 
600  miles  so  markedly  that  ancient  buildings  on  low  rock-islands 
are  now  submerged,  and  the  Greenlander  has  learned  by  expe- 
rience never  to  build  near  the  water's  edge.3  The  subsidence 
along  our  Atlantic  seaboard  is  slowly  going  on,  being  most 
marked  on  the  coast  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  while  on  the 
other  hand  the  elevation  of  the  eastern  coast  of  South  America 
has  been  accomplished  by  the  hidden  forces,  volcanic  or  other- 
wise, on  a  stupendous  scale.  "Raised  beaches"  have  been  traced 
1180  miles  down  the  eastern  shore  and  2075  miles  along  the 
western,  ranging  from  100  to  1300  feet  above  the  sea,  and  Alex- 
ander Agassiz  has  recently  identified  them  at  a  height  of  3000 
feet  above  the  present  sea-level  by  means  of  corals  found  adher- 

1  Popular  Science  Review,  July  1878,  cited  by  Scientific  American  of  August 
24,  1878,  vol.  xxxix,  p.  114. 

2  Le  Conte,  Elements  of  Geolojy,  New  York,  1878,  p.  131. 

3  Lo  Conte,  Geology,  p.  129. 


THE  GULF  STREAM.  5Q5 


ing  to  the  rocks.1  In  view  of  these  facts,  so  familiar  to  any 
student  of  geology,  it  is  not  difficult  to  conceive  of  the  former 
existence  of  Atlantis  where  the  Dolphin  and  Challenger  locate 
the  mid- Atlantic  ridge,  described  as  1000  miles  in  width  in  the 
latitude  of  the  Azores.  Supposing  the  existence  of  an  Atlantic 
continent  in  the  Tertiary  period  conceded,  we  have  no  means  at 
present  of  determining  the  approximate  time  of  its  subsidence, 
unless  we  associate  it  with  the  dim  and  uncertain  legends  of  the 
Egyptian  priests  and  the  ancient  Americans.  Whether  the 
Atlantidas  who  threatened  to  overthrow  the  earliest  Greek  and 
Egyptian  states,  but  who  were  swallowed  up  by  the  sea  in  the 
engulfment  of  their  island  continent,  were  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Dolphin  and  Ohallenyer  ridges  and  the  colonists  of  Eastern 
America,  must  for  the  present  at  least  remain  in  doubt,  though 
strong  probabilities  point  to  the  conclusion  that  they  were.2 

The  colonization  of  America  by  transatlantic  peoples,  it  seems 
to  us,  did  not  depend  upon  the  existence  of  a  land  bridge  at  a 
remote  period,  but  could  have  been  accomplished  without  the 
aid  of  the  compass,  either  intentionally  or  accidentally,  through 
the  agency  of  the  equatorial  current  and  the  trade-winds,  two 
mighty  forces  perpetually  tending  toward  the  shores  of  the  new 
world.  The  return  current  of  the  Gulf  Stream  which  describes 
a  semicircle  in  the  east  Atlantic  washes  in  its  sweep  the  Azores, 
the  Madeira,  the  Canary  and  Cape  Verde  Islands,  approaching 
in  its  southern  course  the  shores  of  Portugal,  Morocco,  and  the 
Sahara  Desert,  and  finally  uniting  with  the  stronger  equatorial 
current  which  rushes  up  the  coast  of  Africa,  crosses  the  Atlantic 
under  the  equator,  and  skirts  the  coast  of  South  America  until  it 
reaches  the  Caribbean  Sea  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.3  The  north- 
east trade-winds  blowing  perpetually  from  the  coast  of  Europe 
in  a  belt  from  eighteen  to  twenty  degrees  in  width  (or  from 
1245  to  1275  miles)  reach  the  coasts  of  the  American  continent 
over  an  area  which  extends  from  the  mouth  of  the  Amazon  to 

1  Ibid,  pp.  127-32.    Dr.  Otto  Ule,  Die  Erde,  bd.  i,  ss.  496-502. 

2  See  Plato's  Critias  and  Timceas.    Also  Aristotle,  De  Mundo,  cap.  iii,  and 
Prince  Henry  the  Navigator,  chap,  vii,  by  Major,  Lond.,  1868. 

3  See  Eeclus,  The  Ocean,  pp.  70-82.    New  York,  ed.  1873. 


506    AMERICA  PROBABLY  REACHED  BY  ANCIENT   NAVIGATORS. 

the  northern  boundary  of  Florida.  Through  the  agency  of  these 
mild  but  almost  unvarying  forces  Columbus  was  steadily  borne  on 
to  the  accomplishment  of  the  greatest  event  of  modern  history. 
The  companions  of  the  Admiral  were  dismayed  by  the  per- 
sistency with  which  they  were  wafted  beyond  the  bounds  of  the 
known  world,  and  ascribed  the  unceasing  east  wind,  which  they 
supposed  offered  them  no  hope  of  return  to  their  homes,  to  a 
device  of  the  devil.  In  one  of  the  houses  on  the  island  of  Gua- 
daloupe  Columbus  on  his  second  voyage  saw  the  stern-post  of  a 
vessel,  supposed  to  have  been  the  fragment  of  some  ship  that  had 
drifted  across  the  Atlantic  and  been  cast,  together  with  the  crew, 
upon  unknown  shores.  How  often  and  how  long  this  same  pro- 
cess had  operated  it  is  impossible  to  conjecture.1  The  accidental 
discovery  of  Brazil  by  Cabral  furnishes  an  additional  reason  for 
believing  that  anciently  vessels  may  have  reached  the  new  world. 
Pedro  Alvarez  de  Cabral  was  dispatched  by  the  Portuguese  on 
the  9th  of  March  1500,  with  a  fleet  of  thirteen  vessels  on  a  voyage 
around  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  to  Calicut.  After  passing  the 
Cape  Verde  Islands  he  bore  away  to  the  west,  in  order  to  avoid 
the  calms  prevailing  on  the  Guinea  coast.  On  the  25th  of  April, 
to  his  surprise  he  discovered  what  proved  to  be  the  South 
American  continent,  at  a  point  which  he  named  Porto  Securo.2 
When  we  consider  that  the  distance  from  the  coast  of  Africa  to 
Cape  Frio,  Brazil,  is  but  1530  miles,  and  realize  that  twelve 
centuries  B.  c.  the  Phoenicians  and  probably  other  maritime 
peoples  of  the  Mediterranean  visited  Britain  at  the  north 
and  coasted  Africa  to  the  south,  the  probabilities  are  strong 
that,  through  the  natural  agency  of  the  Atlantic  currents  and 
the  trade- winds,  some  ancient  mariners  reached  the  American 
coast.3 

1  Irving's  Columbus,  vol  i,  chap,  iii ;  vol.  ii,  p.  308.    Reclus,  Ocean,  pp. 
223,  229. 

2  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  ii,  p.  279.      Lafiteau,   Conqucstes  des  Portugais, 
lib.  ii,  cited  by  Irving. 

3  See  Martius,  Beitragc,  etc.,  p.  180,  for  the  origin-tradition  of  the  Tupis 
or  Brazilians,  where  it  is  narrated  that  two  brothers  with  their  families  landed 
at  a  remote  period  on  Cape  Frio.      The  brothers  Tupi  and  Guarani  gave  their 
names  to  the  two  great  South  American  families. 


THE  CARAS.  5Q7 


Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  on  the  authority  of  Baron  cle  Eck- 
stein and  his  own  researches,  points  to  the  fact  that  the  Barba- 
rians who  are  alluded  to  by  Homer  and  Thucydides,  are  a  race 
of  ancient  navigators  and  pirates  called  Cares  or  Garians,  who 
occupied  the  islands  of  Greece  and  a  part  of  the  coast  of  the 
Peloponnesus,  Arcanania  and  Illyria,  before  the  Pelasgi.  They 
ruled  in  Phrygia  and  other  states  of  Asia  Minor,  antedating  the 
Phoenicians  in  their  sovereignty  of  the  sea  and  the  Indo-European 
peoples  in  their  domination  of  the  land.  The  same  people 
extended  their  borders  into  Nubia  and  Libya  and  became  the 
ancestors  of  the  nations  of  the  Barbary  States.  The  Abbe,  to  all 
appearances,  easily  identifies  them  with  Caracars  or  Caribs  of  the 
Antilles,  the  Oaras  or  Cariari  of  Honduras,  and  even  with  the 
Gurani  of  South  America.  We  submit  the  question  for  the 
investigation  of  the  student,  rather  than  with  our  endorsement.1 
Whether  a  great  continent  ever  existed  in  the  Pacific  Ocean  since 
man's  appearance  on  the  earth,  or  whether  the  great  area  occupied 
by  Oceanica  and  the  Coral  Islands  of  the  Central  Pacific  was 
once  a  continent,  are  questions  which  cannot  now  be  determined. 
It  is  certain,  however,  as  Professor  Dana  has  shown  in  his  study 
of  the  atolls  and  barriers  of  the  Pacific,  that  if  not  a  continent, 
at  least  a  great  archipelago  measuring  6000  miles  in  length  by 
from  1000  to  2000  miles  in  breadth,  has  subsided  to  a  depth 
ranging  from  3000  to  6000  feet.  Professor  Dana  states  that 
two  hundred  islands  have  thus  been  lost.2  Professor  Le  Conte 
estimates  the  loss  of  land  to  equal  20,000,000  square  miles,  and 
defines  its  boundaries  by  the  Hawaiian  and  Fejee  groups,  north 

1  Brasseur  in  Landa's  Relation,  pp.  lii-lxv  ;  Eckstein,  Les  Cares  or  Cariens 
de  I'Antiquite,  2d  part,  vi,  dans  la  Revue  Archeologique,  XVe  annee;  Brugsch, 
Die.  Geogr.  der  Nachfarlaender  Egyptens,  pp.  84-88,  cited  by  Brasseur.     "  En 
ces  vieux  jours  du  monde,  dit  encore  M.  d'Eckstein,  ou  Iberes  et  Libyans, 
Laliabim  et  Phoutim  s'enlacaient  plus  ou  moins  a  travers  1'Europe  occidentale, 
et  poussaient  jusqu'au  sein  de  1'Irlande  et  de  la  Grande  Bretagne,  les  monuments 
de  Mizraim  semblent  reveler  des  rapports  maritimes  de  ces  Libyens  et  probable- 
ment  de  ces  Ibe'res  avec  les  Cares  et  avec  les  autres  races  ante-pelasgiques  des 
cotes  de  la  Gr6ce  et  de  1 'Italic,  ainsi  quo  des  lies  de  1'Archipel." — Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg  in  Landa's  Relation,  pp.  Ivii-lvm. 

2  Manual  of  Geology,  second  ed.,  p.  583. 


508  A  PACIFIC  CONTINENT. 

and  south,  and  the  Paumotu  group  and  Pelews,  east  and  west. 
He  fixes  the  extreme  subsidence  at  1000  feet,  since  the  average 
height  of  the  high  islands  of  the  Pacific  at  present  is  not  less 
than  9000  feet  above  the  sea  level,  while  some  of  them  reach 
14000  feet.1  Professor  Dana  is  of  the  opinion  that  this  vast  area 
has  subsided  since  the  Tertiary  age.  Whether  such  is  the  case 
or  not  is  a  matter  of  conjecture,  but  it  is  certain  that  much  of  it 
has  been  accomplished  within  the  human  era.  That  a  higher 
civilization  once  prevailed  throughout  Polynesia  we  need  only 
cite  the  remains  found  on  Easter  Island  by  Captain  Cook,  and 
refer  to  the  Appendix  of  Mr.  Baldwin's  work,  where  ruins  of 
a  high  order  are  named  as  existing  on  Ascension,  Marshall,  Gil- 
bert, Kingsmill,  Ladrones,  Swallow,  Strong's,  Navigators  and  Ha- 
waiian Islands.  A  quadrangular  tower  forty  feet  high  and  several 
stone-lined  canals  are  to  be  seen  at  the  harbor  at  Strong's 
Island.  On  the  adjoining  isle  of  Lele,  cyclopian  walls  forming 
large  enclosures  are  overgrown  by  forests.  "  These  walls  are 
twelve  feet  thick,  and  within  are  vaults,  artificial  caverns,  and 
secret  passages."  "Not  more  than  five  hundred  people  now 
inhabit  these  islands  ;  their  tradition  is  that  an  ancient  city 
formerly  stood  around  this  harbor,  mostly  on  Lele,  occupied  by 
a  powerful  people  whom  they  called  (  Anut,'  and  who  had  large 
vessels,  in  which  they  made  long  voyages  east  and  west,  ( many 
moons'  being  required  for  these  voyages."3  It  is  altogether 
probable  that  not  only  a  higher  civilization  once  prevailed  in 
Polynesia,  but  that  within  the  history  of  man,  the  greater 
extent  of  land,  now  submerged,  made  the  passage  to  America 
comparatively  easy.  If  we  turn  to  the  North  Pacific,  all  doubts 
vanish  in  the  presence  of  the  most  favorable  conditions  for  a 
migration  from  our  continent  to  the  other.  With  Latham,  we 
believe  that  if  America  had  first  been  discovered  from  the  west, 
and  Alaska  and  the  northwest  coast  been  as  well  known  as  our 
Atlantic  coast,  Northeastern  Asia  would  have  naturally  passed 
for  the  fatherland  of  Northwestern  America.3  It  is  scarcely 

1  Le  Conte,  Elements  of  Geology,  pp.  145-149. 

2  Baldwin's  Ancient  America,  Appendix  C,  pp.  288-293. 

3  Man  and  His  Migrations,  pp.  120-80. 


ALEUTIAN  ISLANDS.  5Q9 


necessary  to  occupy  space  in  pointing  out  the  facilities  which  the 
Aleutian  Islands  offer  for  a  migration  even  in  inferior  boats,  and 
at  all  seasons  of  the  year.  The  climate,  though  cool,  is  not 
severe,  owing  to  the  proximity  of  the  warm  current  of  the  Kuro- 
suvo,  and  it  only  requires  an  inspection  of  the  map  to  convince 
the  most  conservative.  Col.  Barclay  Kennon,  formerly  of  the 
United  States  North  Pacific  Surveying  Expedition,  after  refer- 
ring to  the  conspicuousness  of  the  volcano  Petropaulski  on  the 
shores  of  Kamtschatka,  says  :  "  Proceeding  along  this  coast  to 
Cape  Kronotski,  which  lies  north  of  Petropaulski,  the  distance 
to  Behring's  Island  is  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles — course 
east.  Fifteen  miles  only  from  it  is  Copper  Island,  and  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  south-west  of  it  is  Attou  Island, 
the  most  westerly  of  the  Aleutian  group,  which  is  an  almost 
unbroken  chain,  connecting  the  American  continent  to  the 
peninsula  of  Alaska/' 1  It  is  evident  that  the  voyage  from  the 
Asiatic  to  the  American  coast  can  be  made  as  far  south  as  the 
Aleutian  Islands  without  losing  sight  of  land  but  a  few  hours 
at  a  time — a  matter  of  no  consequence  to  the  intrepid  navigators 
found  everywhere  among  the  aborigines  upon  the  islands  and 
coast.3  The  Kuro-suvo  or  Japan  current  sweeps  along  the 
Asiatic  coast,  bears  away  to  the  east,  and  describing  a  semicircle, 
bends  its  course  southward  to  the  shores  of  California  and 
Mexico,  until  it  reaches  about  the  tenth  parallel  of  north  lati- 
tude, when  it  returns  to  the  Japanese  coast. 

1  Kennon  in  Leland's  Fasang,  p.  68. 

2  "  From  the  result  of  the  most  accurate  scientific  observation,  it  is  evident 
that  the  voyage  from  China  to  America  can  be  made  without  being  out  of  sight 
of  land  more  than  a  few  hours  at  a  time.     To  a  landsman,  unfamiliar  with 
long  voyages,  the  mere  idea  of  being  '  alone  on  the  wide,  wide  sea '  with  noth- 
ing but  water  visible,  even  for  an  hour,  conveys  a  strange  sense  of  desolation, 
of  daring  and  adventure.     But  in  truth  it  is  regarded  as  a  mere  trifle,  not  only 
by  regular  seafaring  men,  but  even  by  the  rudest  races' in  all  parts  of  the  world ; 
and  I  have  no  doubt  that  from  the  remotest  ages,  and  on  all  shores,  fishermen  in 
open  boats,  canoes,  or  even  coracles,  guided  simply  by  the  stars  and  currents, 
have  not  hesitated  to  go  far  out  of  sight  of  land.    At  the  present  day,  natives 
of  the  South  Pacific  islands  undertake,  without  a  compass,  and  successfully, 
long  voyages  which  astonish  even  a  regular  Jack-tar,  who  is  not  often  aston- 
ished at  anything." — Kennon  in  Leland's  Fusang,  pp.  71-2. 


510  BEHRING'S   STRAITS. 

This  Gulf  Stream  of  the  Pacific,  which  nearly  every  season 
casts  wrecks  of  Japanese  junks  upon  our  shores,  no  doubt  has 
been  an  active  agent  in  giving  character  to  our  ancient  popula- 
tion.1 Added  to  these  twofold  facilities  for  communication — of 
currents  and  an  almost  continuous  chain  of  islands — we  have  a 
third  in  the  narrow  channel  at  Behring's  Straits.  These  straits, 
according  to  Sir  John  F.  Herschel,  are  now  "  only  thirty  miles 
broad  where  narrowest,  and  only  twenty-five  fathoms  in  their 
•greatest  depth/'2  Sir  Charles  Lyell,  in  alluding  to  the  above 
fact,  remarks  :  "  Behring's  Straits  happen  to  agree  singularly 
in  width  and  depth  with  the  Straits  of  Dover,  the  difference  in 
depth  not  being  more  than  three  or  four  feet."3  With  this 
statement  before  us  while  standing  upon  the  deck  of  a  vessel 
midway  between  Calais  and  Dover,  with  the  shores  of  France 
and  England  in  full  view,  we  felt,  as  never  before,  how  absurd 
is  the  opinion  which  has  been  advanced  more  than  once,  that 
no  general  migration  was  likely  to  take  place  across  Behring's 
Straits.  As  well  say  that  no  general  migration  was  likely  to 
take  place  across  the  Straits  of  Dover ;  yet  we  learn  that  Britain 
was  known  to  be  inhabited  as  early  as  the  twelfth  century  B.  c.4 
The  weather  at  Behring's  Straits,  though  cold  even  in  summer, 
is  not  nearly  as  cold  as  the  winters  of  Japan.5  In  winter  the 


1  See  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  v,   pp.  51-54,  where  the  paper  of  the 
Japanese  Consul,  Mr.  Brooks,  read  before  the  Californian  Academy  of  Sciences 
in  March,  1875,  is  cited,  detailing  forty-one  instances  in  which  Japanese  j  unks 
were  cast  upon  our  coast  since  1782.     Mr.  Brooks  states  that  he  has  a  record 
of  over  one  hundred  similar  disasters.     Whymper,  in  his  Alaska  (N.  Y.  1869), 
p.  250,  refers  to  other  Japanese  wrecks,  and  especially  to  one  which,  after 
drifting  ten  months,  reached  the  Sandwich  Islands.     The  Hawaiians,  on  seeing 
the  crew,  said,  "  It  is  plain  now,  we  came  from  Asia,"     See  also  M.  de  Roque- 
feuil,  Journal  d'un  Voyage  autour  du  Monde,  pendant  les  annes,  1816-1819 ; 
Smith's  Human  Species,  p.  238. 

2  Physical  Geography,  p.  41,  cited  by  Lyell,  Antiquity  of  Nan,  p.  367. 

3  Antiquity  of  Man,  p.  367. 

4  "  There  is  as  much  reason  to  believe  that  America  was  peopled  from  Asia, 
as  that  the  primitive  races  of  Europe  and  Africa  should  derive  their  origin  from 
an  Eastern  source." — Macfie,  Vancouver  Island  and  British,  Columbia.     London, 
1865. 

5  "  The  weather  is,  it  is  true,  cold  at  Behring's  Straits,  even  in  summer, 


AMERICAN  SHORE  INVITING.  51 1 

waters  of  the  straits  are  frozen  over  generally  as  late  as  April, 
furnishing  a  continuous  connection  between  the  continents,  while 
in  summer  the  communication  at  present  between  the  abo- 
rigines inhabiting  opposite  shores  is  continuous.1  Frederick 
von  Hellwald  furnishes  an  argument  for  the  naturalness  of  a 
migration  to  the  American  shores  the  fact  that,  "  while  the 
Asiatic  projection  near  Behring's  Straits  is  almost  a  sterile  rocky 
waste,  the  opposite  coast  presents  a  much  more  inviting  appear- 
ance, abounding  in  trees  and  shrubs.  Moreover,  the  climate 
when  we  pass  southward  of  the  peninsula  of  Alaska,  is  of  a 
genial  character,  the  temperature  continuing  nearly  the  same 
as  far  down  as  Oregon/' 2  The  difference  in  the  two  shores  is 
owin£  to  the  fact  that  the  cold  current  from  the  Arctic  Ocean 

O 

passes  southward  along  the  Asiatic  coast,  while  a  portion  of 
the  water  of  the  warm  current  passes  up  the  American  shore.3 
It  is  impossible  to  approximate  the  period  of  the  world's  history 
in  which  the  migration  must  have  taken  place.  No  doubt  it  was 
in  a  remote  age,  before  the  old  world  peoples  had  developed  their 
present  or  even  historic  peculiarities  and  types  of  civilization. 

but  not  one-fourth  as  cold  as  at  Matsumai,  Japan,  in  winter." — Col.  Kennon  in 
Leland's  Fasang,  p.  74. 

1  Frederick  von  Hellwald  in  Smithsonian  Report,  1868,  p.  345.     "  Open 
skin  canoes,  capable  of  containing  twenty  or  more  persons  with  tlieir  effects, 
and  hoisting  several  masts  and  sails,  are  now  frequently  observed  among  the 
seacoast  Tehuktchis,  and  the  inhabitants  of   northern  Alaska."—  Whymper, 
Alaska,  p.  246-7. 

2  He  continues  his  statement  that  the  Gulf  Stream  of  the  Pacific  is  the 
warming  agent,  and  adds  the  argument  that  "the  present  inhabitants  of  the 
countries  contiguous  to  Behring's  Straits  on  the  two  sides,  in  manners,  cus- 
toms, and  physical  appearance  are  almost  identical." — Smithsonian  Report, 
1836,  p.  345. 

3  Gallatin,  p.  156.    Bancroft,  in  assuming  the  certainty  of  a  migration  by 
Behring's  Straits,  says  "  it  seems  absurd  to  argue  the  question  from  any  point," 
vol.  v,  p.  54.    Venegas,  Noticia  de  la  California,  Madrid,   1757,  vol.  i,  p.  71, 
and  London  ed.,  1759,  p.  61,  says  the  Californians  at  that  date  had  clear  tradi- 
tions of  having  come  from  the  north.     Fontaine,  How  the  World  was  Peopled, 
(N.  Y.  1872),  pp.  147-9,  thinks  that  the  march  of  Genghis  with  1,400,000  Tartars 
caused  the  flight  of  his  enemies  in  large  numbers  across  the  Aleutian  archi- 
pelago and  Behring's  Straits.     Warden,  Recherches,  pp.  118-35,  makes  an  argu- 
ment for  a  migration  through  Behring's  Straits  from  Tartary  and  China. 


512  PROFESSOR  GROTE'S   CONJECTURES.   ' 

If  this  be  true,  the  futility  of  all  old  world  comparisons,  and  the 
unceasing  search  for  analogies  which  has  been  going  on  since  the 
discovery  of  the  continent,  is  at  once  apparent.1 

Prof.  Grote  thinks  the  first  migration  may  have  taken  place 
in  the  Tertiary  period  in  Pliocene  time,  and  that  the  subsequent 
advent  of  the  ice  period  cutting  off  all  communication  with  the 
old  world  until  recent  times,  produced  a  modification  in  the  race, 
and  that  man  retired  with  the  glacier  on  its  return  to  the  north, 
where  we  see  his  descendants  in  the  Eskimo.2  If  Prof,  droll's 
theory  of  climatic  change  resulting  from  the  maximum  eccen- 
tricity of  the  earth's  orbit  be  true,  or  even  if  the  ordinary  time  at 
which  the  American  glacial  period  is  supposed  to  have  occurred 
be  taken  into  consideration,  we  hardly  think  the  evidences  of 
man's  prc-glacial  residence  on  this  continent  are  sufficient  on 
which  to  base  a  safe  hypothesis.3  Of  course  Prof.  Grote  would 
assign  a  comparatively  recent  migration  to  the  civilized  nations. 
Whether  a  continuous  land  communication  ever  existed  between 
the  continents  at  the  Aleutian  Islands 4  or  at  Behring's  Straits 
cannot  be  determined,  though  the  probabilities  seem  to  favor  the 
view  that  they  were  once  united.5 

1  Gallatin,  ID  Amer.  EtTinol.  Soc.  Trans.,  vol.  i,  p.  158,  says  :  "That  America 
was  first  peopled  by  Asiatic  tribes  is  highly  probable  ;  but  after  the  lapse  of 
several  thousand  years,  the  memory  of  that  ancient  migration  was  lost."     He 
inquires  as  to  what  we  knew  of  Gaul  or  Britain  before  the  Roman  invasion. 
Mr.  W.  H.  Dall,  in  his  thoughtful  Memoir  on  the  Origin  of  t7ie  Innuit,  says  : 
"  I  see  no  reason  for  disputing  the  hypothesis  that  America  was  peopled  from 
Asia  originally,  and  that  there  were   successive  waves  of  emigration.    The 
northern  route  was  clearly  by  way  of  Behring  Strait ;  at  least,  it  was  not  to 
the  south  of  that,  and  especially  it  was  not  by  way  of  the  Aleutian  Islands." — 
In  Contributions  to  North  American  Ethnology,  vol.  i,  p.  95.    Washington, 
1877.     4to. 

2  Aug.  R.  Grote,  The  Peopling  of  America,  in  American  Naturalist,  April 
1877. 

3  Croll,  Climate  and  Time,  New  York,  1875, 12mo.    Prof.  McFarland  in  Am. 
Jour,  of  Sci.  and  Arts,  June  1876,  p.  456.     Newcomb  on  Croll's  TJieory  in  same 
journal  for  April  1876,  p.  263. 

4  Whymper,  Alaska,  pp.  246,  247,  discusses  the  volcanic  nature  of  the  Aleu- 
tian Islands,  mentioning  the  fact  that  "  There  are  records  of  very  severe  shocks 
of  earthquake  felt  by  the  Russian  traders  and  nations  dwelling  on  them." 

5  Sir  Charles  Lyell,  Antiquity  of  Man,  pp.  273  et  seq.,  has  shown  that 


CONDITIONS  FAVORABLE   TO   A   MIGRATION.  513 

Prof.  Asa  Gray  has  satisfactorily  shown  the  intimate  rela- 
tionship between  the  North  American  and  Asiatic  vegetation, 
while  many  of  our  fauna  are  clearly  of  Asiatic  origin.1  How- 
ever, it  is  of  little  moment  in  this  discussion  whether  the  land 
bridge  ever  existed  ;  the  conditions  for  migration  from  one  con- 
tinent to  the  other  are  now,  and  no  doubt  ever  have  been  favor- 
able, and  that  different  peoples  at  different  times  have  availed 
themselves  of  those  conditions  is  equally  certain.  We  have 
already  alluded  to  the  climatic  conditions  south  of  Alaska  which 
would  naturally  allure  a  migrating  tribe  down  the  coast  to 
Oregon  and  the  Columbian  region.  Once  there,  however,  a 
tribe  of  considerable  numbers  and  enterprise  would  soon  be 
stimulated  to  push  farther,  because  of  the  demands  for  a  more 
ample  support  than  could  be  found  on  the  Pacific  coast  in  the 
region  of  the  Columbia  and  Frazier  Kivers.  Still,  •  progress  to 
the  south  is  practically  cut  off,  since  the  dryness  and  sterility  of 
the  Californian  coast,  the  ice-capped  mountains  intervening 
between  the  north  and  the  Sacramento  and  San  Joaquin  rivers 
and  the  desert  highlands  which  rise  with  bleak  and  forbidding 
aspect  between  the  Sierra  Nevada  and  the  eastern  Kocky  Moun- 
tains, combine  in  forming  a  barrier  sufficient  to  turn  the  course 
of  a  migration.2  Add  to  this  the  fact  that  the  country  south  of 
Oregon  rises  over  2000  feet  above  the  head  of  the  waters  of  the 
Columbia  and  Missouri  rivers,  and  it  is  apparent  that  an  outlet 
must  be  sought  in  another  direction.  Nature  has  provided  the 
highway.  Alluding  to  this  fact  and  to  the  unbroken  line  of 
mounds  from  the  north  and  west  down  the  Missouri  valley,  Mr. 
Becker  remarks  :  "  On  the  head  of  (canoe)  navigation  we  have 

Great  Britain  was  separated  from  the  continent  by  subsidence  and  glacial  action, 
thus  producing  the  English  Channel  which,  we  have  already  seen,  corresponds 
singularly  with  Behring's  Straits  in  width  and  depth,  and  formerly,  no  doubt, 
both  corresponded  more  nearly  in  climatic  conditions.  It  is  not  unreasonable  to 
suppose  that  both  passages  were  produced  by  the  same  agencies. 

1  Presidential  Address  to  the  Am.  Association  for  Adv.  of  Sci.,  1872,  and 
published  in  his  Darwiniana,  pp.  203  et  seq. 

2  John  H.  Becker,  The  Migration  of  the  Nahuas,  Congres  des  Americanwtes, 
Luxembourg,  ses.,  torn,  i,  p.  349.    Altogether  the  most  enlightened  treatment 
of  the  subject  yet  published. 

33 


514  MR.   BECKER'S  OBSERVATIONS. 

what  is  known  as  '  portages/  These  are  depressions  in  the  con- 
tinuous range  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  of  such  a  nature  that 
they  fairly  invite  a  travelling  tribe  to  cross  from  the  river  system 
of  the  upper  Columbia,  emptying  into  the  Pacific  Ocean  to  that 
of  the  Missouri,  on  which  a  canoe  need  but  be  floated  in  order 
to  arrive  in  the  far  distant  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Canoes  can  easily 
be  carried  from  one  river  system  to  the  other.  Nothing  like  it 
exists  in  the  whole  mountain  range  southward,  until  we  arrive  at 
Nicaragua  Lake  in  Central  America/' 1  It  will  not  require  long 
for  the  matter  of  fact  reader,  who  comprehends  the  well  nigh 
insurmountable  difficulties  which  lie  in  the  way  of  populating 
America  in  tropical  or  southern  latitudes,  and  compares  with 
them  the  facilities  which  the  proximity  of  the  continents  and 
the  topography  of  our  country  afford,  to  determine  from  what 
quarter  America  received  the  greater  part  of  its  inhabitants. 

1  Becker  in  Ibid,  pp.  348-9.  The  same  author  cites  from  the  Trans,  of 
Am.  Geoff.  Soc.,  1874,  the  following  interesting  statement  made  by  Gen.  Mil- 
nor:  "Nowhere  else  on  the  continent  can  similar  great  valleys  such  as  the 
Missouri  and  Columbia  be  found,  meeting  advantageously  at  a  common  point 
on  the  main  dividing  backbone  which  separates  the  continental  waters  flowing 
east  and  west  to  the  two  oceans.  The  heads  of  these  main  valleys  are  here  only 
from  three  to  four  thousand  feet  above  the  sea,  while  the  great  treeless  plains 
— further  eoutb — are  elevated  more  than  six  thousand  feet." 


CHAPTER   XII. 

CONCLUSION. 

THE  dim  uncertainty  which  envelopes  the  most  ancient  period 
of  American  antiquity,  like  that  which  obscures  the  begin- 
nings of  Egyptian,  Assyrian  and  Trojan  history,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  origin  of  the  venerable  Asiatic  civilizations,  renders  much 
of  the  effort  in  this  field  unsatisfactory.  Still  the  results  are  of 
surpassing  interest.  A  new  cosmogony,  mythology  and  traditional 
history  full  of  weird  poetic  inspiration,  an  inspiration  such  as  is 
begotten  in  contemplating  the  struggles  of  nature's  children  after 
a  higher  development,  is  added  to  the  fund  of  human  knowledge. 
The  poetry  of  the  Quiche  cosmogony  must  some  day  find  expres- 
sion in  verse  of  Miltonic  grandeur.  The  fall  of  Xibalba  will 
no  doubt  afford  the  materials  for  a  heroic  poem  which  will  stand 
in  the  same  relation  to  America  that  the  Iliad  does  to  Greece. 
The  doctrines  of  the  benign  and  saintly  Quetzalcoatl  or  Cukul- 
can  must  be  classed  among  the  great  faiths  of  mankind,  and  their 
author,  alone  of  all  the  great  teachers  of  morals  except  Christ 
himself,  inculcating  a  positive  morality,  must  be  granted  a  pre- 
cedence of  most  of  the  great  teachers  of  Chinese  and  Hindoo 
antiquity.  It  is  the  custom  of  many  Europeans  to  regard  Amer- 
ica as  having  no  heroic  or  legendary  period,  no  heroes  like  Achil- 
les, jEneas,  Sigfried,  Beowolf,  Arthur  and  the  Cid ;  but  who 
will  review  the  romance  of  American  antiquity  and  longer  enter- 
tain this  view  ?  A  few  years  ago,  writers  dated  North  Ameri- 
can history  from  the  discoveries  made  by  Columbus  and  his 
immediate  successors.  Now  they  go  back  to  the  Northmen  for  a 
starting-point.  May  not  the  beginning  be  pushed  even  farther 
back,  and  the  ancient  "history  of  America  receive  the  attention 
of  the  historiographer  ? 


516  THE   RELATIONSHIP  OF  AMERICA  AND  ASIA. 

The  origin  of  the  North  American  population  cannot  be 
positively  settled  at  present,  though  the  probabilities  are  that 
new  facts  will  be  brought  to  light  establishing  the  relationship 
of  the  ancestors  of  the  Nahuas  with  some  ancient  Asiatic  race,  as 
the  Eskimo  have  clearly  been  proven  to  belong  to  the  Arctic  race 
which  encircles  the  globe  near  the  North  pole.1  We  have  seen 
that  groups  of  facts  unquestionably  point  to  Northern  Asia  as 
the  ancient  home  of  a  large  share  of  the  tribes  of  North  America, 
civilized  and  savage.  The  autochthonic  hypothesis  which  had 
its  first  great  advocate  in  Dr.  Morton,  receives  no  support  from 
his  mistaken  argument  for  the  unity  of  the  American  race.  We 
think  we  have  shown,  as  did  Prof.  Wilson  before  us,  that  no 
such  fact  as  ethnic  unity  exists  in  America.  Dr.  Morton's  own 
measurements  of  crania  which  we  have  classified,  and  the  recent 
measurements  of  mound  skulls,  disprove  the  argument  which  he 
sought  to  establish.  The  autochthonic  hypothesis  owed  much 
of  its  popularity  to  the  support  which  it  received  from  Prof. 
Agassiz's  doctrine  of  the  separate  creations  of  races  of  men,  a 
hypothesis  which  has  rapidly  lost  ground  since  the  decease  of  its 
eminent  advocate.  It  is  impossible  to  determine  whether  the 
people  of  the  mounds  of  the  United  States  were  preceded  in 
this  country  by  any  other  people.  Certainly  they  had  inter- 
course with  some  race  having  a  cranial  type  quite  different  from 
their  own,  as  several  low-type  skulls  taken  from  the  mounds 
testify.  If  the  rude  weapons  found  in  New  Jersey  are  as  old  as 
Dr.  Abbott  supposes2 — belonging  to  the  inter-glacial  age — the 
question  of  man's  antiquity  on  this  continent  will  have  to  be 
viewed  in  a  different  light  from  that  in  which  it  has  hitherto 
appeared.  It  is  conjectured  that  this  supposed  inter-glacial  race 
were  the  ancestors  of  the  Eskimo  of  to-day,  and  retired  or  were 


1  The  expedition  which  the  German  government  and  the  Berlin  Geograph- 
ical Society  is  about  to  send  to  the  North  Pacific  under  the  intelligent  direction 
of  my  friend  Dr.  Van  der  Horck,  will  no  doubt  contribute  largely  to  our  infor- 
mation concerning  the  ethnographical  relationship  of  America  to  Asia. 

2  Second  Report  on  the  Implements  found  in  the  Glacial  Drift  of  New  Jersey, 
by  C.  C.  Abbott  in  Eleventh  Annual  Beport  of  Pedbody  Museum,  pp.  225-57. 
Cambridge,  1878. 


THE  NAHUA  MIGRATION.  517 

driven  to  the  Arctic  regions,  where  their  racial  characteristics 
became  permanent.  The  traditional  history  of  both  Mayas  and 
Nahuas  seem  to  indicate  an  old  world  origin.  The  former  peo- 
ple clearly  claim  an  origin  which,  if  their  traditions  are  worth 
anything,  must  be  assigned  to  some  Mediterranean  country. 
While,  on  the  contrary,  the  Nahuas  persistently  state  that  they 
came  from  the  north  or  north-west.  It  is  certain  that  many  of 
their  cosmological  traditions  closely  resemble  those  of  Central 
and  Western  Asiatic  peoples.  Why  should  the  traditions  of  the 
ancient  Americans  be  less  reliable  than  those  of  the  most  ancient 
Egyptians,  Greeks,  or  Hindoos  ?  1 

Tradition,  language  and  architectural  remains  furnish  us  the 
data  by  which  to  trace  the  migrations  of  peoples.  In  addition 
to  the  testimony  of  tradition,  the  languages  of  the  Mayas  and 
Quiches  present  affinities  to  the  west  European  and  African 
languages ;  also  to  the  languages  of  the  West  Indies  and 
the  Antilles.  Whether  the  Quiche  traditions  concerning  their 
ancient  home  have  reference  to  the  Atlantic  coast  of  the  United 
States  is  uncertain,  though  Senor  Orozco  y  Berra  believes  their 
ancestors  to  have  migrated  from  Florida  to  Cuba  and  thence  to 
Yucatan.  Linguistic  and  architectural  evidences  show  that  the 
Maya-Quiche  family  extended  its  civilization  north  as  far  as 
Panuco,  and  south  as  far  as  Honduras. 

The  Nahua  migrations  are  more  numerous  and  their  accounts 
somewhat  obscure.  It  is  not  improbable  that  while  few  in  num- 
ber the  Nahuas  arrived  on  our  north-western  coast,  where  they 
found  a  home  until  they  had  become  a  tribe  of  considerable 
proportions.  Crossing  the  watershed  between  the  sources  of  the 
Columbia  and  Missouri  Rivers,  a  large  portion  of  the  tribe  proba- 
bly found  its  way  to  the  Mississippi  and  Ohio  Valleys,  where  it 
laid  the  foundations  of  a  wide-spread  empire,  and  developed  a 
civilization  which  reached  a  respectable  degree  of  advancement. 

1  Mr.  Becker  remarks :  "  Why  should  the  Aztec  priesthood  and  nobility,  a 
class  bred  and  educated  in  the  understanding  of  traditional  lore  and  an  elabo- 
rate system  of  picture-writing,  be  considered  as  a  set  of  metaphysical  lunatics 
who  did  not  know  or  did  not  mean  what  they  said." — Migration  of  the  Nahva$ 
in  Cong,  des  America nistes,  Luxembourg,  1877,  torn,  i,  p.  342. 


518  HUE  HUE   TLAPALAN— AZTLAN— TULAN  ZUIVA. 

The  remainder  of  the  Nahuas,  we  think,  instead  of  crossing 
the  Eocky  Mountains,  migrated  southward  into  Utah,  and  estab- 
lished a  civilization  the  remains  of  which  are  seen  in  the  cliff- 
dwellings  of  the  San  Juan  Valley  and  such  extensive  ruins  as 
exist  at  Aztec  Springs.  It  must  be  conceded  that  this  hypothesis 
rests  on  linguistic  and  traditional  evidence,  as  no  affinity  between 
the  architecture  of  the  Cliff-dwellers  and  either  the  Mexicans  or 
Mound-builders  is  traceable.  We  have  in  a  preceding  chapter 
summarized  our  reasons  for  considering  the  Mound-builders  to 
have  been  Nahuas.  The  Olmecs,  the  first  Nahuas  to  reach 
Mexico,  came  in  ships  from  the  direction  of  Florida,  landed  at 
Panuco,  and  journeyed  southward  until  they  came  in  contact  with 
the  advanced  and  already  old  civilization  of  the  Mayas.  The 
Toltecs  came  into  Mexico  by  land  from  the  North.  The  Chiehi- 
mecs,  their  former  neighbors  in  Hue  hue  Tlapalan,  whether 
Nahuas  or  not  originally,  followed  them  and  adopted  their  lan- 
guage. The  Nahuatlaca  tribes,  speaking  the  same  language, 
arrived  centuries  afterward  from  the  same  quarter — the  North. 
Finally  the  Aztecs,  the  last  of  the  Nahuas,  reached  Anahuac 
four  centuries  before  the  Spanish  conquest.  Mr.  Becker  has  con- 
jectured that  Aztlan  (land  of  whiteness)  was  the  name  applied 
to  the  southern  Mississippi  Valley  and  the  region  of  the  Gulf 
States ;  that  Hue  hue  Tlapalan  (old  red  land),  the  ancient 
empire  of  the  Nahuas,  was  situated  on  the  great  plains  of  the 
west  and  in  the  region  occupied  by  the  Cliff-dwellers  and 
Pueblos,  and  further,  that  the  "  seven  caves  "  or  "  ravines/'  the 
Tulan  Zuiva  of  the  Quiches,  is  the  region  of  the  Colorado  Eiver, 
the  land  of  canons. 

At  best  these  can  be  but  conjectures,  yet  the  probabilities 
are  that  Hue  hue  Tlapalan  bordered  upon  the  great  Mississippi 
Valley.  Traditional  and  architectural  evidence  lead  us  to  this 
conclusion.  The  linguistic  argument  is  wanting,  except  the 
statement  of  the  historians  that  the  people  of  the  Floridian 
region  spoke  Nahua.  It  remains  for  some  one  to  compare  the 
Aztec  with  the  languages  of  the  southern  Indians  before  the 
investigation  is  complete.  While  the  probability  is  pre-eminent 
that  the  ancient  Americans  are  of  old  world  origin  and  that  the 


PERFECTION   OF   THE   NAHUA   CALENDAR.  519 

Mayas  and  Nahuas  reached  this  continent  from  opposite  direc- 
tions, it  is  certain  that  the  civilization  developed  by  each  people 
is  indigenous — that  it  grew  up  on  the  soil  where  we  find  it,  and 
was  shaped  by  the  wants  of  man  as  influenced  and  modified  by 
the  conditions  of  nature  and  physical  surroundings.  The  most 
persistent  investigation  has  failed  to  disclose  any  marked  resem- 
blance between  the  architecture,  art,  religion  and  customs  of  the 
North  Americans  considered  as  a  whole  and  of  any  old  world 
people.  It  is  true  that  occasional  analogies  suggest  intercourse 
and  even  relationship  with  particular  races,  as  for  instance  the 
serpent  and  phallus  worship  common  to  the  aboriginal  Amer- 
icans and  the  people  of  India.  Sun-worship,  so  wide-spread,  may 
also  indicate  an  ancient  community  of  residence  for  those  peoples 
who  practise  it.  The  Calendar  systems  of  Mayas  and  Nahuas 
present  analogies  to  the  systems  employed  by  the  Persians, 
Egyptians  and  certain  Asiatic  nations,  and  the  presumption  is 
very  strong  that  the  latter  furnished  the  ground-plan  upon 
which  the  Nahua  system  was  constructed.  The  accuracy  of  the 
Aztec  calendar  must  ever  be  a  monument  to  their  intellectual 
culture,  and  an  undeniable  proof  of  the  advanced  state  of  ancient 
Mexican  civilization.  The  fact  that  Cortez  found  the  Julian 
reckoning,  employed  by  his  own  and  every  other  European  nation, 
to  be  more  than  ten  days  in  error  when  tried  by  the  Aztec  sys- 
tem— a  system  the  almost  perfect  accuracy  of  which  was  proven 
by  the  adjustments  which  took  place  under  Gregory  XIII  in 
1582  A.D. — excites  our  wonder  and  admiration.  How  the  Nahuas, 
whether  Toltec  or  Aztec  we  know  not,  were  able  to  approximate 
the  true  length  of  the  year  within  two  minutes  and  nine  seconds, 
thus  almost  rivalling  the  accuracy  of  the  learned  astronomers  of 
the  Caliph  Almamon,  is  a  mystery.  The  venerable  civilization 
of  the  Mayas,  whose  forest-grown  cities  and  crumbling  temples 
hold  entombed  a  history  of  vanished  glory,  no  doubt  belongs  to 
the  remotest  period  of  North  American  antiquity.  It  was  old 
when  the  Nahuas,  then  a  comparatively  rude  people,  first  came 
in  contact  with  it,  adopted  many  of  its  features,  and  engrafted 
upon  it  new  life.  Like  Kome,  overwhelmed  by  the  Teutons  of 
the  North,  it  no  doubt  succumbed  to  the  vigorous  aggressions 


520  THE  AMERICANS  OF  OLD  WORLD  ORIGIN. 

of  the  invaders.,  and  was  compelled  to  resign  the  dominion  of 
much  of  its  northern  territory.  The  powerful  empire  of  the 
Quiche-Cakchiquels  was  the  result  of  the  union  of  the  old  and 
new  races.  The  otherwise  inviting  picture  of  ancient  Amer- 
ican civilization  is  marred  by  the  introduction  of  human  sacri- 
fices which  in  each  instance  occurred  in  the  period  of  the  political 
decadence  of  the  people  practising  it,  and  no  doubt  was  the  most 
potent  factor  in  the  downfall  of  both  Toltec  and  Aztec  mon- 
archies. Still,  when  we  reflect  upon  the  Druidical  horrors  of 
the  Britons  at  the  time  of  the  Koman  conquest,  and  realize  that 
our  Anglo-Saxon  ancestors  in  the  sixth  century  sold  their  rela- 
tives and  even  their  own  children  into  slavery,  and  were  but 
slightly  removed  from  the  condition  of  cannibals  if  they  were 
not  actually  such,  the  ancient  American  civilization  with  its 
many  humane  features  and  advanced  culture  rises  up  in  splen- 
dor before  us,  in  marked  contrast  with  our  barbarous  origin. 
Although  this  civilization  was  indigenous  and  peculiar  to  itself, 
we  find  all  of  the  American  tribes  possessed  of  certain  arts 
and  traditions  which  seem  common  to  mankind  in  all  parts 
of  the  world.  The  character  of  flint  weapons  and  implements 
are  the  same  among  all  primitive  peoples.  The  modes  of  pro- 
ducing fire  by  friction  and  of  grinding  grain  differ  little,  if  any, 
in  America,  from  those  employed  by  ancient  peoples  elsewhere. 
The  first  efforts  toward  the  development  of  the  architectural 
idea  all  round  the  globe,  seem  to  find  expression  in  the  rude 
mound  and  then  in  the  more  perfect  pyramid.  These  and  other 
considerations  which  have  been  noted  in  the  preceding  pages, 
lead  us  to  the  conclusion  that  at  a  remote  period,  before  racial 
and  national  characteristics  had  been  well  defined,  this  continent 
received  its  population  from  the  old  world,  at  different  times 
and  from  different  quarters. 

The  uniformity  with  which  the  human  mind  operates  in  all 
lands  for  the  accomplishment  of  certain  ends,  has  in  many 
instances  resulted  in  the  independent  development  of  institutions 
common  to  several  peoples.  This  fact,  together  with  the  proba- 
bility that  occasionally  foreigners  were  cast  upon  the  American 
shores,  will  be  sufficient  to  account  for  many  features  which  have 


THE  AMERICANS   OF  OLD  WORLD  ORIGIN.  521 

been  discovered  in  Mexican  and  Central  American  architecture, 
art,  and  religion,  presenting  analogies  with  the  old  world.  The 
fact  that  civilizations  having  such  analogies  are  developed  in 
isolated  quarters  of  the  globe,  separated  from  each  other  by 
broad  seas  and  lofty  mountains,  and  thus  indicating  a  uniformity 
of  mental  operation  and  a  unity  of  mental  inspiration,  added  to 
the  fact  that  the  evidence  is  of  a  preponderating  character  that 
the  American  continent  received  its  population  from  the  old 
world,  leads  us  to  the  truth  that  God  "  hath  made  of  one  blood 
all  nations  of  men." 


APPENDIX. 


.A. 

MADISONVILLE  EXPLORATIONS. 

SINCE  the  greater  part  of  this  work  was  put  in  type,  the 
exploration  of  ancient  mounds  in  several  localities  in  the 
United  States  has  yielded  gratifying  results.  Most  conspicuous  for 
rich  returns,  both  in  pottery  and  human  remains,  are  the  researches 
which  have  recently  been  prosecuted  with  such  rare  intelligence 
and  vigor  by  the  Literary  and  Scientific  Society  of  Madison  ville, 
Ohio,  in  the  aboriginal  burying-grounds  and  among  the  mound- 
works  of  the  Little  Miami  Valley.  Through  the  liberality  of  the 
society  and  the  courtesy  of  its  secretary,  Mr.  Frank  W.  Langdon, 
we  are  enabled  to  present  an  authorized  account  of  the  explora- 
tions. We  take  this  opportunity  of  expressing  our  obligations  to 
the  society,  and  especially  to  Mr.  Langdon,  who  has  kindly  pre- 
pared the  following  report : 

NOTICE  OF  SOME  EECE^TT  ARCH^OLOGICAL  DISCOVERIES  IN  THE 
LITTLE  MIAMI  VALLEY.  By  FRANK  W.  LANGDON,  Secretary 
of  the  Literary  and  Scientific  Society  of  Madisonville,  Ohio. 

The  valley  of  the  Little  Miami  Eiver,  in  Southwestern  Ohio, 
has  long  been  noted  for  the  number  and  extent  of  its  pre-historic 
earthworks,  which,  distributed  on  either  side  of  the  river,  from  its 
confluence  with  the  Ohio  to  the  well-known  Fort  Ancient  and 
beyond,  form  an  almost  continuous  chain  of  mounds,  forts,  circles, 
and  embankments,  extending  for  more  than  fifty  miles,  and  consti- 
tuting an  important  division  of  the  great  earthworks  system  of  the 
Mississippi  Valley. 

Of  the  few  publications  relating  more  especially  to  the  ancient 
works  of  this  series,  one  of  the  most  important,  perhaps,  is  the 
paper  by  Dr.  Charles  L.  Metz,  entitled  "The  Prehistoric  Monu- 


524  MADISONVILLE  EXPLORATIONS. 

ments  of  the  Little  Miami  Valley,"  *  accompanied  by  a  chart  show- 
ing the  location  and  character  of  more  than  forty  of  these  earth- 
works, situated  in  Columbia,  Spencer  and  Anderson  Townships  of 
Hamilton  County.  The  Hon.  Joseph  Cox,  H.  B.  Whetsel,  Esq., 
Mr.  Charles  F.  Low,  and  the  several  other  gentlemen  composing 
the  organization  known  as  the  Literary  and  Scienti6c  Society  of 
Madison ville,  have  also,  at  various  times,  given  considerable  atten- 
tion to  archaeological  investigations  in  this  vicinity,  and  the  valua- 
ble and  interesting  collections  of  objects  of  prehistoric  art  accumu- 
lated by  these  gentlemen  afford  abundant  evidence  of  the  long- 
continued  occupation  of  this  region  by  a  numerous  and  somewhat 
intelligent  people  of  whom  we  have  no  historic  record. 

A  renewed  interest  in  the  subject  has  been  recently  developed 
by  the  discovery,  near  Madisonville,  of  one  of  the  cemeteries  of  this 
unknown  people,  and  the  explorations  therein  by  the  above-named 
society,  are  perhaps  among  the  most  interesting  that  have  ever  been 
conducted  in  the  Mississippi  Valley. 

This  cemetery,  which  is  distant  about  one  and  one-half  miles 
southeast  from  Madisonville,  occupies  the  western  extremity  of  an 
elevated  plateau  overlooking  the  Little  Miami  River,  and  situated 
from  eighty  to  one  hundred  feet  above  the  water-line.  It  is  bounded 
on  the  south  by  the  river  "  bottom  ";  on  the  north  and  west  by  a  deep 
ravine,  through  which  flows  a  small  stream  known  as  Whisky  Run ; 
on  the  east  the  plateau  slopes  gradually  up  to  the  general  level  of  the 
surrounding  country,  of  which  it  is  in  fact  a  continuation  or  spur, 
its  character  of  an  isolated  plateau  being  derived  from  its  position 
between  the  eroded  river  valley  and  the  deep  ravine  above  referred 
to.  The  precipitous  but  well- wooded  bluff  which  forms  the  southern 
limit  of  this  plateau  extends  eastward,  facing  the  river,  for  perhaps 
half  a  mile,  and  distributed  along  its  edge  are  a  number  of  mounds 
and  other  earthworks ;  at  its  base  are  the  Cincinnati  and  Eastern 
and  Little  Miami  Railways,  the  nearest  station  being  Batavia  Junc- 
tion, distant  about  half  a'mile  east  of  the  cemetery. 

The  original  forest  still  covers  the  site  of  the  cemetery,  and 
measurements  of  some  of  the  principal  trees  are  recorded  by  Dr. 
Metz  in  his  paper  before  mentioned,  as  follows  :  a  walnut,  15|-  feet 
in  circumference;  an  oak,  12  feet;  a  maple,  9f  feet;  an  elm,  12 

*  Vide  Journal  of  the  Cincinnati  Society  of  Natural  History,  Vol.  I,  No.  3, 
October,  1878. 


NORTH  AMERICANS  OF  ANTIQUITY.  525 

feet.  The  locality  has  long  been  known  to  local  collectors  and 
others  interested  in  archaeological  matters,  as  the  "  Pottery  Field," 
so  called  on  account  of  the  numerous  fragments  of  earthemvare 
strewn  over  the  surface ;  and  it  was  until  recently  supposed  to  be 
a  place  where  the  manufacture  of  pottery  had  been  carried  on  by 
the  ancient  inhabitants  of  the  valley,  the  fragments  found  being 
considered  the  debris.  A  few  scattered  human  remains  had  also 
been  found  in  the  adjoining  ravines,  but  it  was  not  until  some  time 
in  March,  1879,  that  its  true  character  and  extent  as  a  cemetery 
were  brought  to  light. 

It  then  became  apparent  that  some  concerted  action  would  be 
necessary,  in  order  to  secure  the  best  scientific  results  from  the 
discovery ;  and  early  in  April  excavations  were  begun  under  the 
auspices  of  the  before  mentioned  organization,  the  proprietors  of 
the  premises,  Messrs.  A.  J.  and  Charles  K.  Ferris,  having  kindly 
granted  to  it  the  exclusive  privilege  of  making  a  thorough  and 
systematic  exploration  of  the  ground.  From  that  time  until  the 
present  (July  19,  1879)  excavations  have  been  continued  with  a 
force  varying  from  one  to  three  men,  assisted  by  members  of  the 
society,  every  foot  of  the  ground  gone  over  being  thoroughly 
explored,  and  full  notes  taken  as  the  work  progressed. 

The  following  brief  outline  of  the  results,  taken  from  the  records 
of  the  society,  will  but  serve  to  convey  an  idea  of  the  general 
features  of  the  discovery  and  of  its  importance  to  archaeological 
science,  time  and  space  not  permitting  a  detailed  account  in  the 
present  connection. 

Of  the  four  or  five  acres  of  ground  over  which  the  cemetery  is 
believed  to  extend,  only  a  small  segment  of  the  south-western  por- 
tion has  been  explored.  The  exploration,  however,  has  been  exceed- 
ingly thorough  and  comprises  an  extent  of  perhaps  half  an  acre  of 
ground,  from  which  have  been  exhumed  in  all  one  hundred  and 
eighty-five  skeletons.  Of  these,  however,  but  a  small  proportion 
are  in  a  good  or  even  tolerable  state  of  preservation,  as  with  the 
utmost  care  only  about  forty  crania  could  be  preserved  sufficiently 
well  for  measurement.  The  preservation  of  even  this  number 
must  probably  be  attributed  to  the  favorable  character  of  the  soil, 
a  compact  gravelly  drift,  as  the  various  surroundings,  position  of 
some  skeletons  under  large  trees,  etc.,  all  indicate  for  these  inter- 
ments a  remote  antiquity. 


526  MADISONVILLE  EXPLORATIONS. 

With  respect  to  the  mode  of  burial,  this  is  far  from  being  uni- 
form. A  large  majority  of  the  skeletons  are  found  at  a  depth  of 
from  two  to  three  feet,  in  a  horizontal  position,  face  upwards ;  but 
exceptions  to  this  rule  are  numerous,  many  interments  being  made 
in  a  sitting  position,  and  some  in  groups  of  from  three  to  six  indi- 
viduals irregularly  disposed.  There  has  been  no  attempt  in  any 
instance  at  the  construction  of  a  stone  coffin,  but  in  one  case  the 
skeleton  was  covered  with  a  layer  of  small  flat  limestone  from  the 
adjacent  stream.  The  heads  of  those  in  the  horizontal  position  are 
generally  directed  to  the  east  or  south-east ;  but  this  rule  is  not  con- 
stant, several  being  found  at  right  angles  to  these.  It  is  worthy  of 
note,  however,  that,  with  scarcely  an  exception,  those  skeletons 
accompanied  by  the  finer  vases,  pipes  and  other  choice  relics,  have 
their  heads  directed  east  or  south-east. 

During  the  progress  of  the  work  on  April  12,  a  cranium,  unac- 
companied by  other  bones,  was  exhumed ;  in  searching  for  the  rest 
of  the  skeleton,  a  circular  excavation,  three  and  a  half  feet  in 
diameter  and  four  and  a  half  feet  in  depth,  was  made,  from  which 
were  taken  bones  sufficient  to  represent  twenty-two  skeletons.  But 
two  of  the  crania,  both  evidently  those  of  females,  could  be  pre- 
served ;  they  are  remarkable  for  their  whiteness  and  smooth  texture 
as  compared  with  the  average  crania  from  this  cemetery.  A  sacrum 
taken  from  this  pit  has  imbedded  in  its  anterior  surface,  near  the 
promontory,  one  of  the  small  triangular  flints  known  as  "war 
arrows,"  which  had  passed  obliquely  from  above  downwards,  and 
to  the  right,  necessarily  penetrating  the  abdominal  walls  and  viscera 
in  order  to  reach  its  final  lodging  place.  The  bottom  of  the  pit 
was  paved  with  the  common  river  mussel  shells  (unios),  and  there 
appeared  to  have  been  some  attempt  at  a  natural  disposition  of  the 
bones,  those  of  the  lower  extremities  being  placed  at  the  bottom, 
the  crania  at  the  top. 

Among  the  human  remains  from  this  cemetery  are  many  pos- 
sessing features  of  surgical  and  anatomical  interest,  as,  for  in- 
stance, an  adult  male  cranium  in  which  complete  anchylosis  of  the 
atlas  to  the  condyles  has  occurred,  the  posterior  arch  remaining 
free.  Other  crania  show  evidences  of  severe  injury  with  subsequent 
repair,  and  among  the  long  bones  are  several  showing  characteristic 
lesions  strongly  indicative  of  rachitis  and  of  syphilis,  a  fact  of 
considerable  interest  in  its  relation  to  the  geographical  distribution 


NORTH  AMERICANS  OF  ANTIQUITY. 


527 


of  the  latter  disease,  and  also  as  bearing  on  the  theory  of  its  intro- 
duction into  Southern  Europe  from  America  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury. 

Among  the  graves  opened  are  several  of  children,  who  are 
usually  buried  in  close  proximity  to  adults,  and  with  them  are 
found  various  ornaments  or  toys  of  perforated  shell,  bone,  etc.,  as 
well  as  small  earthen  vessels. 

The  pottery  ware  which  accompanies  the  skeletons  is  usually 
situated  near  the  head  and  presents  many  features  of  special  inter- 
est. It  is  made  of  clay, 
finely  tempered  with 
pounded  unio  shells,  and 
much  care  has  evidentty 
been  bestowed  upon  its 
manufacture,  some  pieces 
being  scarcely  thicker 
than  an  ordinary  teacup. 
Many  specimens  are  in 
a  perfect  condition,  or 
nearly  so,  and  they  usu- 
ally contain  a  single  unio 
shell  when  found,  the 
shell  being  evidently  in- 
tended for  use  as  a  spoon. 
The  vessels  range  in  ca- 
pacity from  a  third  of  a 
pint,  or  even  smaller,  up 
to  a  gallon  or  more,  the 
smaller  ones,  as  before 
stated,  being  usually 

found  in  the  graves  of  children.  They  are  symmetrical  in  shape 
and  varied  in  design,  some  being  artistically  ornamented  with  scroll 
work,  handles  representing  lizards,  human  heads,  etc.,  and  are 
almost  invariably  provided  with  four  handles.  Among  the  few 
exceptions  to  this  latter  rule  is  an  eight-handled  bowl  (see  cut), 
in  the  collection  of  W.  0.  Kogers,  Esq.,  which  is  a  two-story 
affair,  apparently  made  by  combining  two  distinct  vessels,  and 
then  removing  the  bottom  of  the  upper  one.  Vessels  having 
but  two  handles  occasionally  occur,  and  others  with  holes  in 


BOWL  FROM  ANCIENT   CEMETERY,  LITTLE 

MIAMI  VALLEY. 
(Collection  of  W.  C.  Rogers,  Madisonville,  O.) 


528  MADISONVILLE   EXPLORATIONS. 

lieu  of  handles ;  but  these-  are  exceptions  to  the  general  rule  as 
above  noted. 

The  total  number  of  vessels  taken  from  the  cemetery  to  date  is 
eighty-eight.  There  is  good  reason  to  believe,  however,  that  each 
interment  has  been  originally  accompanied  by  a  vessel,  the  present 
disparity  between  the  number  of  vessels  and  the  number  of  skele- 
tons being  accounted  for  by  the  fragments  thickly  strewn  over  the 
surface  and  intermingled  with  the  surrounding  soil,  which  have 
doubtless  at  one  time  constituted  portions  of  the  missing  burial 
urns.  To  the  growth  of  trees,  action  of  frost  and  rooting  of  hogs, 
the  destruction  of  so  much  of  this  valuable  ware  must  be  attrib- 
uted, and  to  the  latter  cause,  irregularities  observed  in  the  disposi- 
tion of  some  of  the  skeletons  are  probably  due. 

Among  the  other  articles  of  utility  or  ornament  found  in  the 
graves  are  twelve  pipes,  of  various  patterns,  three  of  them  being 
made  from  the  Minnesota  Catlinite  or  Red  Pipestone ;  also  stone 
disks,  axes  and  chisels,  flint  knives  and  spear-heads,  and  many 
ornaments  and  implements  of  bone,  such  as  beads,  awls,  needles, 
perforated  teeth,  etc.,  together  with  others  of  unknown  uses.  Two 
small  cylinders  of  rolled  copper,  about  two  inches  in  length,  and 
two  flat  pieces  of  the  same  metal  an  inch  or  more  square,  are  among 
the  collections,  as  are  also  two  stones  bearing  inscriptions  as 
follows:  one,  an  irregular  piece  of  sandstone,  measuring  about 
3x2x1  inches,  on  the  flat  surface  of  which  are  cut  two  parallel 
figures  made-of  straight  lines  and  apparently  intended  to  represent 
arrows ;  this  specimen  is  now  in  the  writer's  collection.  The  other 
stone,  which  is  in  the  collection  of  E.  A.  Conkling,  Esq.,  is  a  flat- 
tened dark-green  boulder  measuring  about  3^  x  2^  inches,  one  side  of 
which  is  completely  covered  with  a  network  of  lines  from  £  to  J-  of 
an  inch  apart  and  crossing  each  other  at  nearly  right  angles,  thus 
forming  quadrangular  divisions  of  various  sizes. 

An  interesting  feature  of  these  excavations  has  been  the  dis- 
covery of  what  may  be  designated  as  "ashpits";  being  circum- 
scribed deposits  of  ashes,  shells,  sand,  etc.,  from  two  to  three  feet 
in  thickness,  placed  at  varying  distances  below  the  surface.  A  per- 
pendicular section  made  of  one  of  these  pits  answers  to  the  follow- 
ing description,  which  will  serve  to  convey  a  fair  idea  of  them  all. 
Diameter  of  pit,  three  feet ;  the  first  eighteen  inches  consisted  of 
leaf  mold  and  sandy  soil ;  then  followed  nine  inches  of  clay,  burnt 


NORTH  AMERICANS  OF  ANTIQUITY.  529 

earth  and  charcoal;  next,  ashes  and  charcoal,  twelve  inches  ;  clay, 
three  inches  ;  white  ashes,  two  inches ;  sand  and  unio  shells,  six 
inches;  pure  ashes,  twelve  inches;  total  depth,  five  feet  two  inches. 

Of  these  ashpits,  more  than  fifty  have  been  opened,  situated  in 
continuous  rows  near  the  edge  of  the  bluff.  They  are  quite  uniform 
in  size,  measuring  from  three  to  four  feet  in  diameter  and  from 
four  to  six  feet  in  depth,  and  with  one  or  two  exceptions  have  not 
been  found  in  any  other  than  the  above  mentioned  situation.  In- 
termingled with  the  ashes  are  pipes,  implements  of  bone,  shell,  and 
stone,  a  mastodon's  tooth,  bones  of  various  wild  animals,  including 
birds  and  fishes,  and  in  some  of  them  large  sherds  of  pottery-ware  in- 
dicating vessels  of  from  ten  to  twelve  gallons  capacity  or  even  larger. 
With  the  exception  of  a  single  dorsal  vertebra  no  human  remains 
have  yet  been  found  in  these  pits,  unless  the  ashes  be  so  considered. 

From  the  uncharred  condition  of  the  above  articles  it  is  evident 
that  the  ashes  has  been  placed  in  the  pits  as  ashes,  after  having 
been  burned  elsewhere,  as  in  no  case  do  the  relics  or  the  walls  of 
the  pits  show  any  traces  of  the  action  of  fire. 

With  respect  to  the  length  of  time  that  has  elapsed  since  these 
interments,  mention  has  already  been  made  of  the  situation  of  some 
of  the  skeletons  under  large  trees,  an  instance  of  which  may  be 
cited:  On  Saturday,  April  5,  the  ground  was  visited  by  Judge 
Cox  and  Mr.  Low,  in  company  with  Dr.  Metz,  and  in  excavating 
beneath  an  oak  tree,  six  feet  two  inches  in  circumference,  a  skele- 
ton was  discovered,  its  lower  extremities  extending  under  the  tree ; 
overlying  the  lower  extremities  of  this  skeleton  was  another,  its 
body  situated  directly  under  the  trunk  of  the  tree  and  the  skull  so 
surrounded  and  penetrated  by  roots  as  to  prevent  its  removal  except 
in  fragments.  The  bones  of  both  skeletons  were  much  decayed 
and  exceedingly  fragile. 

In  forming  an  estimate  as  to  the  probable  antiquity  of  these 
interments,  the  time  that  must  necessarily  have  elapsed  between 
the  abandonment  of  the  cemetery  and  the  springing  up  of  the 
forest;  the  age  of  the  trees  now  present  and  of  others  that  have 
fallen  and  decayed ;  the  advanced  state  of  decay  in  which  the 
human  remains  are  found;  the  character  of  the  pottery- ware ;  and 
lastly,  the  total  absence  of  any  evidences  of  communication  with 
civilization,  in  the  shape  of  glass  beads  or  other  trinkets,  must  all 
be  taken  into  account ;  and  it  does  not  appear  at  all  unreasonable 
34 


530  IOWA  ELEPHANT   PIPE. 

to  conclude  that  the  use  of  this  ground  as  a  cemetery  probably 
antedates  the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus. 

As  regards  the  particular  race  to  which  this  people  belonged, — 
whether  they  were  identical  with,  or  related  to,  the  celebrated 
" stone-grave  people"  of  Tennessee,*  as  some  of  their  pottery-ware 
and  the  shape  and  dimensions  of  their  crania  would  seem  to  indi- 
cate ;  or  whether  they  were  the  last  remnants  of  the  once  powerful 
nation  that  erected  Fort  Ancient  and  other  gigantic  works  in  this 
region, — these  and  similar  queries  remain  as  yet  unanswered.  More 
extended  investigations  and  a  careful  comparison  of  large  amounts 
of  material  from  this  and  other  localities,  may  be  expected  to  assist 
in  the  solution  of  these  obscure  but  interesting  problems. 

At  the  present  writing  excavations  are  still  in  progress,  with 
new  developments  daily,  and  a  publication  of  the  entire  results, 
with  full  details  and  illustrations,  may  be  looked  for  in  due  season. 

MADISONVILLE,  Hamilton  County,  Ohio,  July  19, 1879. 


B. 

THE  question  as  to  whether  man  and  the  mastodon  were  con- 
temporaneous in  America,  has  long  been  a  matter  of  dispute 
as  the  reader  is  aware  after  the  perusal  of  our  second  chapter  and 

other  sources.  The  "ele- 
phant pipe  "  figured  in  the 
accompanying  cut  has  been 
the  means  of  calling  fresh 
attention  to  the  subject. 
Dr.  E.  J  Farquharson,  of 
the  Davenport  Academy  of 

Sciences,  who  kindly  fur- 
ELEPHANT  PIPE  FROM  LOUISA  Co.,  IOWA.       ^^  ng  fte  photQ  from 

which  our  illustration  is  a  reduction,  states  that  six  or  seven  years 
ago  Mr.  Peter  Mare,  a  farmer  (whose  estate  was  situated  on  both 

*  Vide  Archaeological  Explorations  in  Tennessee,  by  F.  W.  Putnam.  Eleventh 
Annual  Eeport  of  the  Peabody  Museum  of  American  Archeology  and  Ethnology, 
Cambridge,  Mass.,  1878. 


NORTH  AMERICANS  OF  ANTIQUITY.  531 

sides  of  the  line  dividing  Muscatine  and  Louisa  Counties,  Iowa) 
found  the  elephant  pipe  while  plowing  corn  on  his  land  in  Louisa 
County.  The  finder,  who  had  no  idea  of  its  archaeological  value, 
kept  it  with  a  number  of  "  Indian  stones,"  as  he  termed  them,  until 
last  year  (1878),  when  it  became  the  property  of  the  Davenport 
Academy.  Dr.  Farquharson  says :  "  The  ancient  mounds  were 
very  abundant  in  that  vicinity  (Louisa  Co.),  and  rich  in  relics 
which  are  deposited  on  the  surface  of  the  soil  (not  in  excavations), 
as  we  found  in  exploring  a  number.  In  such  a  case  it  is  not  strange 
that  a  mound  having  been  gradually  removed  by  long  cultivation, 
the  relics  so  deposited  should  be  reached  and  turned  up  by  the 
plow."  *  *  *  "The  pipe,  which  is  of  a  fragile  sandstone,  is  of 
the  ordinary  Mound-builder's  type,  and  has  every  appearance  of 
age  and  usage.  Of  its  genuineness  I  have  no  doubt.  Together 
with  the  "Elephant  mound"  of  Wisconsin,  the  elephant  head  of 
Palenque  (depicted  in  Lord  Kingsborough's  great  work),  our  pipe 
completes  the  series  of  what  the  French  would  call  '  documents ' 
proving  the  fact  of  the  contemporaneous  existence  on  this  con- 
tinent of  man  and  the  mastodon."*  The  above  facts,  as  stated 
by  Dr.  Farquharson,  were  substantially  embodied  in  a  paper  read 
by  Mr.  Pratt  before  the  Davenport  Academy,  April  25, 1879. 

*  Letter  to  tlie  author,  dated  Davenport,  Iowa,  May  24,  1879. 


INDEX. 


A. 

Abbott,  discoveries  in  New  Jersey,  127-8 ; 
view  of  Eskimo,  128. 

Aboriginal  painting  of  sun,  65 ;  trade,  98 ; 
Rau  on,  98. 

Aborigines,  American,  21. 

Acolhuas,  Nahua  tribe,  256. 

Agassiz  on  Floridian  jaw-bone,  112;  on 
origin  of  nations,  158-9;  on  physical 
life  and  nature,  158 ;  views  of  untena- 
ble, 159,  516. 

Ages  of  stone  and  bronze  in  Mississippi 
valley,  27. 

Age  of  trees  on  mounds,  104. 

Agglutination  in  languages,  471. 

Alabama  mounds,  71-72. 

Alaska,  climate  of,  511. 

Alleghany  Mts.,  boundary  of  Mound 
country,  58. 

Alligator  mound,  34. 

Allighewi,  10.2. 

Allouez,  Father,   on  aboriginal  copper, 

Al-Mamoun,    state    of   learning   during 

kalifate  of,  132. 

Altar  mounds,  37 ;  Squier  and  Davis  on, 
83-87  ;  stratification  of,  83-84;  Prof.  An- 
drews on,  83,  n.  1. 
Alton,  mounds  at,  41. 
Aleutian  islands,  509 ;  migration  by,  509. 
Amaquemecan,  Chichimec  home,  248, 256. 
American  civilization  (ancient)  contrasted 

with  that  of  Britons,  520. 
"Bottom,"    recent    discoveries    in, 

43-44. 
languages,  number    and  variety  of, 

190 ;  instability  of,  190. 
race  not  unique,  165;   of  old  world 

origin,  201-2. 
Anahuac,  249. 

Analogies  in  geographical  names,  497. 
in  religion,  459-68. 
of  ceremonial  law,  463. 
Scandinavian  and  Mexican,  464. 
Hindoo  and  Mexican,  465. 
Greek  and  Mexican,  466. 
Egyptian  and  Mexican,  467. 
Anchylosis  (bony)  observed   in   mound- 
builder  remains,  184. 
Ancient  copper  mines,  89-94. 
Ancient  forts  of  New  York,  28 ;  of  Lake 
Erie,  28;  Col.  Whittlesey  on,  28;  Dr. 
Foster  on,  28. 

Anderson' s,W.  M.,  "  Calendar  Stone,"  70. 
Andrews,  E.  B.,  explorations  by,  55. 


Antiquity  of  man,  chap,  ii.;  testimony  of 

geology,  102 ;  in  Europe,  24,  n.  1. 
Antiquity  of  mounds,  101,  103,  104. 

Red  man,  22. 
Antipodes,  St.  Augustine  on,  132 ;  Aris- 

tarchus  of  Samos  on,  132. 
Apes,  American  group  of,  194. 
Ararat,  Mt.,  497. 

the  Mexican,  261-63. 
Arch,  pueblo,  292. 

Architecture,  analogies  in,  real  and  fan- 
cied, 339. 
Maya,  340-55. 
classification  of  styles,  340. 
Palenque,  340;  Yucatan  style,   346; 

Uxmal,  347. 

Kabah,  352  ;  Zayi,  353  ;  Labna,  354. 
Quiche,  355-59. 
Nahua,  359-83 :  Mitla,  360-64. 
Maya  and  Nahua  compared,  381. 
Architectural  progress  in  mound  works, 

79-80. 

Argyll,  Duke  of,  on  Negroid  type,  197. 
Art,  unity  of  style  in  savage,  196. 

high  order  at  Palenque,  389,  392 ;  at 

Uxmal,  393,  395;  at  Copan,  404. 
Palenque  and  Egyptian   compared, 

418. 
Astronomical  knowledge  of  Aztecs,  455. 

Mound-builders,  94-6. 
Atlantic  Ocean,  floor  of,  502,  505. 
submerged  land  ridge  of,  503. 
mean  deoths  of,  502. 
sea-board,  changes  in  level  of,  504. 
continent,  505. 
Atlantis,  Platonic,  tradition  of,  142,  498- 

505. 

Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  on,  498-500. 
Legends  of  from  Popol  Vuh  and  Co- 
dex Chimalpopoca,  499. 
Retziuson,  500;  Unger,  501;  Heer,501. 
Atolls  of  the  Pacific,  507 ;  Dana  and  Le 

Conte  on,  507-8. 
Atoyac,  Mexican  river,  234. 
Autochthenes,  mound-builders  not,  97. 
Autochthon,  the  American  an,  192. 
Autochthonic  origin  of  Americans,  155. 
Axayacatl,  Mexican  king,  452. 
Azores,  volcanic  character  of,  503. 
Aztec  calendar,  446-59;  year,  447;  months, 
447 ;  weeks  and  days,  448 ;   inter- 
calation, 448 ;  Ritual  year,  449,  455  ;. 
Lords  of  night,  449. 
Stone,  450 ;  lunar  reckoning,  455. 
chronology,  458. 


534 


INDEX. 


Aztec  language,  richness  of,  471,  480, 481 ; 

extent  of,  480,  492. 
the  classic  tongue,  480 ;  ancient  and 

modern,  481. 
grammar,  481-85 ;  Lord's  prayer  in, 

485. 

traces  of  north  of  Mexico,  486-90,  491. 
elements  in  Nootka  languages,  491. 
Aztec  picture-writing,  428-33. 
Aztec  springs,  300,  324-26 ;  Aztec-Sonora 

languages,  487-8. 
"Aztec  theory,"  the,  331. 
Aztecs,  migrations  of,  259-263  ;  date  of, 
259 ;  stations,  260-61 ;   southern  origin 
of  considered,  266,  n.  1. 
Aztlan,  Nahua  home,  257-9,  518;  location 

of,  257-9,  264-65. 
description  of  by  Duran,  258. 
Aztlan,  "VVis.,  mound  works  at,  36. 

B. 

Babel  myths,  140  ;  tower  of,  205  ;  Cholu- 

la,  235-37. 
Bacab  myth,  465. 

Balam-Agab,  Quiche  progenitor,  214. 
Balam-Quitze,  Quiche  progenitor,  214. 
Baldwin,  J.  D.,  on  mounds  of  North-west, 

31,  32. 

Bancroft,  H.  H.,  on  Hue  hue  Tlapalan, 
251-53. 

resume  of  Toltec  annals  by,  255. 
observations'on  Cox-cox  myth,  263. 
on  Maya  chronology,  438. 
on  Aztec  language,  476,  n.  2. 
:Baptism,  Mexican,  4(32. 
Barber,  E.  A.,  305. 
Barrandt  on  Dakota  mounds,  31. 
Basque  and  Maya  languages  compared, 

476 ;  Dr.  Farrar  on,  476,  n.  2. 
Bartlett's  exploration  of  Casas  Graudes, 

276-83. 

Bayou  St.  John,  earthworks  on,  76. 
Beard  mound,  56. 
Bearded  men  at  Chichen-Itza,  401. 
Beau  Relief  in  Stucco,  388. 
Becker,  J.  H.,  on  traditions  of  Nahua 
Mound-builders,   102,    n. ;    on   ancient 
home  of  Nahuas,  248 ;  on  Toltec  migra- 
tion, 248-50. 
Behring's  Straits,  Bancroft's  remarks  on, 

147. 

width  and  depth  of,  510 ;  Lyell  and 
Herschel  on,  510 ;  Hellwald  on  mi- 
gration by,  511 ;  Dall,  W.  H.,  on 
migration  via,  512,  n.  1. 
Berthoud,  E.  L.,  stone  implements  col- 
lected by,  124. 

Big  Harpeth  valley  works,  60-65. 
Blake,  J.  H.,  collection  of  Peruvian  skulls 

by,  176-7. 
Bollaert's  interpretation  of  hieroglyphics, 

Books  used  by  Mayas,  420. 
by  Aztecs,  428. 


Bourbeuse  River,  mastodon  discovered 
at,  116. 

Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  estimate  of  by 

Bancroft,  142,  n.  1. 
on  the  Platonic  Atlantis,  142,  498-500  • 
on  Igh  and  Imox,  205,  n.  1;  on 
Maya  hieroglyphics,  421-25 ;  on  re- 
ligious analogies,  467-8;  on  Scan- 
dinavian and  Maya  languages,  476. 

Brachycephalic  crania  classified,  162-3.  ' 

Brazil,  accidental  discovery  of  by  Cabral, 

Brent  wood,  Tenn.,  stones  graves  at,  60. 
Brick,  sun-dried,  from  mounds.  72-75. 
Brinton,    Dr.,    phonetic    alphabet,    427; 
Buddha  and  Quetzalcoatl  compared  by, 

Brown,  Thos.,  mounds  of,  63-4. 
Browne,  Ross,  explorations  by,  282-3. 
Buckle,  on  learning  in  Spain,  133,  n.  2. 
Buddhist  missionaries  in  America,  148-50. 
Burial,  "  intrusive  "  in  mounds,  85  ;  cer- 
emony, 40 ;  in  stone  coffins,  60 ;  vase 
from  Mexico,  410. 
Butler,  J.  W.,  on  Chaac-Mol,  S99. 
Buschmann's    researches    on    American 

languages,  487-88. 

Sonora  family,    487;   on  Aztec  ele- 
ment in  Nootka  language,  491. 

C. 

Cabots,  22. 

Cabral,  discovery  of  Brazil  by,  506. 

Cabrera  on  the  origin  of  the  Votanites, 

208-9  ;  on  Votanic  document,  207. 
Cahita,  language  of  New  Mexico,  487. 
Cahokia  mound,  41. 
Calapooya  language,  traces  of  Aztec  in, 

4«y(J. 

Calaveras  Co.  (Cal.)  cranium,  125;  views 
of  Whitney,  Wyman  and  others  on,  125. 
Calendar  systems,  mound-builder,  40. 
Maya,   435-45 ;    days,   436 ;    months, 
437 ;  the  Katun,  439^0 ;  Ahau  Ka- 
tun, 441 ;  succession  of,  442. 
Nahua  or  Mexican,  its  construction, 
243,    446-59;    perfection    of,    519; 
year,  447 ;  days  and  weeks,  448 ;  in- 
tercalation, 448  ;  Ritual  year,  449  ; 
lords  of  night,  449 ;  Calendar  Stone, 
408-9  ;  interpreted  by  Gama,  Che- 
vero  and  Valentini,  450-58  ;  history, 
452-3,  457, 
California,  traces  of  antiquity  of  man  in, 

125. 
California  languages  and  their  affinities 

to  Chinese,  495  ;  Japanese,  496. 
Canals  constructed  by  Mound- builders, 

98-100. 
Caras  or  Carians  ancient  navigators,  507 ; 

Brasseur  on,  507. 
Carr's  Measurements  of  Crania,  173  ;  on 

low-type  mound  crania,  174. 
Carter,  22;   Carter,  Dr.   J.  Van  A.,   on 
stone  implements,  24,  n.  1. 


INDEX. 


535 


Carthaginian  colonization  of  America 
145-6. 

Cara  Gigantesca,  404. 

Casa  del  Eco,  312. 

Gobernador  (Uxmal),  347-50. 

Grande  of  Zayi,  353. 

de  Monjas,  sculptures  of,  394. 

Casas  Grandes,  Chihuahua,  276  ;   Aztec 

station  at,  277. 
of  the  Gila,  284. 

Cataclysm,  traditions  of  a,  499. 

Cave  explorations,  26. 

dwellings,  292-311,  313. 
village  of  Rio  Chelley,  313. 
shelters  of  San  Juan,  319. 
fortresses  of  Rio  Mancos,  320. 

Ceacatl  Quetzalcoatl,  Toltec  king,  272. 

Cemetery,  aboriginal,  65. 

Centennial  Report  of  Ohio  Arch.  Asso.,  82. 

Centla,  pyramid  of,  365^6. 

Cephalic  index  of  crania,  160. 

Ceremonial  law,  analysis  of,  463. 

Chaac-Mol,  statue  of,  397-400. 

Chaco  Valley,  ruined  pueblo  in,  291 ;  pe- 
culiarity of  architecture,  292. 

Chalcas,  Nahua  tribe,  256. 

Chalco,  lake,  264. 

Challenger,  voyage  of,  502;  "Challenger 
plateau,"  502-3. 

Chalcatzin,  Toltec  chief,  244. 

Chamber,  interior  in  mound,  75. 

Chanes,  ancient  races,  206. 

Charencey,  425. 

Chelly  Canon,  antiquities  of,  293;  cave 
village  of,  313-14 ;  house  in,  315. 

Chevero,  interpretation  of  Mexican  Cal- 
endar Stone  by,  450-2. 

Chiapan  architecture,  340. 

Chiapas,  ancient  civilization  of,  203. 

Chichen-Itza,  antiquities  of,  353-5,  397- 
403 ;  mural  paintings  at,  401. 

Chichilticale,  "red  house,"  281. 

Chichimecs,  Mexican  nation,  243  ;  dynas- 
ty of,  254;  language  of,  255,  480;  Pi- 
mentel  on,  255-6. 

Chicomoztoc  (Chichimostoc)  Nahua 
home,  256-7;  identical  with  "seven 
caves,"  261,  n.;  264-66. 

Chihuahua,  Casas  Grandes  of,  275  ;  origi- 
nal descriptions  of,  276  ;  material  and 
dimensions  of,  276-77. 

Children's  graves  in  Tennessee,  66-S. 

Chimalhuacan,  Toltec  station,  245. 

Chinook  language,  traces  of  Aztec  in, 
490,  n.  3. 

Cholula  pyramid,  235 ;  not  related  to  a 
flood,  235,  237 ;  origin  according  to  Du- 
ran:  236,  368-70. 

Christ  myth  in  Yucatan,  231,  464. 

Christy  collection.  Mosaic  knife  from,  412. 

Chinese  colonization  of  America,  148. 

Chronology,   accepted  faulty,    199,  200: 

Duke  of  Argyll  on,  200. 
Maya,  435-45 ;  adjusted  to  ours,  443- 


Cibola,  seven  cities  of,  288. 

Cincinnati    mound-works,   44-6;    tablet, 

44 — o« 

Circumcision,  463. 
Cists,  stone,  60. 
Civilization,   American    contrasted   with 

that  of  ancient  Britons,  520. 
Clallam  and  Lummi  languages,  Aztec  ele- 
ment in,  490. 

Clarke,  Robert,  on  Cincinnati  Tablet, 44-6. 
on  Morgan's  Pueblo  theory,  55,  n.  2. 
Classification  of  crania,  160-3. 

of  mound- works  by  Squier  and  Davis, 

and  Foster,  81. 

of  mound  relics  by  Rau,  82,  n.  1. 
Clavigero,  views  on  origin  of  Americans, 

140,  11.  1. 

on  first  colonists  of  America,  204. 
Cliff-dwellers,  293 ;  their  traditional  his- 
tory, 302. 
Cliff-dwellings  of  the  Mancos  Canon,  298 

-99,  319. 

McElmo  Canon,  302. 
Hovenweep:  305-7. 
San  Juan,  307,  308,  319. 
and  Rock  Shelters  on  San  Juan,  309. 
house  of  Chelly  Canon,  315. 
in  Montezuma  Canon,  316. 
Cloth  from  mounds,  37,  43. 
Coast  level,  elevation  and  depression  of, 

405. 

Coffins,  stone,  60. 
Columbus,  22;  stern-post  of   ship  seen 

by,  506. 

Colonists,  first  in  Mexico,  242. 
Color,  variety  in  human  races,  197,  198 ; 

Darwin  on  origin  of,  199. 
Color  of  ancient  Americans,  189;  Pritchard 

on,  189,  n.  2. 

Colorado  River,  ruins  in  Grand  Canon  of, 
285. 

Major  Powell's  exploration,  285-87. 
Colorado  Chiquito,  antiquities  of,  287. 
Columbia  River  languages,  492. 
Conant,  A.  J.,  explorations  by,  76,  77 ; 

on  ancient  canals,  98,  100. 
Conflict  of  science  and  dogmatism,  131. 
Confusion  of  tongues,  238. 
Connett  mound,  56. 
Conquest  of  Xibalba,  222-5. 
Copan,  221 ;  ruins  of,  356-59 ;  sculpture 

of,  404-5. 

Copper  in  mounds,  85  ;  ancient  mines  of, 
89-94 ;  theory  of  Mexican  supply, 
93,  493. 

relics  from  Wisconsin,  99. 
Cora  language  and  its  relation  to  Aztec, 

486-7. 

Cosmogonic  egg,  416,  419,  465. 
Coronado's  journey  to  New  Mexico,  281, 

n.  1. 

Cox,  Prof.,  discoveries  cited,  75. 
Cox-cox,  Mexican  Noah,  262,  n.  1. 
Cox-cox,  Bancroft's  observations  on,  263, 


536 


INDEX. 


Crania  Americana,  measurements  of,  clas- 
sified, 161-8. 

Cranial  measurements,  159-60. 
Crania  from  mounds,  testimony  of,  105-6. 
River  Rogue,  167 ;  measurements  by 

Gillmau,  168. 

Davenport,  Farquharson's  measure- 
ments, 169-70;  from  Ohio,  170; 
from  Kentucky,  171 ;  from  Tennes- 
see, 171 ;  comparison,  174 ;  com- 
pression of  common,  178,  184 ; 
among  Chinooks,  182  ;  among  olher 
American  tribes,  183. 
Cranium,  low  type,  discovered  by  Co- 

nant,  174. 

Cremation  probable,  85. 
Cristone  of  McElmo  Canon,  301. 
Cross,  subterranean  temple  of,  363. 

Tablet  of,  390. 

Cruciform  works  at  Trenton,  Wis;,  35. 
Crux  Ansata  at  Palenque,  416-17. 
Cukulcan  culture  hero,  230-31,  272,  394, 

457. 

Culhuacan,  226. 
Culhuas  (Nahuas)  sometimes  applied  to 

Mayas,  209. 
Curtiss,  Ed.,  explorations  by,  65. 


D. 

Dablon,  Father,  on  aboriginal  use  of  cop- 
per, 92-3. 

Dakota  mounds,  31,  n.  2. 

Dall,  W.  H..  on  migration  by  Behring's 
Straits,  512,  n.  1. 

Dana,  J.  D.,  review  of  Dr.  Koch's  dis- 
coveries, 120. 

Darwin  on  old  world  origin  of  Americans, 
194. 

Davenport  Academy,   explorations  con- 
ducted by,  37-40. 

Davenport  Tablet,  38,  40. 

Davenport  mound  crania,  169-70. 
elephant  pipe,  Appendix  B. 

Days,  Maya,  436-38. 

Deguignes,  148. 

Deluge  myths,  Mexican,  262-3,  notes. 
Tezpi,  263,  n. ;  Analogies,  460. 

Development  of  American  Race  (see  Evo- 
lution). 

Dickson,  Dr.,  examination  of  "Mammoth 
Ravine"  by,  113-14. 

Diseases  of  Mound-builders,  184. 

Dogmatism  and  science,  131. 

Dolechocephalic  crania  classified,  161. 

14  Dolphin  Rise,"  the,  501. 

Domenech,   Abbe,  note   on   works,  139, 
n.  4. 

Dowler,  Dr.,  skeleton  discovered  by,  123  ; 
estimate  of  antiquity,  123. 

Drake,  account  of  works  at  Cincinnati 
by,  44. 

Drift,  (modified),  fossil  from,  121. 

Dwellings  of  Mound-builders,  67. 


E. 

Earth,  globular  form  discovered,  133. 

Echevarria  y  Veitia  on  the  origin  of  the 
Americans,  138. 

Eckstein,  Baron  de,  on  the  Caras,  £07. 

Eden,  Mexican  analogies  with,  400. 

Edificios  de  Quemada,  379. 

Education  of  Aztec  children,  432. 

Effigy  mounds  of  Wisconsin,  33-36;  of 
Ohio,  34 ;  of  Georgia,  35. 

Egypt  and  Teotihuacan  compared,  383. 

Egyptian  influence  on  American  civiliza- 
tion, 147. 

Egyptian  painting,  197. 

Egyptian  Tau  at  Palenque,  416. 

El  Castillo,  pyramid,  366. 

Elephant  mound.  35-tf;  "Trunk,"  385, 
395 ;  pipe,  530. 

El  Moro,  ruins  on,  290. 

Elyria  cave,  AVbittlesey  on,  26. 

Engleman,  Dr.  J.  G.,  43. 

Enoch,  H.  R.,  discovery  by,  44. 

Epsom  Creek,  antiquities  of,  315 ;  eleva- 
ted tower  on,  316. 

Eric  the  Red,  153. 

Ericson,  32. 

Eskimo,  the  first  occupants  of  America, 
512. 

Estufa  (Pueblo  sanctuary),  292  ;  entrance 
peculiar,  322. 

Etowah  valley  mounds,  72. 

Europe,  antiquity  of  man  in,  24,  n.  1. 

Evolution,  origin  of  the  Americans  by, 
191 ;  views  of  Hellwald  on,  191 ;  re- 
garded improbable  by  Hseckel  and 
Darwin,  195. 

F. 

Fanaticism  of  early  writers  on  America, 

133. 

Farquharson,  Dr.,  reports  by,  38. 
Farrar,  Dr.  W.,  on  American  language, 

470. 
Feathered  Serpent  (Quetzalcoatl,  Gucu- 

matz  Cukulcan),  272,  394,  457. 
Festival  of  the  Mexican  Cycle,  456. 
Flood  myths  of  the  Mexicans,  262,  n.  1, 

499 ;  of  Pueblos,  335-6. 
Floors  of  burnt  clay,  66. 
Florida,  ancient  home  of  Mayas,  517. 
Floridian  jaw-bone,   Agassiz  and  Pour- 
tales  on,  112-13. 
Fontaine,     Mr.,    on     Tennessee    valley 

mounds,  71. 

Forchhammer  on  Indian  languages,  496. 
Forest  growth  on  mounds,  104. 
Forshey,  Prof.  C.  G.,  on  southern  mounds, 

77-79. 
Foster's  Pre-Mstoric  Races,  importance  of, 

100,  n.  2. 
Foster,  Dr.  J.  W.,  on  Cahokia  mound,  42 ; 

classification  of  mound-works  by,  81 ; 

on  Indian  traditions,  102;   on  age  of 

"New  Orleans  skeleton,"  124. 


INDEX. 


537 


Fort  Ancient,  51 ;  Judges  Dunlevy  and 

Force  on,  51,  52. 
Fortifications  (ancient)  in  New  York,  on 

the  Lakes,  and  in  Butler  Co.,  Ohio,  50 ; 

in  Miami  valley,  51,  75. 
Fossil  from  drift,  Jersey  Co.,  111.,  121; 

Foster's  observations  on,  121. 
Fremont,  Montezuma  legend  by,  334. 
Frio,  Cape,  distance  from  Africa,  506. 
Fuentes,  description  of  Copan  by,  356. 
Funeral  ceremony,  39,  40. 
Fusang,  148-51 ;    views  of  Neuman  on, 

149 ;  Bretschneider,  150 ;  Klaproth,  150; 

D'Eichthal,  151. 

G. 

Gama,    Leon   y,    on    Mexican  Calendar 
Stone,  450-55. 

Garcia  on  origin  of  Americans,  136-7. 

Gardner,  J.  Starke,  on  Dolphin  and  Chal- 
lenger ridges,  503. 

Gas3,'Rev.  J.,  discoveries  of,  37,  40. 

Gemelli  Carreri,  migration  map  of,  261-3. 

Geometrical  knowledge  of  Mound-build- 
ers, 49. 

Geographical  names,  analogies  in,  497. 

Gest,  Mr.  E.,  46. 

Giants,  race  of,  232 ;  destruction  of,  235. 

Gila  river,  Casa  Grande  of,  279. 

accounts  of,  279 ;  ground  plan  of,  281. 
view  of,  283. 

Gillman,  Henry,  explorations  of,  29. 
on  crania  from  River  Rogue,  167-8. 
on  crania  from  Chamber's  Island,  169. 

Goazacoalco  (various  spellings)  river  and 
province,  251. 

Gobernador,  Casa  del,  347-50. 

Grammar  of  Maya  language,  477-9. 
Aztec  language,  481-85. 

Grave  Creek  mound,  87. 

Gravier  on  Northmen,  153. 

Gray,  Asa,  on  American  and  European 
flora,  501 ;  on  Asiatic  flora,  513. 

Graphic  systems,  see  Hieroglyphics. 

Great  Serpent,  mound-work,  34,  70. 

Grecques  at  Mitla,  363. 

Greek  analogies  of  religion,  468. 

Greek  colonization  of  America,  113;  ad- 
vocates of,  146. 

Greek  gods  in  Yucatan,  467. 

Green  County,  Missouri,  mound,  74. 

Greenland,  subsidence  of  coast.  504. 

"  Grimm's  Law,"  471-483. 

Grote,  Prof.  A.  R.,  observations  on  Eski- 
mo, 128,  512. 

Guatemalans,  origin  and  flood  myths  of, 
228-9. 

Gucumatz,  Quiche,  deity,  213,  223,  236, 

search  for  maize  by,  241,  272. 
Gulf  Stream,  505. 

H. 

Hacavitz,  mountain  and  deity,  215-16. 
Haeckel,  on  origin  of  Americans,  195. 


Hair  of  ancient  Americans,  186. 

Hair  cloth  from  mounds,  43. 

Hanno's  naval  expeditions,  145. 

Hands,  prints   of  ancient   cliff-dwellers, 

Hay  wood,  mummies  described  by,  187. 
Head-flattening,  history  of,  178-80 ;  prac- 
ticed in  America,  180-84 ;  Prof.  Wilson 
on,   180 ;    among   the    Chinooks,   182 ; 
among  Mound-builders,  183. 
Headlee,  Dr.,  cited,  75,  n. 
Hearths  (ancient)  in  Ohio  valley,  122. 
Helena,  Missouri,  sun-dried  bricks  at,  75. 
Hellwald,  F.  von,  and  copper  in  Mexico, 

Jo. 

Herrera  on  origin  of  Americans,  137. 
Heroic  period  of  American  history,  515. 
Hieroglyphics,  from  the  mounds,  419. 
of  cliff-dwellers,  420 ;  of  Mayas,  420- 

28 ;  Landa's  key  to,  223-25. 
Mexican,  429-34. 

Hill,  S.  W.,  on  ancient  copper  mines,  91. 
Hindoo  and  Mexican  analogies,  465. 
Hiram  and  Solomon's  fleet,  154. 
Hitchcock,  Prof.  Ed.,  on  age  of  Missis- 
sippi delta,  128. 

Hivites,  ancestors  of  Votanites,  208-9,  n. 
Hod-Shin,  report  on  Fusang,  148. 
Holmes,  W.  H.,  explorations  of,  297,  305, 

317. 

on  Rio  de  la  Plata,  318 ;  mound-works 
reported,  318 ;  discoveries  on  San 
Juan,  319. 

in  Mancos  Canon,  320-24. 
Hooker,  Sir  Joseph,  43. 
Hopetown  works,  49. 
Hosea,  S.  M.,  on  sacrificial  mounds,  74, 

n.  2. 

Houses  of  Mound-builders,  67. 
Hovenweep,  ruined  city  of,  304;   niche 

stairway  of,  306  ;  cliff -house  of,  307. 
Howland,  H.  R.,  discoveries  by,  in  uAmer- 

ican  bottom,"  43-4. 
Huastecs,  Maya  nation,  234. 
Hueman  (Huematzin),  Toltec  astrologer 

and  leader,  245,  253. 

Hue  hue  Tlapalan,  ancient  Nahua  home, 
238,   240,  248;    date   of  migration 
from,  240,  241,  244,  245,  n.,  4,;>8  ;  lo- 
cation of,  244,  518. 
in    Mississippi  Valley,  253;    not    in 

North-west,  253. 
Huehuetan,  in  Chiapas.  206. 
Huemac,  Toltec  king,  268. 
Hueyxalan,  Toltec  station,  245. 
Humboldt,  William  von,  on  Aztec  lan- 
guage, 486. 
Humphries  and  Abbott's  estimate  of  age 

of  Mississippi  delta,  124. 
Hunahpu,  Quiche,  hero,  223  ;  exploits  of, 

232—3. 

Hunab  Ku  (only  god),  231. 
Hunbatz,  223. 
Hun  Came,  222-24. 
Huuchouen,  223. 


538 


INDEX. 


Hunhunahpu,  Quiche,  chief,  223-3. 
Hurakan,  Quiche,  deity,  212,  222,  226. 

I. 

laia,  tradition  of,  499,  n. 

Igb,  one  of  the  first  colonists  of  Chiapas, 

204. 
Imox,  one  of  the  first  colonists  of  Chiapas, 

<wU4:. 

Inca-bone,  173. 

India  and  Mexico,  religious  analogies  of, 
465. 

Indiana  mounds,  57,  n.  2. 

Indigenous  Americans,  155. 
views  of  writers  on,  156. 

Infant  burial  in  Tennessee,  60,  66. 

Ingersoll,  Mr.,  tradition  of  cliff- dwellers 
recorded  by,  302-4. 

Intercalary  days,  445, 455. 

Interglacial  race,  512-516. 

relics  from  Waynesville,  Ohio,  126  ; 
President  Orton  on,  126-7. 

Interglacial  man  in  New  Jersey,  127-8. 

Iqi-Balam,  Quiche,  deity,  214-15. 

Irish  colonists  of  America,  152. 

Israel,  lost  tribes  of  in  America,  135-6 ; 
views  of  Duran  on,  135 ;  Thorowgood. 
136  :  L'Estrange,  136  ;  Garcia,  137 ;  Pin- 
eda, 138;  Echevarria  y  Veitia  and 
Kin^sborough,  143. 

Isle  Royal,  copper  mines  on,  91 ;  Henry 
Gillman.  91,  n.  1;  Foster  on,  92-3; 
Aboriginal  use  of  copper,  92-3. 

Issaquena  County,  Mississippi,  mounds, 
70 ;  Anderson's  Calendar  Stone  from,  70. 

Ixtlilxochetl's  Relaciones,  240,  250. 

J. 

Jackson,  W.  H.,  discoveries  by  in  the 

McElmo  and  Mancos  canons,  294. 
in  the  Hovenweep,  305-7. 

Janos  river,  antiquities  of,  278. 

Japanese  and  American  affinities,  496. 
colonization  of  America,  148. 

Jaredites,  colonists  of  America,  144. 

Jaw-bone  from  Florida,  Agassiz  and 
Count  Pourtales  on,  112-13. 

Jewish  theory  of  colonization,  143. 

Jewish  and  Mexican  historical  analogies, 
461. 

Jones,  George,  on  Phoenician  colonization 
of  America,  146  ;  estimate  of  his  work, 
146,  n.  2. 

Jones,  Prof.  Joseph.  Mound  explorations 
in  Tennessee,  171-3 ;  cranial  measure- 
ments by,  172. 

K. 

Kabah,  peculiarity  of  architecture  at,  353. 
Kamucu,  Quiche  national  song,  217. 
Kennebec  valley  mound,  28. 
Kennon,  Col.,  on  Aleutian  islands,  £03. 


Kentucky  mound  crania,  171. 

Kinich-Kaknio,  queen  of  Chichen-Itza, 
400. 

Kingsborough's  fancied  analogies,  460- 
65. 

Kitchens  of  the  Mound-builders,  76. 

Kitchen-middens,  see  Shell-heaps. 

Knapp,  S.  O. ,  discovery  of  ancient  copper 
mines  by,  89. 

Koch,  Dr.,  discoveries  of,  116-121;  J.  D. 
Dana  on,  120-21;  Koch,  valuable  ser- 
vices of,  121,  n.  2. 

Kuro-suvo,  or  Japan  current,  509. 


L. 


Labna,  architecture  of,  353. 
Lake  Superior  copper  mines,  90-92. 
Lamnites,  colonists  of  America,  144. 
Landa's  Alphabet,  423-25. 

Maya  days  and  months,  436-7. 
Languages  (American),   multiplicity  of, 
190,  469  ;  instability  of,  493-4,  n.  1. 
survival  of  the  fittest,  470. 
the  Maya-Quiche,  472  ;  classification 
of,  472 ;  stability  of  the  Maya,  473. 
the  oldest  American,  473 ;  Orozco  y 
Berra  on,  473,  493 ;   Maya-Quiche 
characteristics,  474;  Dr.  Le  Plon- 
geon  on,  474. 

the  Aztec,  479-90  ;  epitome  of  gram- 
mar, 481-85;   affinities  to  Asiatic, 
495-96 ;  bearing  on  migrations,  486. 
Lapham,  Dr.,  survey  of  mound- works  in 

Wisconsin,  34-5. 

Lascarbot  on  origin  of  Americans,  137. 
Las  Casas,   on  origin  of  Guatemalians, 

2:28. 
on  flood  myth,  228  ;  on  creation  myth, 

228,  n. ;  on  Christ  myth,  231. 
Latham,  on  Morton's -theories,  165,  n. 
Lautverschiebung,  471,  488. 
Leather  relic  from  mound,  56. 
Le  Conte,  Prof.,   on  changes    of    coast 

level,  504. 
Legendary  period  of  American  history, 

515. 

Leidy,    Prof.  Joseph,    on    stone    imple- 
ments, 24. 

L'Estrange  on  origin  of  Americans,  136. 
Leroux,  M.,  discoveries  of,  284. 
Le  Plongeon,  Dr.,  explorations  in  Yuca- 
tan, 3^6-403  ;   on  Maya  language,  474- 
77 ;  on  analogies  between  Yucatan  and 
Canary  Islands,  500. 
Liberty,  Ohio,  works  at,  48. 
Lief,  Norse  discoverer  of  America,  153. 
Lord's  prayer  in  Maya,  479. 

in  Aztec,  485. 
Louisiana  mounds,  77-79. 

Prof.  C.   G.  Forshey  on,   77;    pyra- 
midal mounds,  78. 
Low  type  crania  from  mounds,  174. 
Lund,  Dr.,  explorations  by,  116. 


INDEX. 


539 


Lyell,  Sir  Charles,  on  remains  at  Santos 
River,  Brazil,  118  ;  observations  on  Nat- 
chez bone,  113-14 ;  on  age  of  Missis- 
sippi delta,  123  ;  on  New  Orleans  skele- 
ton, 123. 

M. 

McElmo  Canon,  cliff-dwellings  of,  300, 
803. 
square  tower  in,  SOI ;  triple-walled 

tower  of,  224. 

McGuire  on  antiquity  of  Red  man,  27,  n. 
McKinle}^   William,    mounds    described 

by,  73. 

Madisonville  explorations,  523. 
Mahucutah,  Quiche  progenitor,  214. 
Maize,  discovery  of,  241. 
Man,  antiquity  of  in  South  America,  109- 

10,  129 ;  four  creations  of.  214. 
Man's  influence  on  nature,  110-11 ;  meas- 
ure of  antiquity,  110  ;  Martius  on,  111, 
n. ;  Dr.  Brinton  on,  111 ;  Dr.  Meigs  on 
Santos  River  remains,  113. 
Man  of  recent  origin  in  America,  130 ; 
Lubbock's  remarks  on.  130 ;  Foster  on, 
130,  n. 

Manchester  stone  fort,  59. 
Mancos  Canon,  cliff -houses  of,  294,  285, 
298,  299 ;  watch-tower  of,  290-97,  <m ; 
cave  fortresses  of,  320-24. 
Manuscripts  of  Mayas,  421 .  Troano  MS, 

422. 
of  Mexicans,  429;  Mendoza  Codex, 

431-33. 

Maps,  Aztec  migration,  201-63. 
Marietta  mounds,  54. 
Marsh,  Prof.  O.  C.,  exploration  by,  87-9. 
Mastodon  discovered  by  Dr.  Koch,  116-18. 
Mayas,    traditional  origin  of,  chap.  v.  ; 
earliest  home,  210 ;  venerable  civiliza- 
tion,    519;    architecture    of,    340-55; 
sculpture,  384-403 ;  compared  to  Egyp- 
tian, 415;  calendar  of,  435-45;  Katun 
or  Cycle,  439-40;   Ahau  Katun,   442; 
intercalary  days,  445 ;  system  adjusted 
to  our    chronology,  443-45 ;    observa- 
tions of  Landa,   Perez,   Bancroft  and 
Delaport  on,  443-45. 
Maya-Quiche  languages  classified,    473 ; 

stability  of,  473  ;  antiquity  of,  474-5. 
Maya  Grammar,   477-79;    Maya,  Lord's 

prayer  in,  479. 
Maya  and  Hebrew  compared,  475. 

compared  to  Scandinavian  languages, 

compared    to    the  Basque,  476;    to 

West  African  languages,  477. 
Maya  writing,  see  Hieroglyphics. 
Mazatepec,  Toltec  station,  246. 
Mecitl  (or  Mixi),  Aztec  leader,  259. 
Meigs  on  mean  of  Indian  cranium,  167. 
Melgar  on  two  idols  near  Mexico,  416 ;  on 


Maya  language,  475. 
Mendminees,  '  White 


hite  Indians,"  139. 


Mexican  baptism.  462-3  ;  crania,  175. 
Calendar,  divisions  of  time,  440 ;  the 
Cycle,  446  ;  festival  of,  456 ;  months 
447 ;  New  Year,  447. 
Calendar  Stone,  450  ;  its  interpreters, 
450 ;  dates  furnished  by,  458 ;  Lunar 
reckoning,  455. 

Mexican  language,  see  Aztec  language. 
Mexico,  pyramid  of,  374 ;  sculpture  from, 
408-11 ;  vases  from,  410 ;  vases  in  the 
United  States  National  Museum,  413- 

Miami  Valley,  aboriginal  cemetery  in,  523. 

Mamisburg  mound,  52. 

Mica,  use  of  by  Mound-builders,  98. 

Michigan  mounds,  29. 

Migration,  the  first  to  America,  512. 

conditions  favorable  in  North-west, 
olo. 

Becker  on,  513-14. 

of  the  Quiches,  215. 

of  the  Toltecs,  244-251. 

of  the  Aztecs,  259-63;  of  Tarascos, 

261. 

Migration  map  of  Boturini,  433. 
of  Gemelli  Carreri,  261-63,  433. 
Gemelli  interpreted  by  Ramirez,  263. 
Minas  Geraes,  caves  of,  116. 
Mississippi  delta,  age  of,  122-24 ;  estimate 
by  Lyell,  122  ;  by  Dr.  Dowler,  133 ;  by 
Dr.  Hitchcock,  123 ;  by  Humphries  and 
Abbott,  123. 

Mississippi  mounds,  69-70,  71. 
Mitchell,  Dr.  A.,  explorations  cited,  73. 
Mitla,  antiquities  of,  361-62. 
Mixteco-Zapotec  languages,  479. 
Miztecs,  Mexican  tribe,  234. 
Mongol  colonization  of  America,  151. 
Monjas,  Casa  de,  350. 
Montezuma  Cafion,  cliff-dwellings  of,  316. 
Montezuma,  culture-hero,  333  ;  legend  of 
his  birth,  334 ;   legend  concerning  by 
Papagoes  chief,  334;   Montezuma  II., 
Mexican  emperor,  453;   languages  of 
his  empire,  480. 
Months,  Maya,  437-39. 
Monosyllabism,  495. 

Moqm  towns,  Becker  on  origin,  332 ; 
name,  333 ;  Lieutenant  Ives'  description 
of,  326-30;  pottery,  327;  interior  of 
dwellings,  328. 

Moqui  language,  Aztec  traces  in,  489. 
Mooshahueh,  Moqui  town,  328. 
Morgan,  L.   H.,  Pueblo  theory  of,  55; 

Robert  Clarke  on,  53,  n. 
Mormon  colonization  of  America,  144; 

Bancroft  on,  144. 

Morton,  Dr.,  classification  of  American 
races  by,  157-5!) ;  table  of  cranial  meas- 
urements by,  158,  n.  1 ;  views  untena- 
ble,   159-165,    516 ;    measurements    of 
Crania  Americana  classified,  161-63. 
Moody,  J.,  on  Rockford  Tablet,  44. 
Moss,  Captain,  303. 
Mosaics  at  Mitla,  362-3. 


540 


INDEX. 


Mosaic  knife,  412. 

Mosaic  deluge.  Mexican  analogies  with, 
460. 

Mound-builders,    geographical   distribu- 
tion of  works,  27 ;   Mica  mines  of, 
28 ;  copper  mines  of,  92-94. 
no  tradition  of,  102-3 ;  Mound-build- 
ers and  Indians  distinct,  65. 
language  of,  492 ;  diseases  of,  184. 

Mound-works  at  St.  Clair  river,  30;  in 
British  Columbia,  30 ;  in  Oregon,  31 ; 
Bonhomme's  island,  31 ;  Missouri  val- 
ley, 31,  33;  on  Butte  prairies,  31,  n.  1 ; 
in  Dakota,  31,  n.  2 ;  in  Wisconsin,  33 ; 
at  Davenport,  37 ;  heart  of  country,  40  ; 
St.  Louis  and  American  bottom,  41 ; 
in  Ohio,  48 ;  at  Newark,  53-55  ;  in  Wa- 
bash  valley,  57,  n.  2 ;  in  Tennessee,  53- 
63 ;  in  North  and  South  Carolina,  67 ; 
in  Mississippi,  67 ;  in  Alabama,  71 ;  in 
Georgia,  72,  73 ;  in  Missouri,  74-77 ;  in 
Louisiana,  77-79 ;  in  Texas,  78 ;  antiqui- 
ty of,  101 ;  abandonment,  101-5,  458-9 ; 
age  of  vegetation  on,  101;  of  Mancos 
Canon,  294  ;  in  Vera  Paz,  359 ;  in  Tehu- 
antepec,  360 ;  in  Vera  Cruz,  364. 

Mound  crania,  condition  of  a  measure  of 
antiquity,  105-6 ;  typical  mound  skull, 
166. 

Mound  sculptures,  187-9. 

Mugeres  Isla,  statue  from,  403. 

Muller,  Max,  471. 

Mummies  from  Peru,  186. 
from  Tennessee,  187. 

Mural  paintings  at  Chichen-Itza,  401. 

N. 

Nachan,  "  city  of  serpents,"  205. 
Nahua  architecture,  359-83. 

sculpture,  406-15. 
Nahua  Calendar,  445-459. 
writers  on,  445,  n.  3. 
analogies  with  calendars  of  Asia  and 

Egypt,  459. 

Nahua  language,  see  Aztec  language, 
ancient  and  modern,   4bO,  481,  486, 

493-4,  n.  1. 

elements  of  in  language  of  North- 
west, 491. 

the    probable   language  of    Mound- 
builders,  492. 
spoken  in  Florida,  493  ;  analogies  to, 

494. 
Nahua  nations,  origin  of,  232. 

predecessors  of  in  Mexico,  212. 
chronology  of  according  to  Codex  Chi- 
malpopoca  and  Popol  Vuh,  241,  250. 
their  arrival  at  Panuco,  242. 
extent  of  territory  in  Mexico,  248. 
migrations  of,  244,  251,  517 
southern  origin  considered,  252. 
Nahuatlacas,  seven  Nahua  tribes,  256-9. 
Naiera  on  the  Otomi  and  the  Chinese, 
494-5. 


Nashville,  Tenn.,  mounds  near,  6.3,  65,  67. 
Natchez  pelvic  bone,  discovered  by  Dr. 
Dickson,  113. 

Lyell's  observations  on,  113-14. 

Foster's  observations  on,  114,  n.  4. 
Negroid  type,  ancient,  197. 
Nempntemi,  Aztec  intercalary  days,  455. 
Neolithic  age  in  America,  23. 
Nephites,  colonists  of  America,  144. 
Newark,  Ohio,  works  at,  53-55. 
New  Jersey,  traces  of  interglacial  man  in, 

New  Madrid,  Missouri,  great  mound  near, 

75-76. 
New  Orleans,  ancient  skeleton  discovered 

at,  123. 

New  York,  ancient  forts  of,  28. 
Nezahualcoyoth,  King  of  Tezcuco,  poems 

of,  470. 

Niche  stairway,  315. 
Nootkas,  Aztec  traces  among,  486. 
Norse  discovery  of  America,  153. 
North-west,  antiquity  of  man  in,  128-9. 
Nott  and  Gliddon  on  the  origin  of  nations, 

159. 

O. 

Oajaca,  antiquities  of,  8GO-G4. 

languages  of,  479. 

Observations  on  places  of  sanctuary,  80. 
Obsidian  in  mounds,  85. 
Occupancy    of     Mississippi     valley    by 

Mound-builders,  106. 
Ocean  currents,  505. 
Ococingo,  ancient  city  in  Chiapas,  211. 

site  of,  226. 

Ohio  Archaeological  Society  report,  82,n.l. 
Ohio  mound  crania,  170-1. 
Ohio  mound- works,  47. 

estimated  number  of,  48. 
Ojo  del  Pescado,  ruins  at,  289. 
Oldtown  art,  64. 

Oldtown,  Tennessee,  mounds,  61-3. 
Olmecs,  First  Nahuas,  232-4,  518. 
destroy  the  giants,  235. 
build  Chohila,  235,  248,  264. 
Opata-Tarahumar-Pima   family    of    lan- 
guages, 488. 
Ophir,  145. 

Oraybe,  Moqui  town,  3^0. 
Ordonez,  history  of,  207. 
Oregon,  traces  of  Aztec  in,  4€0. 
Origin  of  the  Americans,  Autochthonic, 

192  et  seq. 

Origin  of  Americans  reviewed,  516. 
Origin  of  Ancient  Americans,  134, 153. 
views  of  Duran,  135 ;  L'Estrange,  186; 
Thorowgood,  136;    Garcia,  136-7; 
Herrera,   137;    Torquemada,  137; 
Pineda,  138;  Echevarria  y  Veitia, 
138;   Ulloa,  139;  Domenech,  139; 
Clavigero,  139. 

Bancroft's  summary  of  views  cited, 
139 ;  views  of  modern  authors,  201- 
2,  notes ;  of  old  world  origin,  20.3. 


INDEX. 


541 


Origin  of  the  Nahuas,  according  to  Saha- 

gun,  24:2. 
Origin  tradition  of  Mayas,  201. 

of  Quiches,  211-12. 
Orton,  President  Edward,  on  inter-glacial 

relics  in  Ohio,  126-7. 
Otomi  language   compared  to  Chinese, 

494-5. 
Oztotlan,  home  of  Aztecs,  248. 

P. 

Pacific  Continent,  508. 

Page,  J.  R.,  explorations  by,  67. 

Painted  desert,  332. 

Painting  practised  by  Mound-builders,  65. 

Palaeolithic  age  in  America,  23. 

Palenque  art  compared  with  Egyptian, 

Palenque,  centre  of  the  earliest  American 
civilization,  204,  208-9. 

Palenque,  situation,  340  ;  antiquities,  340  ; 
palace,  342 ;  architectural  features  of, 
343  ;  Tau  at,  343 ;  roofs,  344 ;  arch, 
345-6:  tower,  345:  sculpture  at,  384- 
92 ;  statue,  391. 

Panuco  (Panco,  Panutla  or  Panoaia,  Pant- 
Ian)  Mexican  port,  242. 

Papantla,  pyramid  of,  367. 

Patton,  Dr.,  on  Indiana  mounds,  57,  n.  2. 

Pecos,  New  Mexico  Pueblo,  331. 

Pentateuch,  true  chronology  of,  199. 

Peresianus  Codex,  427. 

Peruvian  crania,  175. 

Petit  Anse  Island,  remains  from,  115. 
Foster's  observations  on,  115. 
Hilgard  and  Fontaine's  report  on,  115. 

Physiognomy  of  ancient  Americans,  186. 

Phoenician  colonization  of  America,  145-6. 
George  Jones  on,  145-6. 

Picture  writing  of  Aztecs,  428-33 ;  speci- 
men from  Codex  M&ndoza,  431-2. 

Pimentel  on  Chichimec  language,  255. 

Pimentel's  classification  of  Maya  lan- 
guages, 472 ;  epitome  of  Aztec  Gram- 
mar from,  482-83. 

Pineda  on  origin  of  Americans,  133. 

Plastered  room  in  mound,  75. 

Platycnemism,  185 ;  Gillman's  discoveries 
of,  185,  n.  2. 

Plato's  Atlantis,  tradition  of,  142. 

Polynesia,  ancient  empire  of,  508. 
Baldwin  on,  508. 

Polysynthesis,  a  law  of  American  lan- 
guage, 471. 

Pomme-de-Terre  River,  Dr.  Koch's  dis- 
coveries at,  118-19. 

Pontonclian,  234. 

Pbpol  Vuh  (national  book  of  the  Quiches), 
212,  n.  2. 
second  division  of,  221. 

Pottery  from  the  cliff-houses,  327. 

Powell,  Major  J.  W.,  explorations,  285- 
287. 

Pratt,  W.  H.,  explorations  by,  42,  n.  2. 


Pre-Columbian    colonization,   views    on, 

141-154. 
Progress,  architectural,  in  mound-works, 

79-80. 

Prophecy,  analogies  of,  464. 
Ptolemy  cited,  497. 
Pueblo'civilization,  extent  of,  233. 

architecture,  chap.  vii. 

transition  in  style,  284. 
Pueblos  of  New  Mexico,  330-1. 

in  ruins,  331. 
Pueblo  Pintado,  291. 

Pueblos,  the,  and  Aztecs,  331,  and  mound- 
builders,  332  ;  architecture  and  remains 
compared,  333 ;  creation  and  flood  and 
Babel  myths  of,  335-6. 
Puente  Nacional,  pyramid  at,  365. 
Putnam,  F.  W.,  explorations  by,  57, 65, 67. 

explorations  in  Tennessee,  176. 
Pyramid,  the  American,  341. 

structure  according  to  Bancroft,  341. 

of  Tehuantepec,  360. 

of  Puento  Nacional,  365. 

of  Centla,  366. 

of  El  Castillo,  366. 

of  Tusipan,  367. 

of  Papantla,  367. 

of  Cholula,  368. 

of  Xochicalco,  370-73. 

of  Mexico,  374. 

of  Teotihuacan,  875-9. 


Quemada,  Los  edificios  of,  379-81. 

Quiche  architecture,  355-9. 

Quiche-Cakchiquel  languages,  476. 

Quinames  (Quinametin),  232 ;  first  inhab- 
itants of  Mexico,  245 ;  their  destruc- 
tion, 233. 

Quiche  poetry,  515. 

Quiches  reputed  to  be  Carthaginians,  226. 

Quiches,  Maya  nation,  211 ;  origin  tradi- 
tion, 211-12 ;  creation  myth,  213  ;  crea- 
tions of  men,  214 ;  migrations,  215 ; 
deities  of,  turned  to  stone,  216 ;  heroic 
age  of,  220. 

Quetzalcoatl,  culture  hero,  219,  237; 
traditions  of,  267-71;  from  Hue  hue 
Tlapalan,  267 ;  priest  and  God  of  Tol- 
tecs,  268 ;  habits,  268 ;  author  of  let- 
ters and  Mexican  calendar,  268;  his 
enemy,  269 ;  departure  from  Tulla,  270 ; 
reign  at  Cholula,  270  ;  departure  to  the 
East,  271;  expectation  of  his  return, 
271 ;  origin  of  legends  concerning  him, 
272,  394,  457 ;  nationality,  464 ;  positive 
morality,  515 ;  discovery  of  maize,  242. 

Quiyahuitztlan,  Anahuac,  Toltec  station, 
SM0H 

R. 

"Raised  Beeches,"  discovered  by  Alex- 
ander Agassiz,  504. 
Ramirez,  on  Aztec  migration  map,  263. 


542 


INDEX. 


Rau,  Charles,  on  Mexican  copper  mining, 
94,  n.  2. 

on  aboriginal  trade,  98. 
Red  Man,   antiquity  of,  22 ;   traditions, 

22. 
Read,  M.  C.,  on  Grave  Creek  Tablet  cited, 

87,  n. 

Religious  analogies,  459-68. 
Religion  of  the  Quiches,  212. 

a  war  of,  226. 
Remains  at  Santos  River,  Brazil,   Lyell 

and  Meigs  on  antiquity  of,  113. 
Reviellagigedo,  viceroy  to  Mexico,  453. 
Report  of  Ohio  Archaeological  Society, 

82,  n.  1. 
Retzius,  on  Morton's  measurements,  165. 

on  Mexican  crania,  175,  n. 
River  Rouge  mound,  29. 

crania  from,  167-S. 
River  Terraces,  mound-works  on,  103. 

Mr.  Baldwin's  views,  103. 

Foster's  view,  104,  n.  1. 
Rock  shelters  in  San  Juan  Canon,  C09. 

in  Montezuma  Canon,  316. 
"Rockford  Tablet,"  44. 
Room  plastered  in  mound,  75. 
Rosny,  M.  Leon  de,  essay  by,  425-26. 

key  to  hieratic  writings  of  Mayas,  427. 
Ross  County  (Ohio)  works,  48. 
Roque,  Father,  observations  on  Aztec,  486. 
Russell,  G.  P.,  explorations  by,  87-89. 


Sabine  worship,  40-85. 

Sacrifices,  human,  273,  452-53. 

Sacrificial  mounds,  83-6;  stratified  ac- 
cording to  Squier  and  Davis,  84 ;  strati- 
fication denied  by  Prof.  Andrews,  83. 

Sacrifices,  probably  human,  39. 

Sahagun's  account  of  the  first  Nahuas, 
240-6. 

Salado  Rio,  antiquities  of,  233. 

Salinas  River,  283.      , 

Sadelmair,  discoveries  of,  283. 

Salisbury,  Stephen,  cited,  396-401. 

Salish  family  of  languages,  Aztec  ele- 
ment in,  492. 

Sanctuary,  places  of,  80. 

Sandals  of  Chaac-Mol,  398. 

San  Juan  Canon,  cliff -dwellings  of,  307. 
Echo  Cave  in,  310-11. 

San  Miguel  Valley,  antiquities  of,  275-7. 

Savage  Art,  unity  in  style  of,  196. 

Scandinavian  and  Mexican  analogies,  466. 
discovery  of  America,  22,  153 ;  . 
Prof.  Rafn  on,  153. 

Schools  of  Tezcuco,  4S1. 

Sculpture,  from  mounds,  382 ;  at  Palen- 
que,  384-92 ;  Uxmal,  393-95  ;  Chichi-n- 
Itza,  398-403 ;  Copan,  405 ;  Monte  Al- 
ban,  406 ;  at  Tusapan,  407 ;  Xochicalco, 
408 ;  at  Mexico,  409-10. 

Sculptures  from  the  mounds,  187-9. 


Seltzertown  pyramidal  mound,  72. 
Separate  creation    theory,    Morton    and 
Agassiz's  views  of,  157-9  ;  groundless, 
191.    Sepulture,  mounds  of,  86-88. 
"Serpents,"  kingdom  of,  222. 
Serpent  Temple,  394 ;  symbol,  419,  272 ; 
Serpent-work,  Adams  county,  Ohio,  34. 
"Seven  Caves,"  215,  219,  248,  264-66. 
Shaler,    Prof.,  on   Dr.   Abbott's  discov- 
eries, 128. 
Shell  heaps  on  Atlantic   sea-board,   28, 

106-7. 
fresh  water  of,    107-9;    in   Florida, 

107. 

Prof.  Wyman  on,  106-8;  Dr.  Brin- 
ton  on,  107;  on  Pacific  coast,  109; 
examination  by  Paul  Schumacher, 
109. 

Shoshone-Comauche  languages,  489 ;  Az- 
tec elements  in,  492. 

Signal  Systems  of  the  Mound-builders,  52. 
on  Great  Miami  River,  52. 
Squier  and  Davis  on,  53. 
Skrellings,  22. 
Sorcery  practised  upon  Xibalban  kings, 

Spain's  state  of  learning  in  17th  century, 

Squier  and  Davis,  estimate  of  number  of 
mound -works  in  Ohio,  48 ;  classifica- 
tion of  mound-works  by,  81. 

Squier  on  Newark  works,  53. 

Stations,  of  Toltec  migration,  244-46; 
of  Aztec  migration,  according  to  Vey- 
tia,  Tezozomoc  and  Clavigero,  260 ; 
names  interpreted  by  Humboldt,  261, 
n.  3. 

Statuettes  in  National  Museum,  415. 

St.  Clair  River  mounds,  30. 

Stephens  and  Catherwood,  explorations, 
chap,  viii,  passim. 

Steinthal,  Prof.,  classification  of  lan- 
guages by,  471,  n.  4. 

Stevenson,  M.  F.,  description  of  mounds 
by,  72. 

St.  Francis  Valley  mounds,  74. 

St.  Louis,  mound-wrorks  at,  40,  73. 

Stone  Age  in  New  Jersey,  26 ;  Dr.  Abbott 
on,  26. 

Stone  coffins,  burial  in,  60. 

Stone  implements  from  Bridger  basin, 
Wyoming,  24,  n.  1. 

Stone  graves  in  Tennessee,  60 ;  in  Indi- 
ana, 57. 

Stone  tubes  used  by  Mound-builders,  96. 

St.  Patrick  in  America,  152. 

Stucco  reliefs  at  Palenque,  384-88. 

Sun-dried  brick,  75;  wall  of  at  Seltzer- 
town,  72 ;  in  Phillips  County,  Missouri, 
75. 

Sun,  tablet  of,  392. 
symbol  of,  395. 

Sun  worship,  40,  85. 

Swallow,  Prof.,  explorations  by,  75. 

Syphilis  among  Mound-builders,  184. 


INDEX. 


543 


T. 


Tabasco,  ancient  civilization  of,  203. 

Tablet  of  cross,  390;  of  sun,  89J ;  at 
Chichen-Itza,  398. 

Tablet,  Rockf ord,  44 ;  Cincinnati,  44. 

Tablets  at  Palenque,  381-90. 

Table  Mountain,  cranium  from,  125. 

Tamoanchan,  city  of  Tobasco,  241,  243. 

Tarahumara,  language  of  North  Mexico, 
487. 

Tarascos,  migrations  of,  261. 

"Taylor  mound,"  the,  87-89. 

Tehuantepec,  antiquities  of,  359-GO  ;  lan- 
guage of,  479. 

Tegua,  Moqui  pueblo,  326. 

Temple  base  near  Nashville,  62. 

Temple  of  Mexico,  374. 

Tennessee  mound- works,  58;  explora- 
tions of  Prof.  Jones  in,  58-65  ;  of  Prof. 
Putnam,  65-67. 

Tennessee  mound  crania,  171-4. 

Tennessee  Valley  mounds,  71 ;  Mr.  Foun- 
tain on,  71. 

Teo-Culhuacan,  259-60,  265,  266. 

Teotihuacan,  pyramids  of,  375-79 ;  com- 
pared with  Egypt,  375,  382,  383. 

Teotihuacan,  sacred  city  of,  234,  243,  266. 

Tepanecs,  Nahua  tribe,  256. 

Tepetla,  Toltec  station,  246. 

Tepehuana,  language  of  North  Mexico, 
487. 

Terra  Cotta,  figure  from  Isla  Mugeres, 
403. 

Terminos,  Laguna  de,  234. 

Tezcatlipoca,  bloody  god  of  the  Nahuas. 
269-70  ;  sorcery  of,  269. 

Tezcuco,  schools  of,  481. 

Tezpi,  flood  myth,  263,  n. 

Tezquil  nation,  208. 

Texas  mounds,  78. 

Theban  calendar  compared  to  the  Aztec, 
459. 

Thomas,  Dr.,  on  Dakota  mounds,  31-2. 
Gen.  H.  W.  on  same,  32 ;  low  type 
skull  cited,  12S,  n.  5,  167. 

Thomson,  Sir  C.  Wyville,  on  Atlantic 
land  ridge,  502-3. 

Thompson,  Dr.  J.  P.,  on  Usher's  chronol- 
ogy, 201. 

Thorowgood  on  origin  of  ancient  Ameri- 
cans, 136. 

Thorwald,  Ericson,  22. 

Tibire,  flattened,  30. 

Time,  Absolute  and  Relative,  200. 

Tlacamitzin,  Toltec  chief,  244. 

Tlachicatzin,  city  in  Hue  hue  Tlapalan, 
245. 

Tlahuicas,  Nahua  tribe,  256. 

Tlaloc,  Aztec  i-ain-god,  457. 

Tlapalans,  four,  252  ;  Bancroft  and  Bras- 
seur's  views  upon,  251-2. 

Tlapallan  de  Cortes,  251 ;  location  of  ex- 
amined, 251. 

Tlapallanconco,  Toltec  station,  245. 


Tlascatecs,  Nahua  tribe,  republic  of,  257. 

Tobil  (Quiche  deity),  215. 

Tollan,  Toltec  capital,  218,  246. 

Toltec  migration,  244,  251 ;  migration  ac- 
cording to  Becker,  248-50 ;  according 
to  Ixtlilxochitl,  244-46,  250 ;  accounts 
examined,  246. 

Toltec  flood  myth,  238. 

Toltecs,  origin  according  to  Ixtlilxochitl, 
239. 

southern  origin  considered,  252;  out- 
lines of  history,  254 ;  annals,  Ban- 
croft's resume  of,  255. 

Tomlinson's  report  on  Grave  Creek 
mound,  87. 

Tongues,  confusion  of,  238. 

Totonacs,  Mexican  nation,  234. 

Totzapan,  246. 

Tower  of  Mancos  Canon,  297-300 ;  McEl- 
mo,  324 ;  at  Chichen,  Mayapan  and 
Tuloom,  355. 

Toxpan,  Toltec  station,  245. 

Trade  winds,  508  ;  agents  in  the  discovery 
of  America,  506. 

Tradition  (Indian)  valueless,  102. 
Dr.  Foster  on,  10,3. 
of  Nahua  Mound-builders,  Becker  on, 
102-3,  n. 

Tradition  and  History  and  their  scope, 
109-10. 

Tradition  of  uncertain  value,  204. 

Trinity  myth  in  Yucatan,  231. 

Troano  MS,  422. 

Tula  (Tulha  or  Tulan),  211. 

sculptured  column  from,  413. 

Tulan,  215-16  ;  four  in  number,  217-18. 

Tulancingo  (Tollancingo),  Mexican  city, 

Tulaii-Zuiva,  215.  264-66,  248. 

Tumuli  of  Vera  Paz,  359 ;  Tehuantepec, 

360. 
Vera  Cruz,  364. 

Tusapan,  antiquities  of,  367. 

Typical  mound  skull,  166. 

Tzendal,  language  of  Chiapas,  dialect  of 
the  Maya,  206. 

Tzendel,  a  Maya  dialect,  the  oldest  Amer- 
ican language,  473. 

U. 

Uraeus,  Egyptian  symbol,  467. 

Ural-Altaic  languages  compared  to  In- 
dian tongues,  496. 

Usher,  Bishop,  chronology  of  faulty,  199. 

Usumacinta  Valley,  the  seat  of  most  an- 
cient American  civilization,  203. 

Utah  languages,  489-90. 

Utatlan,  Quiche  city,  227 ;  antiquities  of, 
358. 

Utes,  the  enemies  of  the  cliff-dwellers, 
303. 

Uxmal,  architectural  remains,  347-52. 
arches  and  roofs,  349-50. 
sculpture,  393 ;  Facades  at,  394. 
Le  Plongeon's  observations  on,  457. 


544 


INDEX. 


V. 


Valentin!,  Dr.  Ph.,  interpretation  of  Mex- 
ican Calendar  Stone,  453-59 ;  on  analo- 
gies in  geographical  names,  497. 

Vancouver's  Island,  Aztec  termination 
used,  490 ;  elements  in,  491. 

Vases  from  Casas  Grandes,  278 ;  burial 
from  Mexico,  410  ;  after  Waldeck,  410 ; 
from  National  Museum,  414-15. 

Vater,  on  the  Aztec  language,  486-90. 

Vega,  Bishop  Nunez  de  la,  206. 

Vegetation,  age  of  on  mounds,  lOi ;  rela- 
tion between  American  and  Asiatic,  513. 

Vera  Paz,  mounds  of,  359. 

Verda  Rio,  antiquities  of,  284. 

Verrezano,  22. 

Vespucius,  22. 

Voc,  mythical  personage,  222. 

Votan  (culture  hero),  tradition  of  cited, 

138-9,  145,  204. 
document  written  by,  206-10. 

Vucub-Cakix,  Xilbalban  monarch,  223. 

Vucab-Came,  224. 

Vukub-Hunapu,  Quiche  chief,  222. 

W. 

Wabash  Valley,  mounds  in,  57,  n.  2. 

Watch-tower  of  the  Mancos,  300. 

Waterbury  Mine,  91. 

Waynesville,  Ohio,  inter-glacial  relics 
from,  126. 

Welsh  discovery  of  America,  154. 

Whipple,  Lieut.,  explorations  by,  284. 

4 '  Whiteman's-land, ' '  152. 

Whittlesey,  Col.,  on  Shelter  Caves,  26. 
on  ancient  copper  mines,  91,  94. 

Wilson,  Dr.  Daniel,  cranial  measurements 
tabulated,  164;  observations  by,  on  Mor- 
ton's theory,  165,  n.  2 ;  examinations  of 
Peruvian  crania  by,  176;  on  head-flat- 
tening, 180-2;  on  Cincinnati  Tablet, 
47. 

Wisconsin  mound-works,  33 ;  effigy  and 
animal  mounds  of,  33. 

Worship  of  sun,  40. 


Writing,  systems  of,  see  Hieroglyphics. 
Wyman,  Jeffries,  on  shell-heaps  of  Flori- 
da, 155-8. 

X. 

Xalisco,  Toltec  station,  245. 

Xan,  Quiche  messenger,  224. 

Xbalanque,  Quiche  hero,  222-3. 

Xelhua,  builder  of  Cholula,  236. 

Xibalba,  kingdom  of  Votanites,  tradition 
of  fall,  220-26 ;  date  of,  227 ;  fall  of,  a 
theme  for  poetry,  515 ;  hatred  of,  221. 

Xicalancas,  234 ;  origin  of,  234. 

Xicalanco,  Mexican  city,  234. 

Xmucane,  222-3. 

Xochicalco,  pyramid  of,  370-3. 

Xochimilcos,  Nahua  tribe,  256. 

Xpiyacoc,  222. 

Xquiq,  Xibalban  princess,  223. 


Yamkally  language,  traces  of  Aztec  in, 

490. 

Yaqui,  Mexican  tribe,  219. 
Yazoo  Valley  mounds,  71. 
Yellowstone,  mounds  of,  31. 
Yond  Mountain,  73. 
Yucatan,    origin  of  population,  229-30; 

Greek  gods  in,  467. 
Yztachnexucha,  246. 


Zacotlan,  Toltec  station,  246. 

Zamna,  Maya  culture  hero,  229-30. 

Zapotecs,  Mexican  nation,  234 ;  antiqui- 
ties of,  360-64. 

Zarate,  on  the  Aztec,  486. 

Zayi,  Casa  Grande  of,  353. 

Zipacua,  Xibalban  warrior,  222. 

Ziuhcohuatl,  Toltec  station,  246. 

Zumarraga,  destruction  of  Aztec  MS.  by, 
429. 

Zuni,  description  of,  288-S9 ;  Valley,  Pue- 
blos of,  288. 

Zutugil,  language,  476. 


